ماهنامه مثلث شماره 29

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻧﻬﻢ ‪ 9/‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥﻭﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﻃﺮﺡﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺳﺠﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ 3 ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘـﻪ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤـﻮﺡ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻗـﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴـﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒـﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷـﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻔﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪10.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺟﻤﻼﺕﺩﻭﺭﻩﻳﻚﻭﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻟﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺑﻪﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕﺑﺪﻭﻥﻣﺠﻮﺯﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻭﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﺟﺎﺭﻱﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻋﻤﻞﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪16...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻄﺮﻩ‪18.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪19...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟‪20..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪21......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‪22..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻔﻜﺮﻋﻘﻞﺳﻮﺯﺣﻖﺳﻮﺯﻭﻓﻘﻪﺳﻮﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪23.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪25.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ!‪26...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪28....................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪24..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪37...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪38......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ )‪40......................................................(2‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪42..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪44..............................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪45.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪46.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪47........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‪48.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪50....................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺱ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪52..........................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻔﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 10.‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﺮﮔﻴﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪32...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪33....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪34.............................‬‬ ‫‪11‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ‪36............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻭ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪54......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻏﺮﻭﺭ‪56.................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪60............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ‪62.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰﻫﺎ‪64...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺮﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ)ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ(‪،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ)ﻗﻔﺲﺭﻧﺞ(‪،‬ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ)ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﻤﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ )ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ( ﻭ ﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ )ﭘﺮﺷﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺭﻣﺎﻥ»ﭘﻮﺵ«ﺍﺯﺳﺎﻓﻴﺮ(ﻛﻪﭘﻨﺞﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪66...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪68......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ‪71......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ»ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺷــﻲء« ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ‪80.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪81.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪83............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺽ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﻲﺍﺵ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺻﻒ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ -‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ‪-‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ)ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ( ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺞﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸــﺎء ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪86..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺶﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪88.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‪90........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻏﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 29‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪92........................................................................................‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ‪93....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺽ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ‪94..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪95..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺖ؟‪96............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮ ﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪97...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻢ‪98......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺐ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﷲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺯﺣﻤﺖﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﻋﺎﻟﻢﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻋﺎﻟﻢ« ﻭ »ﻣﻬﺬﺏ« ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥﭼﻪﺁﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺁﺩﻡﺷﺪﻥﭼﻪﻣﺸﻜﻞ«ﺻﺤﻴﺢﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻼ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻮﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﺫﺑﺎﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻥﺑﺑﺎ ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ـ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪38‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳـ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰﻣﻨﻄ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻛﻔﺶ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺨﺴ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 21‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ )پ ﻙ ﻙ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭ ‪ 207‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﮋﻭ ‪ 207‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ »ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺍﻋﻼﻣﻰﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ »ﭘﮋﻭ – ﺳﻴﺘﺮﻭﺋﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪»:‬ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﮋﻭ – ﺳﻴﺘﺮﻭﺋﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﮋﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﮋﻭﻯ »‪ 207‬ﺁﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫)ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ (1388‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞﺍﺯ»ﭘﻴﺌﺮﻓﻮﺭﺕ«ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﭘﮋﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﮋﻭ ‪ 207‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺍﻳﻦﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖﺍﻳﻦﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ‪ 15500‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 19000‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺤﻂﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﭙﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﭙﺮﺳﺖﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺖﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻛﻪﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺍﺗﻤﻰﺳﻮﺍﻝﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻃﻰﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﺳﻮﺧﺖﺭﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻭﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻣﺎﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﻃﺮﻑﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﺳﻮﺧﺖﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﭙﺮﺳﺖﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻮﺭﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵﻃﺮﻑﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺭﺍﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﻭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﺻﻼﺡﺁﻥﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﭙﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﺳﻮﺧﺖﺭﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﺣﺘﻤﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ« ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪ 120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧــﻰ ﺑﻼﻋــﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻳــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺴﺶ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻋﻮﺽ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ‪ 30‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻛﻠﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ« ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻨﺞﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥﻃﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺁﻧﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺷﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ »ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ« ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻠﻴ‬ ‫‪ 82‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪82‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘــﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ( ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮءﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺰﺭﻭﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻨﻠﮕﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺒــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺷﻬﺮﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻏﻴﺐ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ -‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪ 1300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺤﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺷﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺒــﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1366‬ﻭ ‪ ،1367‬ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺜﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﻛﺎﺗﻴﻮﺷﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺼﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺷﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺠﺪﻩﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻨﺴــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺯﻡﻧﺎﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﮕﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻡﻧﺎﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺸــﺖﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﻨﺎﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺳﺒﻼﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﻧﻮﺑﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1971‬ﻭ ‪ 1972‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺳــﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻰﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1388‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺷــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﺎﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ – ﺿﺪ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ – ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒــﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ‪ -‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﺷــﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺎﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺿﻌــﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺳـﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰﺍﺭﺗﺶﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺣﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰء ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﻭﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻭ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﺠﺴــﺘﻴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻭﭼﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﺒﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺯﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺳﺎﺧﺖﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦﺑﺎﭼﻪﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻝﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷــﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻣﺤﻀﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺳﺒﺪ ﻳﮕﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺷﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻴﻬﺰﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ »ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؛ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻭﺭﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺁﻣــﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﻗﻠــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣــﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ – ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺑﺮﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺳــﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲﮔﺮﻡﻛﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔــﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﻭﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ‪ ...‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻﺣﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﭘﺲﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻫﻴﺴﺘﻮﺭﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻏﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻧﻮﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺶ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﺸﻜﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﺶ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﺪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻳــﺶﺭﺍﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺒﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﭼﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒــﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻠﺶ ﻣﻰﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﺴﺒﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ – ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ – ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 127‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺠﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1360‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻓﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺸــﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺎﻟﺘﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻦﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺳــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻚﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻨﺒــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ« ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﺼﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻤــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1387‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ‪325‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ )‪ (1387‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺯﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻭ »ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻪﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺛﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﺻﺒﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺿﺤﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳــﻴﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺗﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﺯﻭﮔﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘــﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻭﻋﻆ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﺟﻨﮓﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮﻯﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈــﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﻃﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﭙﻮﻟﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﻰﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻣﺰﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﺖ)ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ )ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ( ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ‪ /‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻓﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻫﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺁﭘﺎﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﺤﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻓﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍﻭﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻰ« ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻋﺸﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﻧــﻜﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪﻯ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫)ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﺍﺵ( ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؛ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ )ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺺ ‪.(11-15‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺨﻦﻓﺮﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ »ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ«‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺴــﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓِﺮﻕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 138‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻼﺟﻘﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 303‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 188‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺜﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻏﻼﻁ ﭼﺎﭘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫــﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﻀﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺁﻥﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚﺭﻳﮕﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰﺑﺎﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻮچﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﻳﮕــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟــﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲﭘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﺱ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ »ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺭﻳﮕﻰ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻮﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻨﻮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻬﺮﺍﺯﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺸــﺎﺩﺯﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺰﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺸﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ« ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ!« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻂﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ‪9‬ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﺴﺪ ﻓﻰﺍﻻﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ ‪ 21‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ‪ 11‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪ 16،1387‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻭﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨــﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ« ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻗﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 60 ،50 .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺰﺍﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫)ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﺑﻮﺱ( ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖ »ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻗﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐ ‪ 23‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 85‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻴﭙﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻗﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻇﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﮕــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﮕــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺸــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻪ ﻧﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻟﻜﻪ ﻧﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻏﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻟﻜﻪ ﻧﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺛﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ‪22‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺶﺳــﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟــﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟــﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺶﺳــﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﮓ ﻗﻼﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺛﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻄﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺳﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺯﺍﺋﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻛﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﺑﺮﻭﺯﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲﺧﻮﺩﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﻫﻢﺍﺯﺁﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻢﺯﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻭﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻲﻧﻘﺸﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺮﺯﻱﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﺮﻭﺯﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﻃﺒﻌــﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟــﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺳــﻨﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﻮ »ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻲ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ »ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﺎﻥﭘﺮﻛﻦ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺫﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻻﻳﻪ‪ -‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﺘﻨــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻼﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺛﻤﺮ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪«!...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺟﻠــﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 31‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﻨﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻯ ﺁﺑﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣـﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺘﻲ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗـﻲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔـﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ ﺍﺻـﻞ ‪99‬ﺑﺮﻋﻬـﺪﻩ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪110‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪99‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ..‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠـﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﺮﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣــﺪﻭﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺫﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻗــﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟــﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣـﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻫﺸــﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﻕﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻭﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ژﻧﺮﺍﻟــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ! ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺿﺪﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺫﺍﻛﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﻻﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺣﺴﻴﻦﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻲﺳــﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻗــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ -32‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺿﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺧﺎﻟﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻮﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1362‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤــﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ )ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(( ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺬﻟﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﮕﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺒــﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ؛ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ » :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1341‬ﻭ ‪ 1342‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ‪17-18‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﻓﻌﻠﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ( ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋــﺎﺩﻝ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﺪﻱ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕــﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻨــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫــﻢ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﺣﺠﺘﻴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﮓﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﺖﺍﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸــﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻘﻞﺳﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺳﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪﺳﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻋﻘﻞﺳﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖﺳﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪﺳﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻـﻒ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻳـﺺ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳـﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳـﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬـﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘـﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﻋــﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻼﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻰﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻰﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰءﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫــﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞﺳﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖﺳﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪﺳــﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺫﺑﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳــﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺳﻮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﻮﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻬــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻙﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﺶﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﺎﺋــﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻙﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻮﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻛﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻣﺸـﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺰءﻧﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻻﺷﻴﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻓﻬﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴـﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺒﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﻥﺩﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﻌﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺣﺠﺖ)ﻋﺞ( ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒــﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺠﺘﻴـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺎﺯﻝ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﻘﻪﺳﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺳــﻮﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳـﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻏﻨــﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯﺗﻮﺩﺭﺗﻮﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖﺍﻣﺎﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻣﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻫﻴﭻﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﺒـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‪ 1332‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬـﺪﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤـﻦ ﺟـﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴـﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺩﻭﺭﻱﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻲﺍﻳﻦﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻗﺸﺮﻱﻭﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱﺑﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﺑﻪﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺸﻲﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺭژﻳﻢﺑﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻞﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1327‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﻮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢﺍﺯﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 32‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤـﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀـﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 40‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺠــﺖ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻲﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸـﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺿﺪﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴـﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴـﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﺁﺷﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫــﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭژﻳـﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲﮔﺮﻱ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄــﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﺣﺠﺘﻴـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓـﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ؟ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻟﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫــﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺸــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻔـﻮﺫ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷـﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷـﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﺣﺠﺖ)ﻋﺞ( ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ!‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﮔﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 12) 1336‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ (1958‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﻨﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ )ﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻫﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻜﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷــﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺗﻴﭗ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭﺯﺑﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺘﺎﻗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1320‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ« ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬﺵ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻴﻒ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺘــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﭙﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﭙﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺗﭙﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻴﻪ«‪ .‬ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺗﻴــﭗ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺯﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﭘﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﮕﻮﺩﺭﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺪﻣﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .1956‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤــﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻻﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺪﻙﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺪﻙﻛﺸــﻲ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ :‬ﻟﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫)ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ /1958‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 1336‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ(‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺰﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺩﺁﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﭘــﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ Rhode Island‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ NBC‬ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ WJAR‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ CNN‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ CNN .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ CNN‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1983‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ‪ CNN‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1994‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺒﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻚ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﮔﺎﺩﻳﺸﻮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪1992‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻲﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭘﺴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ژﺍﻙ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻙ ‪) 2003‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ‪ ،2003‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ‪ ،1999‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ‪2001‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ‪ 2000‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪،1376‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1379‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻮﺭﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ«‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳــﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ( ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳــﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠــﺎﺯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸــﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺤﺸــﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﻲﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺟﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺸــﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧــﺪﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺏﻭﺷــﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭ؛ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰ ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺿﺮﺏﻭﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗــﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ‪ 17‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻤﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﺒﺎﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ )ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺷــــﺪﻩ ﺗــﺎ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ »ﺩﺍﻟﺲ« ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺟﻼﻟﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌــﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳـﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 31‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻛﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴـﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺛـﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷـﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳـﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻧﻖﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺯﺍﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ‪ sms‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥﺳﻮﺯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 67‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻲﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻋﻘﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﻓﻬﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳــﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻣﺜﻼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸـﻢ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻠﻂ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻋﻤﻴــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻲﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻛــﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺿﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺒﻪﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ؟ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﺩﻳﺪﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﺯﻫﻴﺌﺖﻭﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺗﻮﺩﻩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕﻣﺜﺒﺖﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﻳﺎﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻛﻪﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﻨﻲﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪﻣﺘﺨﻠﻖﺑﻪﺍﺧﻼﻕﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺧﻼﻕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺭﺍﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺭﺍﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻔﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 10.‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﺮﮔﻴﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺧﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻚ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸــﻌﻞ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺣــﻲ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2010‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺘﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺗﺎﻧﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻔﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 10 .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﺖ« ﻫﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻩﮔﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺎﻳﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺟﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ 99 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻞ ﺭﻭﺗﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ )ﺣﻤﺎﺱ( ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ )ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﻳﮕﺪﻭﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻣﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﺭﻛــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﺮ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﻳﮕﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴــﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑــﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ »ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ« ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐﺷﺪﻩﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺗﻨﺪﻯﺍﺯﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﻳﻦﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳـﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺿﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻌﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻟﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺑﺎﻗﻰﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﭘﻠﻴﺲﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﭘﻠﻴﺲﺩﺑﻰﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻣﻞﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﻳﻚﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻛﺎﻣﻞﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﻫﻢﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺭﺍﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺻﺤﻨﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩﺑﺎﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺍﺯﺑﺪﻭﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞﻫﻢﺗﺤﺖﻓﺸﺎﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺷـﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺷــﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺘــﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯﺣﻤﺎﺱﺩﺭﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻛﻞﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰﻛﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺩﺭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺑﺎﺗﺮﻭﺭﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺻﻔﺎ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﺒﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘـﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷـﻲ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻔـﺖ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺋﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤـﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤـﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺷـﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺳـﺎﻛﻦ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃـﺎﺕ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺑـﻲ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳـﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺷـﻮﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠـﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ )ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺳـﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺌﻴﺮﺩﺍﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻋﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﺪﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺯﻱ ﻻﻧﺪﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1989‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1989‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗـﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1989‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮﻙ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴـﻘﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻦ )ﺣﻤﺎﺱ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕﺟﻨﮕﻲﻭﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲﺩﺷﻤﻦﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻋﻠﻴﻪﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ » :‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻋﺎﻣـﻼﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1948‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﺪﻫﺎﺗــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺠﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳـﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﺳـﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳـﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﺑﺮﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺗﺮﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﺑﺪﻫﺪﻳﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺳﻌﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﺎﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺳـﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨـﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺣﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸـﻌﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻰﻫﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﻭﺑﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﺭﺍﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺸﻜﻞﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻔﺲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﻟﺪﻣﺸﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺩﺭﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺋﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻌﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ‪ 11‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ )ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑــﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧــﺬ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻌﻠــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍ ﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘــﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺩﺑﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﭘﻜــﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻜﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ‪ 74‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰﻃﻠﺐ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺘﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻻﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲﻻﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ژﺍﺋﻮﻛﺴﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ؛ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺒﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲﻻﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﺮﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻻﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺟﻴــﻦ ﺗﺎﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺸـﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1940‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2020‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 2030‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﮓ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴـﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰﻻﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻫﺮﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﻬﻤﻰﺩﺭﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻨﺶﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ )‪(2‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲﻻﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺗﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﭘﻜﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﮔﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻭﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 5‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2010‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﻭﺭﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺒﺮ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﻧﮓ ﺯﻳﺎﺋﻮﭘﻨﮓ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺣﺒــﺎﺏ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺒﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 350‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﭘﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻭﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﺩ ﻻﻳﻦ« ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺒــﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢﺭﻣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 19‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ‪97‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷــﺒﻪﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕــﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻟــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ) ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻣﻦﺍﻻﺋﻤﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻲﺍﻟﻤﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ؛ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼــﺎﺭﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ! ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﺶ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺤﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤـﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻭﻧﻴﻢﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠـﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﺸـﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳـﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪1190‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤـﻼ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺑﺎﭼﻨﺪﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻣﺎﻟﻲﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴـﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢﺭﻣﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧـﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ‪ 1190‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠــﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧـﻚ ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧـﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﻮﻗـﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻟــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻧـﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌـﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻـﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳﻜﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳــﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 100‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺰﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧـﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳـﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺷـﺐ ﻋﻴـﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺷــﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﻧــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱﻣﻬﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠـﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﻘﻲﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﺑـﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ! ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،83‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻨﻪ )‪19‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ( ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 62‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺑﻪﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴـﻨﻪ ﺑـﺰﺭگ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 83‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﻭﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﺟﻊﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪17‬ﺳﺎﻝﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺩﺍﺭﺩﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖﺁﻥﺑﺎﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﺟﺪﻳﺪﺯﺣﻤﺎﺗﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻌﺎﻥﻭﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 83‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺑﻪﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﺎﻣﻼﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻋﻤﻞﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺭﺍﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﭼﻮﻥﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺶﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻮﺭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻟﻘﺎﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﺎﻣﻼﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻌﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺩﺭﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﺩﺭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺑﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭼﻨـﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺴـﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺗـﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﺳـﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﭘﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﮔﺴــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 11‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭچﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 220‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،84‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 4/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋـﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 37‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳـﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘـﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴـﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﺟﻮﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳـﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳــﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗــﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺶ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻨــﺪﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ 105‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪83-84‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨــﻰ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺪﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 118‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 900‬ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 46‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 12/05‬ﻭ ‪ 2/82‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 44‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 800‬ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 182‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 9/75‬ﻭ ‪ 2/78‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 35/28‬ﻭ ‪ 11/55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻨــﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ‪ 0/3‬ﺩﻻﺭ )ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪300‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪) 0/4‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 400‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺮﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻴــﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮپ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 697‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪356‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 643‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪575‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 184‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 132‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 84‬ﺗﺎ ‪18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪28‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ‪ 26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ‪ 84‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪ 31‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪299‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 67‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 161‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 487‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 176 ،87‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 673‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 63‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 47‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪ 69‬ﻭ ‪ 156‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؛ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 697‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 97‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 34‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 97‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ‪ 17‬ﻭ ‪ 66‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 34‬ﻭ ‪ 97‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 84‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 88‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1387 ،1386 ،1385‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ‪ 10 -11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ‪ 10 -11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 36‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 38‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ‪2/5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗــﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ 991‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 819‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ‪ 96‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ 30 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪246‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 301‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 437‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺷـﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳـﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠـﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴـﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺟﻬﺶﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 3/5‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺸﺖﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ‪1404‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ‪،1404‬‬ ‫‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪1400‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺁﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺁﺑﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺿــﻰ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗــﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﻭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68 ،68‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ‪102‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻨﺪﻡﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 3/5‬ﺗﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ 3/5‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ 500‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗــﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻭﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﻤﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ 93‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕـﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 86‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ‪ 200 -300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 1400‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻣﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 905‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 700‬ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺱ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﻃﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟﻮﺵ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻠﻰ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙ ﻏﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﺧﻔﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﻜﺎﭼﻚ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺷﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺧﺴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ ﺳﻮﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﺑﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1375‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 1385‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺮگ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻛﻠﻜﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 700‬ژﻧﻮﺗﻴﭗ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻐﻨﺪﺭﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺸــﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺰﻭﻻﺕ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺮﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺰﻭﻻﺕ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻩﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺎﺭﺧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪34‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ ‪227‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﮔﻼﺑﻰ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻮﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ(‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺭﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺿﺪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ«؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ«؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ – ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ – ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨــﺶ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ »ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ« ﻭ »ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻛﻮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﭘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻬﺮﺍﺳــﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘــﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺠــﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﺎ ‪40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺑﻠﻴﺖﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﺩﺭﺗﺎﻻﺭﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﻴﻦﻫﺸﺖﺗﺎ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﻣﻠﺖ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 35‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻟﻄــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ«؛ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴــﺖ ﺷــﻬﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﻴﺘــﺎﺭ ﻓﻼﻣﻨﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻥﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻼﻣﻨﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻓﻼﻣﻨﻜﻮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﺪﻭﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﻨﻮ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺩﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﻮﺩ ﻟﻮﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ‪ player Guitar‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻼﻣﻨﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔــﻰ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫــﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ« ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ »ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭﻃﻦﺩﻭﺳــﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟــﻰﻭﻣﻌﻨــﻮﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﻜﺎﺭﭼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﻪﺗﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 40‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻚﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻫﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫــﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻊﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳــﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻼﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﭘﺎپ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻏﺮﻭﺭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻥ ﻫﻮﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ)ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ)ﻗﻔﺲ ﺭﻧﺞ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ )ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ )ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ )ﭘﺮﺷﺲ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﭘﻮﺵ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻓﻴﺮ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻤـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠـﺰ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻲ! ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻲ »ﭘﺮﺷـﺲ‪ «...‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺖ »ﮔﺮﻱ« ﻭ »ﺳﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﮔﻨﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﻲ؟ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠــﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﮔــﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ )ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ( ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ )ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ( ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺣﺮﻑﺷﻨﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺒــﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤـﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻤــﻲ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﺷﻨﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﻛﻲ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤـﻦ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ – ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ – ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ! ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻴﺴــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ – ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ – ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻏﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﮕﺪﺍﻧﻲ« ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ »ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻳﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﮕﺪﺍﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻜﻢ ﻛﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ! ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻱ‪ «.‬ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﺥ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ‪» .‬ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻳﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ؟ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱ! ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱﺑﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ – ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻼﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ – ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﭼﻲ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؟ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ‪ :‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ!‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ «.‬ﻣﻦ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ! ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ‪» :‬ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﺩ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﻞﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﺩ« ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻄﺮﻱ ﺁﺏ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ‪ «.‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻼﺵ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ «...‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺖ ﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻧﮕﺶ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻲ! ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻡ!« ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﺕ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫــﻢ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «...‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ (.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻـﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻠـﻮ‪ :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﮕﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ »ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﻧﺮ« ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺿﺎﻣﻦ« ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻴﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻱ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﭼـﻲ ﺟﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳـﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣـﺮﻭﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻟﺤﻈـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؟‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻣــﻲ ﺭﻧﺮ« ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﻦ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ‪ Piranha‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ »ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ »ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗــﻮﺭ« ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ )ﺩﻭﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ »ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ!( ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﻧﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱﺑﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﻧﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺿﺎﻣﻦ« ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ‪ :‬ﻛﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ! ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻠﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ »ﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ« ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳـﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸـﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻭﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻣﻴﮕﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺸــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻼﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻫﻔﺖﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﮔﺎﺑﻲ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﻳﺐ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ »ﭘﺮﺷــﺲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻭﺭﺍ« ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺯﻥ »ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﮕﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺳﻪﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﻣﻴﮕﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺷــﺲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻓﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ :‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠـﺰ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﺑﻲ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮ ﺧﻮﺷــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؛ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ »ﮔﺎﺑﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺷـﻤﺎ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﺁﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﭘﺮﺷﺲ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﭘﺴﺮ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺲ« ﺩﺭ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ »ﮔﺎﺑﻲ« ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ »ﮔﺎﺑﻲ« ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ! ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫– ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﻞﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻝﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺯﻭﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻦﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺎ »ﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﻣـﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ! ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ؟ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ! ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣـﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﻡ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ؟! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﻖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺘﻦﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨـﻮ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻴﻤــﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻟﺬﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻛﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻜﻨــﻢ؟ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨـﻮ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮔﻴﺞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ؟ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺑﻮﺭﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺗﻲ ‪» ،«3‬ﺷــﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﻣﺎﻥ )ﻫﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻥ( ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺟﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﺝﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻓﻬﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ :‬ﺟﻴﺴــﻮﻥ! ﺗﻮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻲ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣـﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻢ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ؟ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣـﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋــﻮ )‪ ( VHS‬ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻟﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺮگ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻨﺮ – ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻼﺟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻐﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺝﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ )ﺣﺘﻲ( ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺼﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴــﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺷــﺪﻩ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ« )ﺍﺻﻐﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺟــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧــﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﺸــﻚﻫﺎ« )ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ(‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﺩﻱﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻲ« ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﺘﺰ )ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ« ﺧﺮﺱ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ »ﺳِ ﺒﻲ« )‪ (Sebbe‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ )ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ« )ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﭘﻴﺮﺍ(‪» ،‬ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺳــﺒﺰ« )ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ( ﻭ »ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ« )ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺼﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻧﮓ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ )ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﺟﻲ ﻳﺎﻣﺎﺩﺍ )ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ( ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷﺼﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻭﺭﻧﺮ ﻫﺮﺗﺰﻭگ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳــﺎﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﻪ ﺯﻟﻮﮔﺮ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ )ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻮ ﻧﺎﻥ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻣﻨﭽﻴﻨﻲ )ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﻧﻠﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﻮﺱ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ( ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺡ‬ ‫)ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ(‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺧﺮﺱ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪» :‬ﻋﺴﻞ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻤﻴﺢ ﻛﺎﭘﻼﻥ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‬ ‫• ﺧــﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ )ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ(‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳــﻮﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫• ﺧــﺮﺱ ﻧﻘــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴــﻜﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ »ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ«‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ )ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ( ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪19‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 136‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪4‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 270‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫)‪(Writer Ghost‬‬ ‫• ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺷــﻴﻨﻮﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺟﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻛﺮﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧــﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻣﺎﺗﺴﻮ‬ ‫• ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﻳﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﭘﻮﺳﻜﭙﺎﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺴﻲ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﮔﺮﺑﺴﻜﻲ‬ ‫• ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ )ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ(‪ :‬ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﻛﻮﺳﺘﻮﻣﺎﺭﻭﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ«‬ ‫• ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻧﮓ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﺟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﮓ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫• ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺁﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺋﺮ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ(‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ«‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 400‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ژﺍﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ »ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻭﻡ )‪ (Forum‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ )‪ (EFM‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺼﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺳــﻠﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷــﺼﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻲﺍﻡﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ )‪ .(BMW‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻟﻮﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺯﺩﺩﻱﺍﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﻠﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1986‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﺟﻲ ﻳﺎﻣﺎﺩﺍ )ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﮔﻮﺭ )ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﺭﻭﻡ( ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫‪ Noack Foundry Art Fine‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺟﻲ ﻳﺎﻣﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭼﻴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻣﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷــﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﮔﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﻭﻡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻧــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫‪ Noack Foundry Art Fine‬ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1951‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺧﺮﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﺘﻨﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺁﻙ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1897‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃـﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻣﺮ‪ :‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻣﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ »ﭘﺎﻟﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ« ﺍﺭﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﻣﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1983‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻜﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮ )‪ ،(1967‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (1992‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ )‪ (2004‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺴﻞ« ﻭ ﺧﺮﺱ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﺢ ﻛﺎﭘﻼﻥﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ »ﻋﺴﻞ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻋﺴــﻞ« ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖﺍﺯﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪﻛﺎﭘﻼﻥﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦﺁﻥﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫»ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ« )‪ (2007‬ﻭ »ﺷﻴﺮ« )‪ (2008‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ« ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻋﺴﻞ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺴﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴــﻜﻲ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘــﺮﻩﺍﻱ »ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ »ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ«‬ ‫)‪ Ghostwriter‬ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ( ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﭘﻴﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻫﺘﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴــﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺤﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻚﮔﺮﮔﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺗﻲ ﻫﺎﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﻠﻜﻴﻨﺴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻼﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ‪2010‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺁﺑﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺁﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻥ ﻫﺎﺭﻟﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1999‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22000‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ‪ 54‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﻭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻐﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ ژﺍﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺎﭼﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫» ‪) «Budrus‬ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﭼﺎ( ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ »ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ«‬ ‫)ﭘﺎﺳــﻜﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻓﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨــﻲ ژﺍﺑﺮگ( ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺧﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻴﻮﻛﻮﻟﻦ ﺑﻲﻣﺮﺯ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﻳﻤﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺘﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» .‬ﻧﻴﻮﻛﻮﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﺮﺯ« ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ )ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻥ« )‪ (2009‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ژﺍﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻥ« ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺧﺮﺱ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ« )‪ (2009‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 6‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ‪ 6‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲﺍﺯﻳﻚﺳﻮﺑﺮﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﺭﻥﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧــﻲ – ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗــﻮﻱ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ؟! ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺵﺑﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ)ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ( ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺷــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮕــﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴــﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﻢﻛﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ » ﺩﺍﺭﺳﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺷﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺼــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻞﺩﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻏﺮﺽ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻛﺶ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ )ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻪﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺒﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺿﺪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﺨــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻲ؟« ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻜــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ! ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻣــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻚ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺁﻥﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻟــﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺑــﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣــﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺏﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓﺁﻣﻴــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﻨﺸــﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻛﺸــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑــﻲ – ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺏﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ » ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ‪« 14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻧﻔﺲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺁپﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻥﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻲﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﭙﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺵﺑﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ‪ 14‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻟــﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﻏﻠــﻂ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﻫــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻔﺸــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﻛﺲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺭ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ‪ 14‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﻮﭘﺎژ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺖ ﺟﺮﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﭗ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌــﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗــﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻧﻜﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻋﻤﻴــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ‪ :‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻔﻴــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﻢﻓﺎﺗﺢﺍﺻﻠﻰﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺯﻡﻫﺮﻳﺮ«ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﻦﺗﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻭ » ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ« ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘــﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺁﻝ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‪:‬ﺍﻣﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺳﻪﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻣﻬﻢﺍﺯﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﻝ« ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ »ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠــﻮ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺪﻓﻴﻦ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺣﺲﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ«ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦﻭﺟﻬﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺁﻝ«ﻫﻢﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ« ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﭗ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﻠــﻮ ﭘﻮﻟﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻛــﻦ ﻟﻮچ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻦ ﻟﻮچ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺿﺪﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻮ ﭘﻮﻟﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻰﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺶ‪ :‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼــﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻖ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﻧــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻉ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؟« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 27‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 32‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪) «.‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ( ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1331‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ( ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) «.‬ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ 20 ،‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪(1331‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ )ﺳﺎﺑﻖ( ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺑﻄــﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ‪ 1933‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻪﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺾ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻋﺬﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 11 ،1329‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻲﺍﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺗﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣــﻖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻻﻫﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ »ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷــﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ‪ 18‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻗــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻢﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺐ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺗﻴﭗ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺣــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻــﻼﺡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪(1331‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺩﺭ » ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺒــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ]ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺘﻮﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ )ﺱ([ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻨﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺳــﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ )ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ( ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﻳﺰﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1332‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1340‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺘﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ؟«‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻـﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤـﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺗـﺎ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺘـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻧﻬﻀـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺎﺳﻮﻧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺳــﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻼ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1312‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ‪ 154‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ‪ 200‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺷﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1326‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1327‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻫـﺎ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳـﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1312‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 50-50‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ 50-50‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻭﻳﻞ ﮔﺲ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺸﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻔــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﻖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺷــﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1312‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1328‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻟﺨﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺸــﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ «...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣــﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1328‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼـﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫــﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1328‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺋــﺮﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪1328‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1329‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕــﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺣﻖﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻃﻼ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ 28‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1329‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﺷﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1329‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺷﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺳــﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻠﺠﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﮓ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪» :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 69‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻛﻴﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺷــﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1331‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝﻭﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 23‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1332‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﺒــﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 26‬ﻭ ‪ 27‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1329‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1933‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 1312‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻐﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1991‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪1961‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1312‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠــﻰ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1332‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪29‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 29‬ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1329‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫـﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔـﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺩﺳﺖﺍﺯﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1330‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1331‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1330‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1330‬ﻃﻰ ﻧﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1312‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1330‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1330‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷـﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1331‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸـﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳـﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺠﻠـﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪}.‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ{ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺐ ﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺼﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻲ؟ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴــﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺩﺳﻜﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ MI6 ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻔﺖﻭﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ 140‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ 14،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺯﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺱﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻫــﺎ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟــﺢ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻐﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧــﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ! ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ؟ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣــﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺎﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻢ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪14 ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1942-44‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1913‬ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍچﺷﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪23 :‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ 23 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ 23 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍچﺷــﻞ‪23 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻜﻞﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻝ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ 50-50‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻤﺰ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻔﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 50-50‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1949‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺁﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻚﻛﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻠﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻔﺸﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1933‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1933‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ‪ 14‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻗﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ‪ 1944‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﻘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺷــﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﺴــﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻏﺒﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1933‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1933‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸـﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻـﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ....‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 1329‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 32‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻗﻮﻳﺎﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﻣﻼﻛﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻠﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 31 ،30‬ﻭ ‪ 32‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ؛ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺑـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻢ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫـﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺗـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻨـﺎﻱ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘـﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷـﺎﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻠﻴﻨﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔــﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1912‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻟﺖﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻛﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺴــﻜﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻛﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﻨﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ‪ 75‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ 9 .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻠﻲﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﮔــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺤــﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1330‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50-50‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ‪84‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1933‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 1312‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎژ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1933‬ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺴﺦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻗﻠﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘــﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺫﻫﻦﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻬﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺩژ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 70 .‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻜﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻊﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻏﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﻮﺍﺣﺶ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺶﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺟﻮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻗﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺻﻐﺮﻱ ﻛﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﻐﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧـﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻌــﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ‪ ...‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻥﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮﮔﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻝﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧـﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﺦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻤﺲ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷــﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂﻣﺸــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲﺳﻌﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻳﺎﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊﻫﻢﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲﺑﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﻧﻔﺲﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﺩﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺑﺎﺩﺷﻤﻦﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺧﺐﭘﺴﺮﺑﺰﺭگﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﭼﺎﻕﻛﻨﻲﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﻮﺩﻣﺜﻼﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﺮﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽﻛﻨﻴﺪﺍﻭﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖﻭﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺳﺒﺐﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪﺭﻭﻱﺩﺍﺩﻩﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩﻛﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲﺑﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪:‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺯﻳﺮﻙﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻧﺨﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺯﻳﺮﻙﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺷـﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺍﺯﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺑﺤﺚﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍﺷﺮﻭﻉﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸــﺎﻭﻧﺪﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺸــﺎﻭﻧﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪28‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻴﻦﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ‪-‬ﺭﺍﭼﻮﻥﺗﺤﺼﻦﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﺍﺯﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺵﻛﻨﻴﺪﻭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻛﻪﺗﻮﺳﻂﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻣﺼﺪﻕﺭﻭﻱﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﻢﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻣﺎﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﺧﺎﺭﺝﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﻣﺼﺪﻕﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞﺍﺯﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺧﻮﺩﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺼﺪﻕﻋﺮﺽﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺜﻼﺩﺭﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕﺷﺮﻛﺖﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﮋﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪﻭﺗﺮﻭﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻣﺼﺪﻕﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴــﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺩﺭﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻧﻴﺮﻭﻛﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻟﻤﭙﺘﻦﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞﮔﺮﻭﻩﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺖﺑﻪﻣﺼﺪﻕﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﭘﺰﺷﻚﭘﻮﺭﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﺑﻪﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻲﺑﺎﻣﺼﺪﻕﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍﺑﻪﺍﻭﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺣﺎﻻﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻭﺣﻤﻠﻪﻛﻨﻴﺪﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﺧﻄﺒﺎ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﺍﺯﻃﺮﻑﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻛﻪﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺑﻪﻣﺼﺪﻕﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﻢﺑﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﻣﻦﻳﻚﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻪﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺲﻗﻨﺎﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺭﺍﻳﻚﺁﺩﻡﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻪﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﻤﺲﻗﻨﺎﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻗﻨﺎﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻡﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢﻭﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕﺟﺪﻱﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﭼﺮﺍﺑﻪﺷﻤﺲﻗﻨﺎﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﻢﺑﻪﻣﺼﺪﻕﻭﻫﻢﺑﻪﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕﺁﻗﺎﻱﺳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺼﺪﻕﺭﺍﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻛﺎﻣﻼﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺼﺪﻕﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻭﻓﻘﻂﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍﺑﺤﺚﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺑﺮﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱﻣﻜﻲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﻭﺩﺭﺻﺤﻦﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﻴﺴﺖﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺗﻮﺳﻂﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕﻓﺎﺣﺶﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺤﺚﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥﺑﻪﺣﺰﺏﺗﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺟﺪﻱﻫﻢﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭﺁﻗﺎﻱﺳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲﻫﻢﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢﺧﺪﻣﺖﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺼﺪﻕﻭﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭﻣﺮﺩﻡﺭﺍﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻧﺘﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﺑﻪﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕﻣﺮﺩﻡﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪﻗﺪﺭﺗﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﺸﺎﻥﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪﻭﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﺯﺻﺤﻨﻪﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻟﻲﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻭﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪﻭﻗﺘﻲﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﺣﺰﺏﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺭﺍﺍﺯﺯﺑﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﺵﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﺼﺪﻕﺭﺍﻧﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻭﻧﻪﻛﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯﺁﻧﭽﻪﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﻗﻢﺯﺩﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺩﺭﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺟﺪﻱﺑﺎﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺗﻠﻘﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻣﻠﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪-‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻟﻮﻛﺲﻭﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻟﻲﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺍﺯﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻣﻠﻲﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕﻣﻠﺖﺩﻓﺎﻉﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﺵﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﻭﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪﻭﻳﻚﺣﺮﻛﺖﻣﻠﻲﺷﻜﻞﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﻱﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯﻓﺮﺽﻛﻨﻴﺪﻧﻬﻀﺖﻣﻠﺖﺩﺭﺣﺪﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲﺍﺳﺖﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﻓﺎﺭﺱﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎﺣﻜﻢﺟﻬﺎﺩﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠــﻂ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﺶﺭﺍﺍﺯﺯﺑﺎﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶﻭﻧﻪﺍﺯﺯﺑﺎﻥﻣﻜﻲﻫﺎﻛﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﺟﺪﻱﺑﻮﺩﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺯﺑﺎﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﻛﻪﺑﺎﻣﺼﺪﻕﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎﭘﺸﺖﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕﻗﺎﻳﻢﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻋﺰﻳﺰﺑﺎﺑﺖﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺗﺸﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ 78 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ»ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺷﻲء« ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ )ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻃﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﭗﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺸــﺮﻁ ﻻ« ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳــﻄﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻀّ ﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻭﮔﻮﺳﺘﻴﻨﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺵ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻲ«‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ »ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺷﻲء« ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳــﻄﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺴــﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ«‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ« ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧــﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺍﺩﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻠﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻻﺍﺩﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺤﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺍﺩﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﺤﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻻﺍﺩﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻲ‪» ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﻻ« ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳــﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﭘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪» ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﻻ« ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪» ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺷﻲء« ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻪﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ژﺭﻑﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫»ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ« ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺷﺊ »ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻋﻘــﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ»ﻋﻘﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴـﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷـﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳـﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴـﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﺎﺿﻤﻦﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢﻋﻘﻞﻭﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻭﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ‪ Logos‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ‪ Logy‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ Logic‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ‪ intellect‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ mind ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ reason‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻋﻠﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫‪ wisdom‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ rationality ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ »ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺩ«‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ‪ Intellect‬ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻛﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤــﺚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪ rationality‬ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻣﻀﺮﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺼﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ‪ -2‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ‪ -3‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ‪ -5‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﺟﻮﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻃﻼﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧــﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﻭ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻫـﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻠﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻚﺳﺎﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻯ ﻻﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ »ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻱ«ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺳـﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺛﻘﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﭙﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺫﺍﻛﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﺑﺮﻯ« ﻣﺴﺘﺸــﺮﻕ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﻨﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺐﻧﻴﺘﺲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪ ﻻﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻮﻣﻨﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪﺍﷲ ﻓﻰﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1344‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ)ﻣﺎﻛﺎﻥ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻮﺋﺮﺑﺎﺥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻨﺎﻯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻼﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺷﺶ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻉﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻜﺪﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ /‬ﻣﻮﺟﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ /‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻰ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺃﺑﻮﻛﻼﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨــﺪﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺵ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﻴﺜﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ؛ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﭙﻞ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺮﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻗﻄــﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻇﻬــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻗﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫـﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻـﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﻫــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1350‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ«‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺞﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ – ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ )ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ(‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻛﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷـﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘـﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ )ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 7‬ﻭ ‪ 51‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﻭﻯﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻣﻬﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪»:‬ﺳﻲﻭﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ – ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠــﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻘﺪﻫـﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺻﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ –ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏـﺎﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸـﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻜﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺶ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ‪-‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷـﻜﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ – ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ‪ 87‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ – ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ«‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻰﻭﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ – ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 13‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ‪ 82‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ‪ ،82‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ – ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ‪400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻼﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻰﻭﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 648‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 34‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﻭﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺳﻲﻭﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫–ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﻂ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥﻧﻮﺑﺖﺑﻪﻭﺭﻭﺩﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻝﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋــﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺯﻭﻗﻮﻉﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣــﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻭﻛﻼ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻘﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻰﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺸــﻐﻠﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻰﻭﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻯﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 52‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﻛﻼ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺶﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺶﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،«82‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ – ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ( ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺶﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻲﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 13‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨــﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﺒﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺏﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍ ﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ( ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ )ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ( ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ(‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳــﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﻴﻦ( ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤــﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 82/11/16‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 82/12/14‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻥ ‪ -‬پ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻰﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1382‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻰﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻄــﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻔــﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 500‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰﻛﻮﭼﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺁﺯﻣــﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ 27 ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ‪ 29‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱﺧﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪» :‬ﮔﻴﺞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟« ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﺭﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻳﭙﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻊﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﻮﺵ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 29‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﺵ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺒﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﺭﺟﻮﻉﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1371‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،3621‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ؛‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮپ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻔﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ »ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1275‬ﻩ ‪ -‬ﻕ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺗﻘــﻲ ﺣﻜﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﻜﻲ)ﭘﺎﺗﻴﻨﺎژ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪1300‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻮپ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳــﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1296‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1299‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1304‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1301‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺟﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1303‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1306‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ« ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ »ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1307‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﻭﺭﺯﺵ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻭﺭﺯﺵ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻭﺭﺯﺵ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1314‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ »ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1320‬ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ‪26‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1334‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ 29‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ‪-‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ » :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 19‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 71‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ )‪ 18‬ﺳــﺎﻝ( ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻠﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷــﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﺼﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫» ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‪ ....‬ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ؟ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1371‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠــﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻲﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛»ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪«....‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1334‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻼﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪» ...‬ﻓﺎﻛﺲ« ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ )ﻣﻮﻣﻲ( ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻬﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ »ﻋﺪﺩﻱ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺑﻨــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ‪...‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ؟ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ!«ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻏﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻲﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﻮﺭﺳﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯﻭﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰﺳـﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ 55‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ...‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‪ ...‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻠﺸــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷــﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ )ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ( ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ! ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺧﺪﺍ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺽ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻝ ﭘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻘــﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺧﻄﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﻜﺴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﻲﺍﺵ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔــﺖ‪ :‬ﺻﻒ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔــﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺸــﻘﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺍ ِ‪ ...‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﺍ ِ« ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻜﻮﺑﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻚ ﻧﺮﻳﺨﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ »ﺍ ِ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸــﻤﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻨﺞ ﻛﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻨﺞ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ...‬ﮔﻨﺞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺞ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺟــﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‪ ...‬ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 1/648/195‬ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭژ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻑ‪.‬ﺙ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻭژ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻻﺗﺰﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻣﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻜﻨﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺳﻲﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻗﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺋﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﮕﻤﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻮﻙ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1978‬ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻛﻤﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1974‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻦﺑﺎﻭﺋﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ‪ 1284‬ﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ!‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴــﺪ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺴﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻐﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻴﻮﺳﻚﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﺒﻲ ﺁﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ »ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ«‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻚ ﻛﻨــﻲ‪ !...‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺸــﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﮔﻞﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ...‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ‪ new‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔــﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻛﺎﺳــﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ‪ new‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻟﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﺯﻧﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻗﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟــﻲ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ‪ 3-5-2‬ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺑﺰﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺵ ﺑﺨــﻮﺍﻩ‪ «.‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺠﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺽ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ...‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮپﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻴﻮﺳــﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻲﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ 55 .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺰﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﻟﻨﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺩﻭﻣﻢﺑﻪﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ؛ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺟﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﭘــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧــﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺯﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺖ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻢﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻱﺟﻮﻳﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜــﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺋﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺋﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻤﺪﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺋﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳــﻴﻪﭼﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫــﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ 180‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺣﺠــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻱﻛﺎﺭﻣﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦﻓﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺩ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪﻭﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺴﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ‪ 35‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ‪ 35‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗــﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﮔﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮپ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫــﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗــﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗــﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪ 450‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻲﻋﻼﻗﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﺍگﻫﺎﻭﺱ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪550‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻜﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺭﺳـﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺑﻜﻨﺪﻱ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮژﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﺳـﺮﺧﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؟!‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃـﺎﺕ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻭﺑﻨــﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 66‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺩﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟــﺰﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻏﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻟﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢﻭﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﺻﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺒﺎﺯﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳـﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 66‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺵ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 66‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻫﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻞ ﭼﺮﻛﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 66‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭼﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺵ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻱ؟!‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 66‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺭﺿـﺎ ﺭﺟﺒـﻲ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗـﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺵ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 66‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﷲ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻫـﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 66‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷـﻮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧــﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻚ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 66‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥﭼﻘﺪﺭﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬