ماهنامه مثلث شماره 30

‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻱﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷ‬ ‫ﻛ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪2000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪2000 /1388‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 23/ 30‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ 244-‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ‪ 2‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 88‬ﺗﺎ ‪92‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺍﻫﻞﺍﻧﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ‪ 88‬ﺗﺎ ‪92‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻟﻮ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ‪ -‬ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳـﻪ ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪146‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ »ﺟﺸــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺑﺼﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪12...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ‪16.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪19...........................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪20..........................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪25......................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‪26.....................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪28................................................................‬‬ ‫‪176‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱﻫﻢﺍﺯﺳﻮﻳﻲﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻭﺯﻳﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺧﺎﻧﻢﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺑﺪﻭﻥﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ؛ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪62..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪65.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪67..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪68.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪71.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪74......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪76.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻏﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪80..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪120...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪124.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎ‪126...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ؛ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‪128.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ!‪135....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪138.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ‪ 88‬ﺗﺎ ‪92‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪32....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪36.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‪38.......................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪40.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣـﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪42.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪46.........................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪48.......................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪53..........‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻠــﺦ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‪92........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‪94..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪98.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪100........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪102.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪106.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‪،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪111......................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺳــﻊ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‪146......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪148.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪151................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪152.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪154.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪156........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﻜﺴﺖ‪160..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪163.................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪215.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪176..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪180...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪182.............................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪184..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ IOC‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪188............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪190..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪194.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﺳــﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳــﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳــﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻮﺳــﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳــﻮﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ -‬ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ‪-‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﻌﻠﻨﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﻄﺎ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮﭘﺎﻱﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥﻧﺺﺩﻳﻨﻲﻭﻧﻘﻞﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 88‬ﻧﻴﺰﺍﻳﻦﺟﻬﺪﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺭﺍﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺧﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪198.................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪200................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪204............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ!‪212................................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪216....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪220.................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪224.......................................................................................89‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪226......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‪228...................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‪232...................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪234...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺍﻳﻦﻃﺒﻘﻪ‪،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻥ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﻭﺭﺳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﺪﻥ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗــﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ،76-84‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1384‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ،76‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ ،84‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻳﺨــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ،1384‬ﻣﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1376‬ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪،84‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1376‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،88‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩﺑﺮﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻜﺴﺖﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻳﻦﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺳﻪﺩﺳﺘﻪﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻃﺒﻘـﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺑـﺎﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻃﺒﻘـﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧ ُﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .76‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ؟ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﮔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﮔﺮ«‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗــﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﭙﺎﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻞﺍﷲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ »ﺍﺧﻮﺕ« ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻤﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ؛ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ؛ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪] ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ [ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺻﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﺛﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ)ﺻﺪﺍﻡ( ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺷﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1360‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ 8 ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻟﻪﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻘــﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪﻩﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﻫﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 49‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﻗﻮﭼﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺠﺮﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻗﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻃﻠﺒــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻃﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺧﻚ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ« ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﺱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺑﻦﺍﺑﻰﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟! ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺭﺿﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ »ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺑﺼﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﺘﺖﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ؛ ﺁﺗﺸــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑــﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻗــﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 88‬ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻳﺮﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳـﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓـﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ؛‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺷــﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ؛ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 160‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ؛ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ؛ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻱ؛ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺳــﺒﺰﭘﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻔــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ :‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻜﺲ )‪ (X‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 22‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ )‪ (X‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ )‪ (X‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ)‪ (X‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 600‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ)‪ (X‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪23‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ؛ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥﺍﻋﻼﻡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻗﻄﻌﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» «.‬ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻡ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺻــﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 17‬ﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‪ « .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻧﺎﺟﺎ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻭﺍﻝ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻴــﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 40‬ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺒﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 3/5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 7/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻴــﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1000‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳــﺢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑــﺖ ﺟﺸــﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻧﮓﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻝ ﺳﺒﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻝ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ؟!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» «.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳــﻲ ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺯﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸــﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻜﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺎﺛﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻭﺭﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻈــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺫﺍﺗــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺘــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎﺗﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺐ ‪،24 ،23‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﻛﺴﺒﻪﻭﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﻐﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﮕﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻟﻮﻻﮔﺮ ﺷﺶ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 22 ،11‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﺷــﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻟﻮﻻﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺗﺶﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺗﺶﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋــﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔــﻮﺩﺭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﻱ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬ﺗﻴﺮ؛ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻀﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 88/3/30‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎژ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺗﻴﺮ؛ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﺍﺯﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪﻛﻪﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖﺍﺯﺣﻘﻮﻕﻭﺁﺭﺍﻱﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺭﺍﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﻭﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﻧﻴﺰﺭﺟﻮﻉﺑﻪﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺗﻴﺮ؛ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎﺑﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕﭘﻴﺎﻣﻮﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻪﻭﻱﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺬﺭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﺪ؟ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﻼ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺤﻮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﻩ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻞﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻱ ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟـﻰ ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳـﻦ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﻳــﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﭼﺸــﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳـﻊ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼـﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻰﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ »ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴـﻢ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟــﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻔــﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻃـﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗــﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗــﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳــﻂ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻤــﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣــﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﺘﻴـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻳﻞﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻃﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺪﻣـﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﭼﻪﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓـﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘــﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴـﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫـﺎ ﺗﻜﻴـﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣـﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗـﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳــﻦ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﻴـﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐـﺎﺕ ﺗـﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗـﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫـﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪24‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴـﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺼـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ )ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻋﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺟﺸﻦ ‪ 24‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻋﺠﻞﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺸــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻤﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ )ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺪﻩ( ﺳﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 29‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺷـﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ( ﻛـﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﻳـﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻤﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫـﺎﻯ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳـﻼﺡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺧﺸـﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ! ﺑﻌــﺪﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻬﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ! ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳـﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳـﺒﺰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴـﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ـ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ؛ ﺧﻂ ﺳﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺦ ﺗﺴﺒﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫـﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒـﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﻭﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺧﻮﻳﺶﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﻗﺒﻠﻰﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﺶﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻮﺩﺑﻪﻃﺮﻑﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺁﻥﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺧﻮﻳﺶﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻩﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦﺑﺎﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰﻭﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻣﺮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳــﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻔﻠــﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺳــﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩﺁﻣﻨﻪﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳـﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﻦﺗـﺮ ﺟﻠـﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸـﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑـﻰ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﺻﺮﻑﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺴﻦﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺗﺶ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻠﻬﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳـﺎﻻﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺩﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫـﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴـﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳـﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺴـﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻴﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧـﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽـﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴـﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺠـﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳـﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑـﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﭘـﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 28‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻭ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑــﻼﻍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻪﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻣﺎﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﺷـﺼﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻓﻜـﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻘﻪ ﭘﻨﺠــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪ 49‬ﻭﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺑــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪62‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﭽﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻬﻤﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪24 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻘﻪﺷﻘﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺩﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔـﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫـﻲ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﻭﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻛﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥﻧﻈﺎﻡﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪﻭﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥﻭﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺪﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﻛﻢﻛﻨﺪﻭﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﻛﺎﻫﺶﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﻧﻘﺪﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﻧﻘﺪﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱﻧﻘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺪﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﻚﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﻭﻧﻬﻲﺍﺯﻣﻨﻜﺮﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪﻭﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺩﻳﻨﻲﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩﻡﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻘﺪﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﺭﺍﺗﺤﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﺶ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ؟ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 50‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ .‬ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ ،82‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ‪ UF4‬ﻭ ‪ UF6‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﮔﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗــﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃــﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 83‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫‪ 83‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ 83‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ‪ UF4‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ‪ UF6‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪1000‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﮔﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳــﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫‪ 83‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ‪10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪9‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 83‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣــﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻪﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳــﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺞﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺴﻴﺮﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﻠﻲﺗﻼﺵﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡﺗﻬﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﺍﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷـﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴـﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﺑﻪﻳﻚﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﻛﻪﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﻔﻴﺮﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﺮﺍﺏﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﻭﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﻛﺜﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﺳﭙﺮﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺧﻄﺮﻯﺭﺍﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﻣﺎﺳﺎﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻟﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻴﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺤـﻼﻝ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴـﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸـﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻨﺠﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻏﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 380‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻼ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼــﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻬــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻯ ﺁﺑﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴـﺎ! ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬـﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳـﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘـﻰ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻇــﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺳـﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 64‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻴﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﻧﮓﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺷـﻔﺎﻑ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺳـﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﻲ ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸـﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 400‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺧﺎﺻـﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺵ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳـﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳـﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﭼﻴـﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻟـﻎ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴـﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗـﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﺎﺟــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﺞ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁَﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻪﺗﺮﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﺮﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﭻ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬـﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ«‪ .‬ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼـﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗـﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴـﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻬــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤـﻮﻻ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﭼﻘـﺪﺭ ﻃـﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻃﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺷـﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻱﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻪ ﺑﺮگ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻴﺐ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣـﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒـﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 88‬ﺗﺎ ‪92‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻪ ﺍﺩ ﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺍﻫﻞﺍﻧﺸﺎﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ )ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ( ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺯﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻳــﻎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻤﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈــﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭﺯﻥﻛﺸﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻢ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ )ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ( ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣــﺪﻝ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣــﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴــﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ )ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ( ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺯﻥ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻓﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1339‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻣﺴــﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﻮﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍء ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﷲﻛﺮﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ )ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻱﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧــﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪) .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻏﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻬﻢ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩﻛﻠﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻧﺪﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻧﺪﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻫﻢﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺟﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣــﻊ ﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﺍﻭﻗــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳـﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴـﺖ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻝﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﻴﺼﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫)ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ( ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢﺍﺯﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1389‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻒﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬـﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺳـﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﺠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺛﺎﺑﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﻛﻴﻞﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘــﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺠﻦﻣﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴــﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻗﻬﻘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪1389‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺟـﺰﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺳـﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺧﻮﺩﺍﺯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺭﺍﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺶ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻩﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ ﻳـﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑـﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔـﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﻴﺐﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻧﺒﺮﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜـﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨـﺎﺡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﻳﺘــﻰ« ﻭ »ﻳﻮﻧﻰ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻫﻢﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﺑﻪﺩﻭﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴـﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳـﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻃﻴﻔـﻰ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣـﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﺺﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺍﮔﺮﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪﻳﻚﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺳﻤﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺑﺪﻫﺪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﻭﺍﺯﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺣﺬﻑﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴـﻴﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻯﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺑﻮﺩﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯﻓﻜﺮﻯﻭﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧـﺪﻩ ﺗـﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳـﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬـﺮﻩ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽـﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺑﺪﺗﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﻣﺎﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻗﻀــﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻓﺮﺩﻯﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰﻛﻪﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝﻧﻴﺴﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍﺑﻌﻴﺪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢﻛﻪﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺗﺮﺍﺯﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﻮﺩﻭﺍﮔﺮﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵﻣﻄﺮﺡﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪﻭﺧﻮﺩﻭﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﻣﻠـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔـﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔـﺮ »ﻭﺣﻴـﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠـﻰ« ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﻲﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ »ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﺭﺍﻩ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰﺧﺎﺹﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪﻣﺠﻠﻪﺭﺍﻩﻛﻪﻭﻯﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﺳﻮﺭﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺷـﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﻪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻤﭙﺎژ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﻳــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﭘﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﭘﻮﭘﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴـﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘـﻪﺍﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌـﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻜﺴــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣــﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻮﺫﺑﺎﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﭙﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘـﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻼ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧــﻪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧـﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﺪﺍﺍﺯﺷﺄﻥﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺪﻉ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪﺑﺎﭘﺮﭼﻢﺩﺍﺭﻯﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻳﻚﺑﺤﺚﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻛﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 76‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .71‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ!‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰﻛﻪﻫﻤﻪﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻨـﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳــﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳــﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪-‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻯﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨــﺪﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺵ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴـﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔـﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﻧﻪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻯ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ! ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮﻓﺎﺗﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘـﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﻪﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻭﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻏﻠﺒــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺸﺘﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﺗﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ« ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺷﺎﺧﺺﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺷﺌﻮﻥﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩﻭﻋﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺩﭼﺎﺭﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺒﻞﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ 57‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﻭﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﻭﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻭﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪.‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻛﻨﺎﺭﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﺍﺯﻗﻄﺎﺭﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﻧﻪ! ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺷﺎﺧﺺﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺷﻮﻧﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺣﺰﺏﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻗﻄﺎﺭﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺷﺪﻳﻌﻨﻰﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺻﻮﺭﺕﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﻫﺮﭼﻪﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺍﺯﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 58‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ‬‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲﺑﻴﻦﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡﺑﺮﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻭﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦﻏﻠﺒﻪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺳﺎﻝ‪ 60‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ 88‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ‪ 68‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 68‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺍﻣﺎﻡﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻛﻪﺍﻻﻥﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺩﻳﮕﺮﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖﺳﻨﺘﻰﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﻥﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰﺑﺎﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﺭﺩﺵﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﺎﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺛــﺮﻭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻪﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﺳـﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 76‬ﺗــﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯﺍﺻﻠﻰﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺑﻴﻦﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺻﻮﺭﺕﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﻴﻦﺭﺍﺳﺖﻭﭼﭗﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩﻭﺍﻻﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻗﺪﻳﻢﻛﻪﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﺖﻳﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺸﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖﺳﻨﺘﻰﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭙﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰﺧﻮﺩﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ! ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻋﻤـﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧـﻰ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄــﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺭﺍﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺣﻮﻝﻣﺤﻮﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﭼﭗﻭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﭼﭗﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﻢﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﻛﻪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪﺑﻪﻳﻚﭼﻬﺮﻩﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻲﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭙﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳـﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬـﺮﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻬـﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺁﻳﺎﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧــﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻋــﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﻤﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺑﺮﻋﻜـﺲ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ؟ ﻋﻘﻴـﺪﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪-‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑﻛﻪﺑﻌﻀﺎﺩﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻌﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﮔﻌﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣـﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒـﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧـﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺳـﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻒ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺑﻨﺮ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳـﺒﺰ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠـﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1359‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺳــﻮﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 62‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 79‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺳـﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺳــﻤﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺳــﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﺴـﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ‪22‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎژ ﺁﮔﻬﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﺮﺍ! ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻃﻰﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴـﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﻫـﻮﻥ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤـﻮﻻ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺷﻤﺎﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪﻓﺮﺩﻯﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻛﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺿﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺗﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﺯﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴـﺠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﺴـﺠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴـﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻧﻔـﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼـﻪ‬ ‫ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ!ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺰ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ! ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠـﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗـﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟـﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ! ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺷـﺎﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ! ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺻﻠـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺣﺰﺑــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ – ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﺯﺍﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺑﺮﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻬــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺎﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺩﺭﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﺯﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮ ﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺧﻂ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪83‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 270‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﺩﻳﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣـﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ؟ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺸﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﻔﻌــﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺗــﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤـﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣـﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﺎﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛــﺲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟــﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 126‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ 25 .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳـﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻘـﺪﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘـﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳـﻚ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻫـﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠـﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻌﻰﺭﺍﺩ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ( ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻴﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ )‪ ،(NGO‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫)ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ(‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ )ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ( ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ )ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺘـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻳـﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻﺑﺮﺍﻯﺳﻨﺠﺶﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺯﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘــﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ )ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ(‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﻛﻨـﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻋﻼﺋــﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺍ ﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻟﻴــﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧــﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ »ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳــﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﻴــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬــﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ‪ 600‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟــﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﻣـﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺨﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳـﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺸـﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ«‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻓــﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻣﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧــﻰ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﻣﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ( ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﻣﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ! ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣــﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﺤﺖﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺎﺭﻛــﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳـﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻫــﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫـﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﺴـﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠـﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳـﺞ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻰ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰﺍﺣﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨـﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴـﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﭗ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬـﻮﺭ ﻣﺠـﺪﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺳــﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ!ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺗﻢ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮﻓﺎﺗﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﺭﺍﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗـﻲ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ – ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨـﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳـﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﻃﻴﻒ‪،‬ﺳﻪﻃﻴﻒﺍﺯﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﺭﺩﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻴﻒﺍﺯﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠــﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺣــﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷــﺨﺼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ‪ 5+1‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪20‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻠﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺩﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﻛﺎﻓﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﺑﻠﻜﻪﻫﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺨﺮﺝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺧﺎﺻﻰﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﻃﺮﻑﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﻫﻢﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﻯﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻥﭼﻨﻴﻦﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺳﺖﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺸـﻜﻞ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺁﻧﭽﻪﺩﺭﭘﻰﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺎﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻫﻢﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻝﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﺭﻭﻯﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺯﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺩﺭﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗـﺶ ﻫﻨـﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋـﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺮﻛﺖﺩﺭﺟﺸﻦ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳـﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻠـﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭگ‪ -‬ﻛﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﺗـﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺟﻮﻻﻯ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺟﻬﺖﻣﻬﻢﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣـﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺛﺒﺎﺕﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺭﺍﺩﺭﭘﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻭﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧـﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﺳـﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷـﺶ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴـﺖ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻮﺷـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲﺷـﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴـﻜﻮ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﻫﻢﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺑﻬﺒـﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺯﻩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻣﺎﻟﻰﺑﻪﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺗﺎﻧﺠﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫‪ 71‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨـﺖ ﻧﻴﺠـﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣـﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘـﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻣـﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮ ﻣﻲﺑـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‪88‬ﻧﻔﺮﺍﻋﻼﻡﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺑﺎﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪2010‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪2010‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺑﺴﺘﺮﺭﺷﺪﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﺑﺎﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺳـﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻋﺐﻭﻭﺣﺸﺘﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬـﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯﻫﻢﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻋﻀﺎﺭﺍﻫﻢﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﻭﺭﻕﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷـﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻤـﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺧﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﭘﺨﺶﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ«ﻳﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺩﺭﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﭼﻴﻦﺩﺭﻫﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻴـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺟﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺋﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦﺭﺍﻏﻮﻝﺁﺳﻴﺎﻭﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺧﻮﺏﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ!‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪7‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬـﺎگ ﺩﺍﻧﻤـﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑـﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻲﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﮔﺮﻭﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦﺍﺯﺩﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟـﻼﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻟـﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ‪ 24‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1957‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻻﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬﺍﻥ ﻗــﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﭘﻠﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،90‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﺨــﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻝ ﺳــﺒﺰﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ »ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ –ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ« ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 77‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 77‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻡ‪.‬ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1963‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1968‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ« ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖﻭﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ »ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﻞﻭﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭ )ﺗﺪ( ﻛﻨــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1932‬ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻯﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟــﺞ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻇــﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻑ‪.‬ﻛﻨــﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌــﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1964‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1964‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻯ ﺟﻮ ﻛﻮﭘﭽﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1969‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑــﺪﺵ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻛﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺋﻜﺪﻭﺳﺎﻥ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪ 68‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺵ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴــﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺮﻭﺑﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2009‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺶﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻢﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 2008‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴــﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1948‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1994‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ‪ 68‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻚ ﻫﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧــﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ ‪ 1942‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺋﻜﺘﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1941‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪4‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓــﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﻨﻔﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺋﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ‪ 62‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ »ﺍﻟﺒﻪ« ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭼــﻮﻥ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ 27‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 53‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺘﺎ ﻓﺮﺭﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙــﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ‪ 11‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻟﻪﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ »ﺧِ ﻠﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳــﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﭼﻬﻞﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ )ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪) 12‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﮔﻼﺱ ﭘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻧ ِﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﺍﻭﻣﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺸــﻨﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺲ« ﻭ ﺍﺯﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﮔــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺻِ ــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪6‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳــﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻮﺵﺑﻨﺎﮔﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1944‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭼﺘﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1973‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1989‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭﻗﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸــﻴﺮ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1991‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1993‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸــﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1996‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1998‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1999‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ«ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺸــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ »ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪7‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 59‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﺴﺘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳــﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 59‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺣﻜﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1949‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ 10 .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺍﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗــﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳــﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪8‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋــﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﺌﻮ ﻭﺍﺳــﻜﺰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﮕﻮﺳﻴﮕﺎﻟﭙﺎ )ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ( ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ« ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨــﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺯﻻﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺗﻮ ﻣﻴﭽﻠﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳــﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﻭﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻳﮕﻮﺋﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ!‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ؛ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﻭﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﭼﺮﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲﻋﻠﻲﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﺍﺯﺳﻤﺖﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼـﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸـﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳـﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺳـﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑـﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧـﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴـﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑـﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤـﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺸـﻐﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼـﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻳﻢﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺳـﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﺱﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻭ ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗـﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧــﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺗﺘـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺴـﻬﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺟﻠﻮﻱﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩﺗﺎﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪﻣﻠﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﮔﺮﺍﺯﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸـﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤـﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳـﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﭘــﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺫﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﻨﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﻲﺍﻳﻦﺳﻔﺮﺍﺯﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲژﺍﭘﻦﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺳﺨﻦﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﺗﺎﻥﺍﺯﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮ ﺻـﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮ ﺭ ﻫﺎ ﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁ ﺳـﻴﺎ ﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣـﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄــﻖ ﻣــﺎ ﻗــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﭼﺮﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻋﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻐﻴــﻆ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟــﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺗــﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺣﻮﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴـﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠـﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻫـﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟـﺐ ﺳـﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳـﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳـﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼـﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺴـﻬﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘــﻲ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻨﺜــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺼــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﻣﺼـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟـﺲ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺠــﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺸــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻲﺧﺎﺹﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﺐﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻱﻛﻪﭼﻨﺪﻱﻗﺒﻞﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﻱﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﻘﺶﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﻣﺼﺮﻱﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺭﺍﺱﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻣﺼﺮﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻪﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﺳﻄﻮﺡﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﺩﻳﻨﻲﺑﻴﻦﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺑﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸـﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﻓﺸﺎﺭﺵﺑﺮﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻳﺎﺑﺎﺟﻨﺒﺶﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻣﺼﺮﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺁﻥﺍﺯﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﻛﻪﺣﺴﻨﻲﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﺩﺭﺑﺤﺚﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﺍﺯﺣﺎﻟﺖﺭﻛﻮﺩﺧﺎﺭﺝﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﻣﺼﺮﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﮔـﺎﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﭼﺮﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴـﻦ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺳـﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺗﺮﺟﻴـﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﻔﺮﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﻗﻮﻱﺧﻮﺩﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺣﻮﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻲﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫)ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺧﻼء ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮء ﻇﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼـﺮ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣـﻲﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻤــﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺁﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻠﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻮﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪1‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁ ژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ )ﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻰ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫)‪ 1968‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ )‪ 1347‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫)ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫)ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ( ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 27‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺣﻜﻤــﻲ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪1328‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ )IEEE‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1866‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 7036‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1977‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ )ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ(‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﻭ ‪ 32‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ )‪ (MIT‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1861‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪-‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ‪ QS‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ »ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﻄﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﻗﻄﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ« ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 670‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ 440 ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1361‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 1363‬ﻭ ‪1368‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 1372‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ )ﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺗــﻰ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫)‪ 1968‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1347‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ )ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ( ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫)ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ( ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪) 1967‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 11‬ﺩﻯ ‪ 1347‬ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ( ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 188‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 2007‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،2009‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﻰﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ)ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5000‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 2000‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨــﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻰﻳﺮ ﮔﻠﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ )ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ( ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﮔﻠﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻂﻣﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫)ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻰﻳﺮﮔﻠﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨــﮓ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳــﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨــﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭ )ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ( ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟــﺢ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏــﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍ ﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺗــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ؛ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛــﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1328‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼءﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪» .‬ﻫﺎﺑﺰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﻛﻨﺶ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄــﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫)‪ (MIT‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 38‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ‪ MIT‬ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ MIT‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ »ﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ MIT‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1977‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1367‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1370‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ‪ 93+2‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟــﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪-‬ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﮔﺮﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ )ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ( ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺒﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨــﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺒﺤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ (1375‬ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1382‬ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳــﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 1930‬ﻭ ‪ 1940‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭگﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﺧــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﭼﺎﻧﻒ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﺧﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻮﺭﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﻧﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ( ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ )ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 8‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 10‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻳــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 11‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 12‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﮔﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 13‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 14‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﺬﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪88/5/20 ،‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪88/8/10 ،13‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪1‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ؛ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴـﺘﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨـﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﭼﻪﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻣﺜﺒﺖﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 5+1‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴـﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1803‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏـﺮﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﻧــﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﻧــﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮﺻﺤﻴﺢﺑﻮﺩﻭﻣﺎﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠـﻪ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧـﺪﻩ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧـﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﻏﺮﺏﻭﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷــﻚﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻚﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳـﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺿﻠﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺿﻠﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣـﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺑـﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ؟‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 35‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋــﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨــﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻔﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶﺗﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻼﺡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻲﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﭙﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﻣﺎﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺯﻳﻚﺭﻭﻳﻪﺛﺎﺑﺖﻭﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺩﺳﺖﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﻭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﻫﻢﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻋﻠﻴﻪﻣﺎﺻﺎﺩﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﺍﺯ‪35‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪﻋﻀﻮﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺣﻜﺎﻡﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﻪﻧﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺑﺎﭼﻨﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺰﺭگﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺁﺧﺮﺍﺯ‪ 35‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪118‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪﻳﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺗﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺣﺮﻛﺖﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎﭼﻨﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺧﺎﺹﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻳﺎﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖﺩﺍﺩﻥﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﻣﺎﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺑﻰﻣﻮﺭﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻠﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺎﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻭﻟﻔﺎﻇﻰﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻳﺎﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺭﺍﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻠﻰﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ( ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧـﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺑﻴﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻﻫﺮﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰﻛﻪﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺁﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻭﻝﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻫﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﻗﺎﺑﻞﺩﺭﻙﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﻠﻮﻙﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻛﻤﺘﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎﻭﻓﺸﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﺟﺪﻯﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰﻫـﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺩﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )‪ (OEA‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ! ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪29‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ »ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻪﺳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻪﺳــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1982‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪» ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ«ﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻨــﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ »ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ )ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ)‪ (ALBA‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳــﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫)‪ (OEA‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﭼــﭗ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﻪﺭﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﺭﺭﻩ ﺁ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﻧﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2002-2003‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 28‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 3/9‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻰﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2100‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2020‬ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1997‬ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389 / 2010‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 77‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺴﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 77‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻭﺍﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻣﺎﻟﻰﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2012‬ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺎﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪،2020‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺒﻠﻎﺍﺯﻛﺠﺎﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋــﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺸــﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬــﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﻗﻴﺐﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ »ﺩﻳﻠــﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤــﺰ« ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ »ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻨﺴــﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ )‪ (EOM‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻨﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 67 «.‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ 50 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻴــﻢ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﻤﻊ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺒﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪6‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﻠﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢﻭﻃﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﮕﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ« ﻭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﻋﻠﻰﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﺪﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟــﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ -‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ‪ 27‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 170‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉﺗﺮﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪7‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 27‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1993‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺎﺳﺘﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1999‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪2007‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟــﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳــﺒﻮﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪525‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 115 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 29‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺴــﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺼــﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﮔﺎﻟﻮپ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺟﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻰ ﻛﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﻝ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ 45‬ﺗﺎ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗــﻢ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ »ﻛﻮﻳﻨﻴﭙﻴﺎﻙ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤــﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ‪ 54 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﻳﻨﻴﭙﻴﺎﻙ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﻳﻨﻴﭙﻴﺎﻙ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﭘﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﮔﺎﻟﻮپ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ‪55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ »ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ )ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ( ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺁﻥﭘﺮﭘﻴﭻﻭﺗﺎﺏﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳـﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻴﺪﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻـﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴـﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸـﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳـﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸـﺎﻥ )ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ( ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ « .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌـﻰ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴـﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋـﺰﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻰ ‪180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳـﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺳــﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖِ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﻴﺸﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺳﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2003‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴــﺎﻣﺢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺳــﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻏﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﻄﺎﺏ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴـﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﻭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻒ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 34‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪450‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﮓ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗــﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌــﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌــﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜــﻰ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻓﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺪﺍﻟﻮﺻﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻀـﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﺧﻄﺮﻯﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺣﻴﺚﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻭﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻔﺎﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺫﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺻﺪﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟــﻮگ ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰ ﺭ ﮔﺘﺮ ﻳــﻦ ﺍ ﺷــﺘﺒﺎ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 31‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦﻛﻨــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺸــﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺑﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 86‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻐﻴﻆ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ »ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺪﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺩﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﻛﺎﻓﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﺑﻠﻜﻪﻫﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺨﺮﺝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺧﺎﺻﻰﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﻃﺮﻑﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﻫﻢﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﻯﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻥﭼﻨﻴﻦﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺳﺖﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺸـﻜﻞ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺁﻧﭽﻪﺩﺭﭘﻰﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺎﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻫﻢﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻝﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﺭﻭﻯﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺯﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺩﺭﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗـﺶ ﻫﻨـﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋـﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺮﻛﺖﺩﺭﺟﺸﻦ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳـﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻠـﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭگ‪ -‬ﻛﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﺗـﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺟﻮﻻﻯ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺟﻬﺖﻣﻬﻢﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣـﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺛﺒﺎﺕﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺭﺍﺩﺭﭘﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻭﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧـﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﺳـﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷـﺶ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴـﺖ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻮﺷـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲﺷـﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴـﻜﻮ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﻫﻢﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺑﻬﺒـﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺯﻩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻣﺎﻟﻰﺑﻪﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺗﺎﻧﺠﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫‪ 71‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨـﺖ ﻧﻴﺠـﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣـﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘـﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻣـﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮ ﻣﻲﺑـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‪88‬ﻧﻔﺮﺍﻋﻼﻡﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺑﺎﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪2010‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪2010‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺑﺴﺘﺮﺭﺷﺪﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﺑﺎﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺳـﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻋﺐﻭﻭﺣﺸﺘﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬـﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯﻫﻢﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻋﻀﺎﺭﺍﻫﻢﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﻭﺭﻕﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷـﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻤـﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺧﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﭘﺨﺶﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ«ﻳﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺩﺭﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﭼﻴﻦﺩﺭﻫﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻴـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺟﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺋﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦﺭﺍﻏﻮﻝﺁﺳﻴﺎﻭﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺧﻮﺏﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ!‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪7‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬـﺎگ ﺩﺍﻧﻤـﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑـﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻲﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﮔﺮﻭﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦﺍﺯﺩﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟـﻼﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻟـﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ‪ 24‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1957‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻻﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬﺍﻥ ﻗــﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﭘﻠﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،90‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﺨــﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻝ ﺳــﺒﺰﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ »ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ –ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ« ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 77‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 77‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻡ‪.‬ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1963‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1968‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ« ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖﻭﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ »ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﻞﻭﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭ )ﺗﺪ( ﻛﻨــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1932‬ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻯﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟــﺞ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻇــﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻑ‪.‬ﻛﻨــﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌــﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1964‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1964‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻯ ﺟﻮ ﻛﻮﭘﭽﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1969‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑــﺪﺵ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻛﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺋﻜﺪﻭﺳﺎﻥ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪ 68‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺵ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴــﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺮﻭﺑﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2009‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺶﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻢﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 2008‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴــﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1948‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1994‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ‪ 68‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻚ ﻫﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧــﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ ‪ 1942‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺋﻜﺘﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1941‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪4‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓــﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﻨﻔﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺋﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ‪ 62‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ »ﺍﻟﺒﻪ« ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭼــﻮﻥ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ 27‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 53‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺘﺎ ﻓﺮﺭﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﭙــﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ‪ 11‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻟﻪﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ »ﺧِ ﻠﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳــﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﭼﻬﻞﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ )ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪) 12‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﮔﻼﺱ ﭘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻧ ِﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﺍﻭﻣﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺸــﻨﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺲ« ﻭ ﺍﺯﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﮔــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺻِ ــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪6‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳــﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻮﺵﺑﻨﺎﮔﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1944‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭼﺘﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1973‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1989‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭﻗﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸــﻴﺮ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1991‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1993‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸــﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1996‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1998‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1999‬ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ«ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺸــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ »ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪7‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 59‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﺴﺘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳــﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 59‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺣﻜﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1949‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ 10 .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺍﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗــﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳــﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ‪8‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋــﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﺌﻮ ﻭﺍﺳــﻜﺰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﮕﻮﺳﻴﮕﺎﻟﭙﺎ )ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ( ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ« ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨــﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺯﻻﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺗﻮ ﻣﻴﭽﻠﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳــﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﻭﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻳﮕﻮﺋﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ!‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﭼﺮﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻋﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻐﻴــﻆ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟــﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺗــﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺣﻮﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴـﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠـﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻫـﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟـﺐ ﺳـﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳـﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳـﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼـﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺴـﻬﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘــﻲ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻨﺜــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺼــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﻣﺼـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟـﺲ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺠــﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺸــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻲﺧﺎﺹﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﺐﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻱﻛﻪﭼﻨﺪﻱﻗﺒﻞﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﻱﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﻘﺶﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﻣﺼﺮﻱﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺭﺍﺱﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻣﺼﺮﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻪﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﺳﻄﻮﺡﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﺩﻳﻨﻲﺑﻴﻦﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺑﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸـﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﻓﺸﺎﺭﺵﺑﺮﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻳﺎﺑﺎﺟﻨﺒﺶﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻣﺼﺮﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺁﻥﺍﺯﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﻛﻪﺣﺴﻨﻲﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﺩﺭﺑﺤﺚﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﺍﺯﺣﺎﻟﺖﺭﻛﻮﺩﺧﺎﺭﺝﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﻣﺼﺮﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪1‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁ ژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ )ﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻰ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫)‪ 1968‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ )‪ 1347‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫)ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫)ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ( ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 27‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺣﻜﻤــﻲ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪1328‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ )IEEE‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1866‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 7036‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1977‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ )ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ(‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﻭ ‪ 32‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ )‪ (MIT‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1861‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪-‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ‪ QS‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ »ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﻄﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﻗﻄﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ« ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 670‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ 440 ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1361‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 1363‬ﻭ ‪1368‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 1372‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ )ﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺗــﻰ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫)‪ 1968‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1347‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ )ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ( ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫)ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ( ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪) 1967‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 11‬ﺩﻯ ‪ 1347‬ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ( ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 188‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 2007‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،2009‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﻰﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ)ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5000‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 2000‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨــﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻰﻳﺮ ﮔﻠﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ )ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ( ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﮔﻠﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻂﻣﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫)ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻰﻳﺮﮔﻠﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨــﮓ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳــﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨــﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭ )ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ( ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟــﺢ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏــﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍ ﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺗــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪1‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ؛ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴـﺘﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨـﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﭼﻪﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻣﺜﺒﺖﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 5+1‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴـﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1803‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏـﺮﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﻧــﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﻧــﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮﺻﺤﻴﺢﺑﻮﺩﻭﻣﺎﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠـﻪ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧـﺪﻩ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧـﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﻏﺮﺏﻭﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷــﻚﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻚﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳـﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺿﻠﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺿﻠﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣـﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺑـﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ؟‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 35‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋــﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨــﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻔﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶﺗﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻼﺡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻲﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﭙﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﻣﺎﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺯﻳﻚﺭﻭﻳﻪﺛﺎﺑﺖﻭﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺩﺳﺖﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﻭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﻫﻢﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻋﻠﻴﻪﻣﺎﺻﺎﺩﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﺍﺯ‪35‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪﻋﻀﻮﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺣﻜﺎﻡﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﻪﻧﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺑﺎﭼﻨﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺰﺭگﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺁﺧﺮﺍﺯ‪ 35‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪118‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪﻳﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺗﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺣﺮﻛﺖﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎﭼﻨﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺧﺎﺹﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻳﺎﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖﺩﺍﺩﻥﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﻣﺎﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺑﻰﻣﻮﺭﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻠﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺎﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻭﻟﻔﺎﻇﻰﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻳﺎﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺭﺍﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻠﻰﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ( ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧـﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺑﻴﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻﻫﺮﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰﻛﻪﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺁﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻭﻝﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻫﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﻗﺎﺑﻞﺩﺭﻙﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﻠﻮﻙﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻛﻤﺘﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎﻭﻓﺸﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﺟﺪﻯﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰﻫـﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺩﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )‪ (OEA‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ! ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪29‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ »ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻪﺳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻪﺳــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1982‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪» ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ«ﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻨــﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ »ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ )ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ)‪ (ALBA‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺯﻻﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳــﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫)‪ (OEA‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﭼــﭗ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻻﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﻪﺭﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﺭﺭﻩ ﺁ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﻧﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2002-2003‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 28‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 3/9‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻰﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2100‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2020‬ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ؟‬ ‫ﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1997‬ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389 / 2010‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 77‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺴﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 77‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻭﺍﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻣﺎﻟﻰﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2012‬ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺎﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪،2020‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺒﻠﻎﺍﺯﻛﺠﺎﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋــﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺸــﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬــﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﻗﻴﺐﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ »ﺩﻳﻠــﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤــﺰ« ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ »ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻨﺴــﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ )‪ (EOM‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻨﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 67 «.‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ 50 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻴــﻢ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﻤﻊ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺒﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪6‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﻠﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢﻭﻃﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﮕﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ« ﻭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﻋﻠﻰﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﺪﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟــﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ -‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ‪ 27‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 170‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉﺗﺮﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪7‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 27‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1993‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺎﺳﺘﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1999‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪2007‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟــﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳــﺒﻮﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪525‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 115 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 29‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺴــﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺼــﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﮔﺎﻟﻮپ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺟﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻰ ﻛﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﻝ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ 45‬ﺗﺎ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗــﻢ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ »ﻛﻮﻳﻨﻴﭙﻴﺎﻙ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤــﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ‪ 54 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﻳﻨﻴﭙﻴﺎﻙ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﻳﻨﻴﭙﻴﺎﻙ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﭘﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﮔﺎﻟﻮپ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ‪55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ »ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ )ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ( ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﮔـﺎﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﭼﺮﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴـﻦ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺳـﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺗﺮﺟﻴـﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﻔﺮﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﻗﻮﻱﺧﻮﺩﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺣﻮﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻲﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫)ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺧﻼء ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮء ﻇﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼـﺮ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣـﻲﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻤــﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺁﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻠﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻮﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺁﻥﭘﺮﭘﻴﭻﻭﺗﺎﺏﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳـﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻴﺪﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻـﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴـﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸـﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳـﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸـﺎﻥ )ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ( ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ « .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌـﻰ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴـﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋـﺰﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻰ ‪180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳـﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺳــﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖِ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﻴﺸﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺳﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2003‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴــﺎﻣﺢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺳــﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻏﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﻄﺎﺏ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴـﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﻭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻒ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 34‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪450‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﮓ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗــﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌــﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌــﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜــﻰ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻓﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺪﺍﻟﻮﺻﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻀـﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﺧﻄﺮﻯﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺣﻴﺚﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻭﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻔﺎﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺫﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺻﺪﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟــﻮگ ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰ ﺭ ﮔﺘﺮ ﻳــﻦ ﺍ ﺷــﺘﺒﺎ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 31‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦﻛﻨــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺸــﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ /‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺶ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ«‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 88‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻗﺎﺏ‬ ‫»‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ«؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺸـﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤـﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒـﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟـﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴـﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸـﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟـﻮﺩﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨـﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻃـﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ‪7908‬ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪ ﺟﻨﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺳـﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‪ 168‬ﺳﺮﻧﺸـﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻭﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﺗﻴﺮﺳﺎﻝ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱﺟﻨﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦﺳﻘﻮﻁﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴـﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴـﺐ ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻫـﺮ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱﭘﺮﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒـﺮ ﻭﺍﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠـﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴـﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻫﻨﺪﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﻠﻴـﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﺭﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲﺁﻧﺎﻥﻻﻳﺤﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺑﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﺮﺝﻛﺮﺩﻥﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪89‬ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻪﻧﻔﺖﻭﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻛﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺑﺎﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪89‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﻪﺳﺎﺗﺎﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺭﺍﺩﺭﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺑﻪﺛﺒﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻓﺎﺭﺱﺩﺭﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩﻣﺘﻦﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﻪﺳﺎﺗﺎﺭﺍﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﻪﺳﺎﺗﺎ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱﺍﺯﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﻠﺢﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺗﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺭﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺒـﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺑﺎﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﻋـﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴـﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱﺍﺯﺣﺬﻑﺳﻪﺻﻔﺮﺍﺯﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱﭘﻮﻟﻲﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‪ 30‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‪19‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‪188‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 45 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 241‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﻲﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﺩﺭﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺧﺒـﺮﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺟـﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫـﺎ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻠـﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺘﻜـﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻔﺘﻜﺶ»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﺴﺎ«ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖﻛﻪﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻭﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺷـﻪ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺘﻜﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺣﺎﻣﻞﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺑﺸﻜﻪﻧﻔﺖﺧﺎﻡﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻨﺪﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻜﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘــﺎﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘــﺎﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘــﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮژﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻙ ﭘﻴــﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺬﺭﭘــﺎﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻼﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮگ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺮﻭﻳــﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻨﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﮔــﺰﺍﻑ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻛﻢﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 86‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﻪﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘــﺎﺡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺶ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﭙﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ 87‬ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﺎﺭﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌــﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﻓﺘﺎﺡﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﺯﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺧﺎﺗﻢﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻭﺩﺭﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﻭﻯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺩﺭﺟﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‪ 58‬ﺗﺎ‪ ،59‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ )ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‪ 68‬ﺗﺎ‪ ،70‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﺹ(ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺳﺪﻫﺎﻯﻛﺮﺧﻪﻭﮔﺘﻮﻧﺪﻃﻰﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺩﺭﺳﭙﺎﺳﺪﺭﺍﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻯﻫﺮﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪﻫﺸﺖﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 87‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻛﻪﺩﺭﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺵﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻲﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‪44‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﻋﺮﺻﻪﺑﺨﺶﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺯﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻭﻋﻼﻗﻪﻭﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﻭﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 110‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖﺧﺎﻧﻪﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻛﺎﻫﺶﺛﺎﺑﺖﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺖﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﺍﺯﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺳــﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻭﻧﻚﺷﺪﻩﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﻣﺤﻞﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻻﻳﺤﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺳﺎﻝ‪ 89‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺖﻛﻪﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖﻭﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﻳﺪﻙﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﺪﻥﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺍﺯﺭﻛﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩﺑﺎﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺟﻬﺶﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﻣﻮﺟﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﺧﺎﻧﻪﺑﺎﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ‪ ،110‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؛ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺵﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢﺗﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺐﻭﺗﺎﺏ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻛﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏــﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻋــﻮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺗﺮﻣــﺰ ‪ ABS‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺐﺗﺮﻣﺰ ‪ABS‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 20‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿــﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻴﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ‪ 80‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨــﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺣﻖ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ 10 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﭼﺎﻙ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻴﻠــﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻨﺠﻴﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ‪ 26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳــﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺿﻄــﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔــﭗ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺶ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥﻃﺮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺩﻳﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻃﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻣﺴﻠﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ! ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺭﺭﺩﻳﻒﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪﺭﺷﺪﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢﻭﺍﻭﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﺎﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺗﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭼﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﺮﻡ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭼﺮﻣــﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻴﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻼ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻛﻮﺩﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰﺳﺨﺖﺭﺍﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩﻭﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺏﺯﺩﻩﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﺯﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺴــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ »ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ« ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﮕــﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 130‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧـﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑـﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔـﺖ؛ »ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻢ‬ ‫ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ‪ -‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻴﻀﺎﺣﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑـﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒـﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺑﺎﻳﺪﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﺯﻳﺮﺗﻴﻎﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺁﺧﺮﻫﻢﺟﺎﻥﺳﺎﻟﻢﺑﻪﺩﺭﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﮔﺮﻫﻢﺳﺎﻟﻢﺑﺎﺷﺪﺩﺭﺩﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺼﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻠــﻖ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ 120 .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺩﺍﺭﻡﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺭﺍﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻭﻗﻄﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ – ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺑﻠﻴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ! ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻋﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻧﻄــﻮ ﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻭ ﻋــﺪ ﻩ ﺩ ﺍ ﺩ ﻳــﻢ ﺩ ﺭ ﻧــﻮ ﺭ ﻭ ﺯ ﺭ ﺍ ﻩ ﺁ ﻫــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻨﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻂﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪13‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂﺁﻫﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ـ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺮﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ‪50‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋــﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﺒــﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔــﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺧــﻂ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺗﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ....‬ﺗﻮﭘﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﻲﺷــﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺷــﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺳــﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﺾﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺷــﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟــﺎﺭﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 89‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻋﺰﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒــﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1377‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻘﺐ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﺪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺸــﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻭﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ،89‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﻳــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺣﻤﻴﺪﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺣﻤﻴﺪﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﺑﻮﺗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 28‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻘﻂ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ‪ 5‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 84‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 85‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ‪ FACTOR LOAD‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 600‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 83‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ‪ 821‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ‪640‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ‪ UTILIZATION‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ‪33‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ‪28‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺸــﻔﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪80/11/23‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ‪154‬‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪ 119‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪82/11/31‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻛﺮ‪50‬‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 43‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪84/2/1‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪707‬‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻴﺶ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪1‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪85/6/10‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪86/9/6‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻮﻑ‪74‬‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 36‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪87/11/27‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪140‬‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪87/6/3‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‪*737‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪88/4/24‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪88/5/2‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫*ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﭙﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺰﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﺭﺍﺭﻓﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻌﻴﺪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ)ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ( ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 138‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳــﺮﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﺳﭙﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻘﺺﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﺎﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻧــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ )‪ ،(ATC‬ﺭﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﻭﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺘﺮﻳﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻳــﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ )‪ (NTSB‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨــﻰ ) ‪Safety‬‬ ‫‪ (System Management‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻙﻛﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﻊﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶﻣﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻠــﻮﻙ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻲﭼﻮﻥﺧﺮﻳﺪﺳﻬﺎﻡﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑــﺖ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1385‬ﻭ ‪ 1386‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1383‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11:15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ‪ 340‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 341‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 22‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 936‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 727‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 827‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 77‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪985‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 7/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫‪ 340‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻬــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲﭘﻮﺭ ‪ 51‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ‪ 49‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﻚ ﻗﺘﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷــﺎﻣﻠﻮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﺮﻙﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﮔﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﻭ ﻃــﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪1165‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﺑﻼﻏﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻌــﺪﻱ ﺑﺒﻠﻌﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎ ﻫــﺮ ﺍ ﺣﺎ ﺷــﻴﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰ ﺭ گ ﺗﺮ ﻳــﻦ ﺷــﺮ ﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺎﺑــﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳــﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﺮﺱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺴــﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ‪1165‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻃﻠﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ‪343‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ‪822‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﺪﻳــﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ‪179‬ﺭﻳﺎﻟــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪342 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﭘﺎﺳــﺦﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻲﺑﻪﺁﻥﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،44‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺿﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،44‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 79‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻋـﺎﺭﻑ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷـﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕﻭﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1332‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴـﻚ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴـﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻣﺎﺭﻯﻛﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1362‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯﺧﻮﻳﺶﺭﺍﺩﺭﺭﺷﺘﻪﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻣﺎﺭﻯﻛﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻜﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﻴﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1363‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻴـﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴـﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶ ﻣﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳـﻬﺎﻡ ﺗـﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ICT‬ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕﻭﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻠﺪﻳﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﺩﻫﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ‪ISP‬ﻫﺎ‪ICP،‬ﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪PAP‬ﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧــﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧـﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑـﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳـﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑـﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻀـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳـﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑـﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﺽ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻘﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺒﺾ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻭ ‪ GPRS‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱﺑﺎﻋﺚﺭﺷﺪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺩﻳﺮﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻣﺪﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻮﻉﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱﺷﺮﻛﺖﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻋﻤﻞﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺟﺰءﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻣﻨﻔﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﺎﻋﺚﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﺧﻴﻠﻲﺯﻭﺩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﺑﻪﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲﺻﺤﻴﺢﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻋﺮﺻﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺬﺷﺖﻳﻚﺩﻭﺭﻩﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺣﺘﻲﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻭﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺣﺎﺻﻞﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺷﺮﻛﺖﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳـﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺻﺒﺢﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾﻭﺭﻭﺩﺭﺋﻴﺲﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳـﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻨﺸـﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤـﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺴـﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤـﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨـﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﮔﻠﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈـﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻥ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻘﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺑﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣــﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃـﻲ ﺳـﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻋـﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 70-80‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺳـﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺗــﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷــﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻗﺘﺼـﺎ ﺩ ﻱ ﺍ ﻛﺜﺮ ﻳـﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤـﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﻢﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 10‬ﻳــﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺥﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕــﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪41‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎء )ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ـ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ـ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ـ ﺧﻼء ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜــﺲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨــﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 8/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 13‬ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪1»:‬ـﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ -2.‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 689‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ‪ 263‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻭﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳــﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 530‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ‪ 44‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ‪ 33‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ )ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ( ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 305‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ؛ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ‪ GDP‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺰﻳﻨﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 333‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪277‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 777‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ‪ 263‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺰﻳﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ‪ GDP‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 666‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪305‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 305‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺣﺸــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ(‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪25/9‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪263520698000‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪18/3‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪219600496000‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪13/1‬‬ ‫‪1/3‬‬ ‫‪183000300000‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫‪17/6‬‬ ‫‪22/3‬‬ ‫‪ 150000‬ﺗﺎ ‪* 180000‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻭﺍﺳـﻂ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ‪ 180‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣـﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ‪ 150‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 180‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻼﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 850‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ILO‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ )‪ (ILO‬ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣــﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ ILO‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 26‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1307‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﺎﭼﻪ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 95‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1949‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1972‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ ILO‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ‪ 330‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ‪ 514‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺴـﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﺒﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻝﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﺭﺍﻫﻢﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﻴﻮﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ) ﺍﺯ ﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ‪ 18‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 546‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ 530‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻮﺿﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻥﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﺍﮔﺮﻣﺰﺩﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺳﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑـﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳـﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻳﺎﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺣﺮﻑﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﻤﻪﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖﻣﺎﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵﺷﻨﻮﺍﻳﻰﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺣﺮﻑﻣﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺵﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻣﺰﺩﭼﻘﺪﺭﺑﻪﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﻛﺸﻮﺭﺿﺮﺑﻪﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ‪ 330‬ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕﺧﻮﺩﻣﺸﻜﻞﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻑﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﻫﻢﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊﺁﻥﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﺭﺍﺍﻣﻀﺎﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﻤﺘﻰﺳﻮﻕﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺧﻮﺩﺗﺠﻤﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷﻨﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣـﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴـﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺭﻡﺭﺍﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﺍﻋﻼﻡﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺑﻪﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻬﻠﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 530‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻗﻤﻲﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥﺍﺯﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻚﺗﻜﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﺶ »ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻯﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﻓﻚﺭﻫﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﺩﺭﻧﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 8/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 4‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪«.‬ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ 2200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2008‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻰﺑﻰﺍﺱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻫﺮﻯ ﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 11‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ‪ 85‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺣﺰﺑﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 9/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻴﭻ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 878‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﻣﻚﻛﺎﻧﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻬﻮﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺸــﻴﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻬﻮﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﺴﻠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺴــﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎﺗﻮﺭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻟﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 145‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺴﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻟﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻰﺍﻑﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺍﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺑﺎﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ 2009 ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺗﻮﺭﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻐﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪10 .‬ﻫﺎﺗﻮﺭﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺴﺖﻓﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ »ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ«‪.‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎ ‪ 4/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪ 0/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﺮﻛﺖﺍﺯﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‪ 20‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﺑﺮﺗﺮﺭﻫﺒﺮﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2008‬ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2009‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ »ﺧﻴﻠﻰﺧﻮﺏ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 20‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻝﻣــﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻜﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺍﭘﻮﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺿﻮﺡ« ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝﻣﺎﺭﺕ‪ :‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ‪ 53‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ‪ 15‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ »ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻜﻴـﺎ‪ :‬ﺑــﺎ ‪ 123‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 35‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓــﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺛﺎﺛﻴﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻫﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﭘﻮﺱ‪ :‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1500‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦﺭﻳﻮﺭﺯ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫِﻰﺑﺎﺗﺨﺼﺺﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻯﭘﺎﺩ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻚﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2008‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﺴــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ »ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 172/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 52/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ‪ 46/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﺴﻰ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻚﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16/6‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 19/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻯﻓــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 14/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 3/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﻰﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 38/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 36/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺵ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﺖﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻧﻰﺍﺭﻳﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﻮﺷﻰﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ »ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 3/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﺴﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪،2010‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﺒــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﻫﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻭ ﻛﺎﻟﭽﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺒﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦﺧﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺱﻭﮔﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ )‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ )‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻏﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺨﺸﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺶ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 14 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺯﺍﺋﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺴﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﺴــﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻠــﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴــﺖ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺴــﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 57‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴــﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻥﺍﺷﺘﺎﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﻠﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺴــﺖﻓﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻭپ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ‪64‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻛﻴﻨــﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ »ﺿﻌﻴﻒ«‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻧﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﺭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻐﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﻯ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﺯ ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺩﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻥﺍﻟِﻮِﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻭﻳﭻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺩﻭﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼــﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮگ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺏﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﮋﻭﻫــﺶ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫِﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﻮﻣﭙﻴﺪﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪» 2008‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1981‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ »ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ« ﻭ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪﻩﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﻐﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ ‪ 750‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ 104:‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯﻫﻨﺮﻯﭘﺮﺯﺭﻕﻭﺑﺮﻗﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭ‪ 2008‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺩﺭﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺳﺨﺘﻰﺑﻪﺳﺮﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ 9 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪300‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 10‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﻮﻟﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪:‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻫﻨﺮﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﻫﻴﭻﭘﻮﻟﻰﺑﻪﻣﺮﻛﺰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻛﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥﻭﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺁﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪109‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪5‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﻃﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻟــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ‪ 88‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺷــﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﻃﺮﺣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺩﭼﺎﺭﭼﻪﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 62‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1395‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻠﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻣﺴﻜﻦﺭﺍﻓﻠﺞﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻠﺖﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳــﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺗﺎ ‪ .83‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﻬﺸﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﻨﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ 600‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺗﻤﻠﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻳﻦﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻃﺮﺡﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺭﻛﻮﺩﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥﺑﻪﻃﺮﺡﺍﺳﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 110‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﻤﻠﻴﻚ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻚﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺷﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻬﻞﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻫﻠﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤـﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﮔـﺬﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺩﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﮔﺬﺷﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸـﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻮﻳـﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﺮﻋﺮﺻﻪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﻫﻨﺮﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ» ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻟﻲ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻟﻲ«ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺑﻪﺯﻣﺎﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻩﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﺁﻏﺎﺯﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻫﻔﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴـــﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﺩﺭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﺸـﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﭼﺸـﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸـﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨـﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘـﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ« ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗـﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴـﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻠـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧـﻮﺭ ﺑـﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻓﺠﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﻲﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﻫﻨﺮﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺷـﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ«ﺭﺍﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴـﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳـﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔـﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠـﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﺻﻠﻲﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬـﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗـﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﭼﻨﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻭﻧﻴﺰﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺑﺎﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪﻭﻋﺪﻡﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﻭﺩﺍﻭﺭﻫﻢﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺍﺯﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮﻫﻢﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱﻗﺒﻞﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﻢﺑﺪﻭﻥﺣﻀﻮﺭﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺷﻌﺮﻫﻢﺗﻜﺮﺍﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩﺣﻜﻢﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲﺑﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳـﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾﺳﭙﺮﻱﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑـﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬـــﺮ‬ ‫ـﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻳﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴـﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺵ ﺑـﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻛﻪﺑﻪﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺭﺍﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲﺑﺎﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺟﺪﻳﺪﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﺪﻭﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧـﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻫـﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺑﻪﺭﻗﻢﺯﻳﺮﭘﻨﺞﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻏﻴﺮﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ» ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺟـﻮﺍﺩ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳـﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓـﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪ ﺕ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣﻮﺟـﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳـﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐﺳـﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺷـﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪115‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺻﺪﺍﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜــﺮﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻀﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 1358‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1374‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺑﻪﭘﺨﺶﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺘﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺯﺁﺛﺎﺭﺍﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻭﻃﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘــﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬ﻣﺎﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﻬﺮﺑﺨﺖﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪/‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﻛﺸﻴﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻮﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻏﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﻏﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻀﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺧﺎﺹﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎﺭﺩﻳﻒﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺍﻭﺭﺩﻳﻔﻲﻣﻲﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻀﻢﺭﺩﻳﻒﻭﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻲﻛﻪﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻳﻦﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺑﻪﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺷﺪﻭﺑﻪﺟﺰﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ‪ 20 ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺝ ﭘﻮﺭﻯ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺠﺎﻝﺳﻜﻮﺕﻧﻴﺴﺖ«ﻭﻣﻦﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﺷﺪﻡﻛﻪﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻒﻭﻗﺸﺮﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻭﻧﻜﻮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲﺑﺮﭘﺎﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻧﺼﺮ ﻣﻦﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ«‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑــﻼ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺳﻴﺮﻱﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ »ﺑﺪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﭘﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻪﺗﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻫﻢﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢﮔﺮﻩﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﺳﺖﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ»ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖﭼﻮ«ﺍﻭﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ« ﺑﺨﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﭼﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﭼﻮ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ« ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ »ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻲ ﺷـﺮﻭﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 27‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،2010‬ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺟــﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫‪ 91‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺶ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻫﻮﻟﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﻔﻴﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺧﺸــﻤﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺵ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﺖﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﺖﺍﺵ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻧﻰﻭ ﺯﻭﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻟﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﻔﻴﻠﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻫﻮﻟﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﻔﻴﻠﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻴﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﻮﺍﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫‪ 1919‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ – ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧـﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﻠﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ‪61‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻼﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺩ)‪ ،(1364‬ﺷــﻴﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﻰ)‪ ،(1365‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﺗﻨﺪﺑﺎﺩ)‪ ،(1367‬ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺧــﺮﺱ)‪ ،(1371‬ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻨﻪ)‪ ،(1373‬ﺑﻠﻮﻍ)‪ (1378‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ)‪ ،(1376‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﺭﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯﺳﻄﺤﻰﭼﻮﻥ»ﺩﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ«‪»،‬ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺩﺭﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻴﻆﺗﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ژﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻜــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺳﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻓﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ژﻭﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻓﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ »ﺩﺭﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻟﻒﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻛﻢﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻓــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴــﺺ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻠﻤــﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴــﺎﺱ ﺻﺪﻡﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪117‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪118‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻲﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺨﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻣﻨﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ! ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ! ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺍﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﻫﻤــﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺷﻚ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻪ؛‬ ‫ﻳــﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ‪«.‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏ )ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ( ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤــﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻲ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ! ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭﻭﻋﺪﻡﺣﻀﻮﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺩﺭﺩﺭﻭﻥﻓﻀﺎﻭﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﻪﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ‪ 198‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ‪ . . . .‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ«‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 220‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ‪30‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺑ ُﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ‪.‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺥﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ )ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻙ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺥ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﺥ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻱ ﺍﻛﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴﻴﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻬﺎﻱ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪﺳﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺯ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻍﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈــﻪ ﺍﺵ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣــﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻳــﻼ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻪ« ﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻪ«ﺍﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪» 79‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ – ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﻟﻤﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻤﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫»ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺫﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻘﺐ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﺣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪» ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻦ«ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺜــﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠــﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺜﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳــﻮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺵ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺜﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻘﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻣﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺵﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮپ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻭﻯﺍﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﻮﺵ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ – ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪1333‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ « ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 59‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺵ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﺍ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺴﺮﺍ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺐ« ﻭ »ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻡ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻬﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻳﻤﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﭘﺪﺍﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻟﻰ ﺟﻜﺴﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﺗﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﺨﻮﻑ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺐ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻳﻤﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ‪» :‬ﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻄــﻮﺭ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ )ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ( ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﺑــﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺳــﺎﻥﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ »ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﻚ« )‪ (1997‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ« ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 55‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ »ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ«‬ ‫)‪ (2003‬ﻭ »ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻕ« )‪ (2005‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺵ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺳــﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﻚ«‪» ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ )ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ( ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺴــﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺨﻜﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺭﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺫﻫﻨــﻲ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗــﻮﺭ« )‪ (1984‬ﻭ »ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ« )‪(1986‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ( ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻚ« ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﺭﻣﺎﻧــﺲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ )ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ(‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪120‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ( ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻱ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠــﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴــﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺷﺸﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﻧﺼﻴــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،80‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ( ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ »ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺶ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ؛ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺩﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﻭ »ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ »ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ« ﻭ »ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ 60‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ‪ 35‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 200‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 400‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ!ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﻃﻴﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﻔﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ )ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺶ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻨــﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺴــﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻗﻠﻤــﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻈﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺵ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻓﺶ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪121‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪122‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸـﺖ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ :88‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ :88‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪» :88‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ :88‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ :88‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪100‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ :88‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺁﺑـﺎﻥ ‪ :88‬ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ژﺍﻧﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺁﺑـﺎﻥ ‪ :88‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗــﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫»ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻣﻘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺁﺑـﺎﻥ ‪ :88‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺟــﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻃــﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ :88‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﺰﺵ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﺩﻱ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ)ﺹ( ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫»ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﺼﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ :88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻠﺴﻪﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺩﺭﺁﻥﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪»«.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺳــﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲﻛﻪﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺩﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﺍﺯﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪»«.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪123‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪124‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺲ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ – ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷــﻦ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪ :‬ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‪ :‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ( ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻛﻮچ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪﺳﻮﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﻳﺒﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11‬ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺱ‪.‬ﺍﻡ‪.‬ﺍﺱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ «.‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺶ‪ :‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔـﺖ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺷــﺶ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ‪ 300‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺣــﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻡﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 23 ،1387‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 60‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳــﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﮔﻴﺸﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1388‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻏﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻏﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪125‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍﻏﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺨﻮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪126‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍﻏﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺨﻮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺰﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﻏﻤﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﭙﻰﺍﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ ‪ «2‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪3756850400‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ – ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡﺩﺳــﺘﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻜﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻣﻮﻟﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻌﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﻚ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ‪ ،18‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺗﻮ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﻧﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻰ ﺗــﻮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1388‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 35‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥِ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ )ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ( ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫)ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ( ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ )ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺣﺎﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺴﺎﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 1157045700‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺷــﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ )ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ )ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ( ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻰ ﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻰﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑــﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻛﻠﻮپﻫــﺎ ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺑــﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻰ ﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﮔﻬﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺸﺖﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺫﻫﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ( ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺷﺐ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻡﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ » ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻖ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺶ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻀﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ )ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ( ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ »ﻣﺎﻩﻭﺵ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻨﺶ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ – ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ – ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻏﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1360‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻰ ﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﻻﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ«‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﻟــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻤﭙــﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ – ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺒﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻰﺭﻏﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪127‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ؛‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪128‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻـﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸـﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺽﻛﺮﺩﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻـﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﻞﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺟــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ »ﻫﻴﭻ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻫﻴﭻ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸـﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟـﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺗﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺷﻤﺎﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﭼﻪﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﺭﻓﻊﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧـﺮﻩ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳـﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸـﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺁﻥﺭﺍﻛﺎﻫﺶﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﺧﻄﻮﻁﻗﺮﻣﺰﺩﻭﭼﻴﺰﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 18‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻄﺤﻲﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻣﻪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻭﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻭﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻧﻘﺶﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣـﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 300‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ‪ 90 ،70‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ‪ 300‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ‪ 300‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ‪ 200‬ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 260‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ‪ 150‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 61‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 120‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 400‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ‪ 250‬ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 200‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 60 ،50‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣﻨﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻧﮕﺎﻩﺑﺎﺯﺑﻪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺗﻮﺟﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﺍﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺤﻮﻝﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺟﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻭﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﺎﺯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺭﻙﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻓﻘﻂﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؛ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪130‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺗﻘﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1388‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻠﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻚ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺮﻑﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪131‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ «‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪132‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺍﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎ «ﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺍﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﮔﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﭘﺮﻃﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻰﺭﻣﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﻩ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻯ« ﻛﻤﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﻞ« ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ »ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ« ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﺷــﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ« ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ »ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻃﻨﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠــﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻛﺲ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﻨــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻰﺗــﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜــﻼ »ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳــﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ »ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻰ« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﻨــﺰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼء ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ »ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑــﺎﺩ« ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ »ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ « ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ »ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻰ « ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ « ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﺬﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ ﺳﻪ«‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ »ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺩﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗﻠﺦ « ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﻛﻠﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ »ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ« ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺷﻜﺮﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ؛ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺁپ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻻﻧﮓﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﻡ ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧـﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴـﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧـﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺗﻠﻪﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴـﺎﻟﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﻢ؛ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷـﻚ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ژﺍﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻧﻮﺩﺷــﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺳﺘﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺩﺷﺒﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻧﻮﺩﺷﺒﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺒﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﻋﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﭘﺮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺒﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻰ ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳـﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻣﻮﻓـﻖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻻﻧﮓﺷﺎﺕ )ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺩﻭﺭ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺁپ )ﻧﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﮓﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﻢﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺿــﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻠﻪﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪133‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻗﻰ‬ ‫‪134‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ )ﺭﻭﺯﻯﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ( ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻰﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳــﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻰﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰﻛﻪﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺑﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻨﺶﻫﻤﺎﻥﻧﺒﻮﺩﺟﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﻗﻴﺪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﻜﺎﻥﻭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﻭﺍﮔﺮﻫﻢﺷﺪﻩﺑﺪﻭﻥﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲﺧﺎﺹﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻣﺪﻳﺎﻛﺎﺷﻴﮕﺮﻛﻪﺩﺑﻴﺮﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺳﺖﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﮋﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﻢ‪،‬ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺷﺎﻧﺲﭘﻞﺍﺳﺘﺮ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺭﺍ–ﻛﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺮﻳﺪﺣﻖﻛﭙﻰﺭﺍﻳﺖﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪-‬ﺍﺯﺁﻥﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻳﻰﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺴﺎ ﻣﺤﺐﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺵ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛــﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻬــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،87‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ»ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﻯ« ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ‪» ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﭽﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ« ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ« ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﻳﻼ« ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻭﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ »ﺁﻭﻳﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ« ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‪» ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ« ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ – ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ – ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻗﻴﺼــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﺱ ﺷــﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺁﺫﺭﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻼ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 110‬ﺳﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ »ﻛﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻋﻮﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻯﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻮ ﺑﻮﺗﺰﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ؛ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻧﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻳﻮﺑﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺮﮔﺶﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥﺷﺪﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺴــﺘﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥﻧﺴﻠﻰﺍﺯﺍﺩﺑﺎﻯﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺘﻮﻥﻛﻬﻦﻭﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﻭﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﻓﻜﺮﻯﺁﻥﺭﺍﺧﻮﺏﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻛﻪﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻳﻌﻨﻰﻛﺘﺎﺏﻗﻠﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰﮔﻮﺍﻩﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﻋﺎﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺭﺍﻫﻢﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻭﺧﻮﺩﺵﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯﻧﻮﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯﻫﻢﻣﺮﺟﻌﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﮔﺬﺷﺖﻫﻢﻃﺒﻖﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺗﺲﻭﻓﻮﺋﻨﺘﺲﻭﻳﻮﺳﺎﻭﻛﻮﻧﺪﺭﺍﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻛﻪﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻏﻨﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻏﻨﻲﭘــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻏﻨﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻏﻨﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫»‪ 6000‬ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 6000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ «.‬ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻯ‪.‬ﻭﻯ‪.‬ﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ‪6000‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 6000‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،«.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ » ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ« ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳــﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟــﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺯﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟــﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪ« )ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻯ‪(1388/12/3‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳــﺮﺥ« ﺳــﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺮ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺰ« ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ‪،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ‪ 6000‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻯ‪.‬ﻭﻯ‪.‬ﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ‪ 6000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ)!(‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻯ‪.‬ﻭﻯ‪.‬ﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳــﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻯ‪.‬ﻭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﭼــﺎپ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻟﻜﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﻚ ﻋﻨﺎ ﺻــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺰﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳــﻢ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺟــﺰﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺧــﻮ ﺩ ﺭ ﺍ ﺩ ﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﺍ ﻳــﻦ ﺩ ﻧﻴــﺎ ﻛﺎ ﻣــﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪135‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫‪136‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻴــﭗ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻰﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ )ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ( ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺳﻪﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺷﻤﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﭘﻮﺭﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ« ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 86‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺟﭙﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﺒﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫»ﺍﭘﺴﺎﻻ«ﻯ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ »ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺷﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ« ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯ« ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻬﺮﺍﺳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺭﻭﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨــﻰ« ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺻﻬﺒﺎﻳﻰ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻃﻰ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﭘﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﺁﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺸــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ‪78‬ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ‪750 ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻯ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻯ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 85‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 61‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺕﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻯ ‪ 88‬ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻯ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺛﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻰﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 300‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪137‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﻧﺴﻠﺶ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳـﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺷـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻨﺸـﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳـﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪138‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺒـﻮﻡ »ﺧﻴـﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻴـﺰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺟـﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ »ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸـﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺧﻴﺎﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ« ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒــﻮﻡ »ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻙ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻗﺎﺻﺪﻙ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﻤﺎﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻔﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻰﺍﻻﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺑﻼﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻴــﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ »ﻫﻪﺭﻭﺧﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪-‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ -‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﺒﭽﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓـﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺧــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬــﺎﺭﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﺶﺩﺭﺟﻬﺘﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﺭﺍﭼﻪﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﭼﻪﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺣﻮﺯﻩﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺳﻨﺘﻰﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻃﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﺭﻙﻭﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ﻣﮕﺮﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺎﻭﺕ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻦ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺟﺰءﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﺟﻮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﺲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﭘﮋﻭﻫـﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷـﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌـﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻔﻈﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﻳﺚ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ژﺍﻧﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻨﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺰءﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫـﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺁﺭﺷــﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺰﻻ ﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫»ﻫﻔﺖﻧﮕﺎﻩ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻜﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪139‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪140‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺳــﻊ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ ،88‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ »ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪141‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸـﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻳﺰﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴـﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱﺩﺭﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﻤﻴﻦﺑﺎﺯﻩﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤـﺎﻕ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣـﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳـﺎﺭﺕ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺷـﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫـﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻔـﻮﺫﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺭﻯ‬ ‫–ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ«–ﻧﻤ‬ ‫«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺣ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﭘﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫–ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ–ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻭﻣﺸﺎﻳﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺷـﮕﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﺳﺮﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺸـﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷـﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺸـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤـﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪142‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻠـﻖ ﻏﺒـﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺸـﻚ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺧـﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫–ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ»ﺧﺲﻭﺧﺎﺷﺎﻙﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴـــﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﻧﻮﻉ‪A‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧـﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌـﺪﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ »ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ «A‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺩﻧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖﻓﺮﺍﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﻓﻌﻼﻛﺴﻰﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﺭﺍﺟﺪﻯﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺗﺎﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻒﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﻏﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﺵ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻭﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥﻣﺠﺪﺩﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯﺑﻌﺪﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﻭﻫﻤﻪﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﻪﺑﻌﺪﻫﻢﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬـﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑـﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜـﻰ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺷﻬﺮﻯﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺸـﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻊﺷﺪﻛﻪﭘﺎﻯﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﺮﻗﻰﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻴﭻﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﭘﻴﺶﻟﺮﺯﻩﺍﻯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬـــﺮ‬ ‫ـﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﻧﺎﻡﺳﻪﺯﻥﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺨ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑــــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠـﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫـﺮ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻫﺎﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺱﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺒـﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳـﺎﻝ‪ 45‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷـﺶ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﺧـﺮ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤـﺪﻭﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺣـﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷـﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪143‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫‪144‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻫﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 27‬ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﭘــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨــﻮﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻨﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺯﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻘــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ –ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ – ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺷﻜﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺬﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻂ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻜﻴــﻪ ﺯﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻨﮓﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻘﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮﭘﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺎﺳــﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮﭘﻠﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬ﺧﻠﻒﻛﺴﻲﺷﺪﻩﻛﻪﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 88‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺶ ﺁﻫﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺑﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺴــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺷــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﻭﻕ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺳﺮﺧﻪ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺷﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺶ ﺁﻫﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺸــﻜﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺸﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻫﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺮﻕ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﻨﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺁﻫﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰﺍﮔﺮﻗﺮﻋﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺁﻣﺎﺭﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺁﻣﺎﺭﺗﺠﻤﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ‪5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ »ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤــﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ«ﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺷﻐﻠﻰﮔﻮﻯ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ – ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‪ -‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺯﻭﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﭽــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻤﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫)ﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ( ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫)ﻧﻪ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﺳﻄﻮﺡﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﻪﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺩﺭﺩﻡﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ – ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪-‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﺗﺼﻮﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺻﺎﺩﻕﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞﻛﻨﺪ؛ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺁﻧﻜﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺝﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺﺍﺯﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﻭﻗﺼﻪﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻫﻢﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺷﻮﺩﻭﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺧﻮﺩﺍﻭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻭﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺩﻟﻴﻞﻗﻄﻌﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝﺭﺍﻯﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺷﺪﻥﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﻢﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮﻫﻢﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺍﺯﺳﺪﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺩﺭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻋﺮﻳﺾﻭﻃﻮﻳﻞﺭﻓﺎﻩﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺶﺑﻮﺩﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪145‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫‪146‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺿﻴــﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ– ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻗﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ »ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ«‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻙ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻋــﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 83‬ﻭ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌــﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻛﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎﺑــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ – ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺧــﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ 12 ،10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﺴــﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺷﺮﻭﺷﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺷــﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮپ »ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺮﻕﻋﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1354‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1367‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻝﺍﺣﻤﺮﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ‪13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺶﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﺘﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ »‪society for ReproductionAmerican‬‬ ‫‪ «medicine‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻳــﻲ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﻪﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳــﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺣﻴﺪ ﺩ ﺳــﺘﺠﺮ ﺩ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﻨﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴــﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪147‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻴﺪﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻔﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻴﺎﻥ – ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ – ﻛﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺷﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﺯﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩﻭﻣﺮﻧﺪﻯﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳـﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤـﻲﻭ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷـﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻲﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ )ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﻠﻄﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ– ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ )ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ( ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺬﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ )ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ( ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻰﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫــﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻠﺚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﻠﻪﭘﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﺍﺵ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳـﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑـﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴـﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻰ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺷـﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳـﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳـﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ( ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺴـﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ )ﭘﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ( ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﻢﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﻦﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰﻭﻗﺘﻰﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻳﻚﺯﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻨﻔﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺗﺎﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢﻭﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻢﺩﻛﺘﺮﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﺭﺍﻯﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﻯﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺧﺎﻧﻢﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﻛﻪﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻛﻢﻫﻢﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪149‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫‪150‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴـﺮﻩ ﺍﺧـﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺿﻴـﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳـﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤـﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﺧـﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳـﺎﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﭘﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣــﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ – ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ -‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳـﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ؟ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴـﺖ؛ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺘـﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺳـﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺭﺳـﻤﻰ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒـﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳـﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳـﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫــﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻣﻮﻓﻖﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱﻧﻮﻉ‪ A‬ﺍﺯﻋﻬﺪﻩﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪﻛﻪﺧﺎﻧﻢﺩﻛﺘﺮﻭﺣﻴﺪﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺁﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰﻣﻬﺎﺭﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـﻢ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻳﺎﺑﺤﺚﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖﻫﻢﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻥﻗﻠﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻭﺣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ 30،20‬ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻓﻘﻂﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺘﻰﻫﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﻯﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤـﺎﻅ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﺸـﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷــﻜﻨﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛــﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪151‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪152‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺩﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺄﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺄﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺄﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ – 88‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻻﺍﻗــﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫)ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪36‬ﺳــﺎﻝ( ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻚ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﻮﻧﻞﭼﻬﺎﺭﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯﻛﻪﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻢﻛــﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ )ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ –ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻤــﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ – ﭼﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‪» ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ« ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻰﻭﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﭼﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺷــﺎﻫﻲ )ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ( ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭژﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 50‬ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺍﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪35‬ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪2136‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﮔــﺬﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ« ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻩﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻــﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﻃــﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮ ﻓﻪ ﺟﻮ ﻳــﻲ ﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 708‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ )‪ (EPC‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭ )ﺗﻮﻧﻞ(‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻞ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪153‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺯ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ًﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪154‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ )ﻫﻢ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ( ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﭙﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸـﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴـﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫـﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺷـﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﭘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻞ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻳﺴـﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﭼــﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻪﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺠﻢﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳـﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜـﻰ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳـﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺳــﻨﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗـﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀــﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻳﻚﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﻦﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺣﻀﻮﺭﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻭﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺣﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰﺑﺎﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﻻﺯﻡﺭﺍﺩﺭﻟﺤﻈﻪﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﭽﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﺝ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢﺗﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨــﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﺑﻲﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 120‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 150‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪﻛﻪﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻻﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟــﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻜﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺧﺺ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻦﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺋﻮﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪155‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺣﺴﻦﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪156‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ – ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 7‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ – ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷـﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﻰ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳـﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴـﻮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺭﺍﻛﻪﻧﺎﻇﺮﺑﻪﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 89‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 87‬ﻭ ‪ 88‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌـﺎﺩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺑــﺎﻥ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺑـﺮ ﻣﻮﺟـﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻞﻫـﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴـﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴـﺖﻫﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ‪100‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ‪ 100‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﻠﻚ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺳـﺮ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﭘﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺗﻤﻠﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼــﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻳــﻢ ﭘﻞ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﭘﻞﻧﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ – ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷـﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘـﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳـﺨﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣـﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫـﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠــﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺎﺩ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻖﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﺭ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢﻋﺮﺽﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﭘﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔـﺎﻉ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳـﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻛﻒ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻒ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺍﻳﺐ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 89‬ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻯﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺳﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺮﻭژﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﻧـﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺷــﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻍﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘــﺎﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻫــﺪﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰﻳﻚﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴــﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑــﺎ ﻗــﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳــﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪157‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫‪158‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 113‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 113‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 113‬ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1386‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺑــﻼﻍ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 113‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻋﺪﻡﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ‪ 149‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 95 ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 21‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻁ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 22‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪29‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻼء ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﺎﻋــﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪﺗــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 113‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‪ 30‬ﺩﻯ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻇــﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﺑﻴﺤــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﺤﻞﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 113‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﺗــﺮﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺳﺎﻝﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸﻰﺑﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﻧﻴﺰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫‪159‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪160‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﺫﺭﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 113‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﻴﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﺬ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺁﺗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 17‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭘﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺧﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻳﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺿﻴﺎﺋﻰ( ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 103‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻳــﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﻧﻔﺴــﮕﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ( ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﺻﺮﻳﺢﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻟﺰﻭﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺳﻦﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻤﻜﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳـﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻄــﻜﺎﻙ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪161‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪162‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ؛ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄـﻜﺎﻙ ﻭﻇﺎﻳـﻒ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﺶ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1353‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 1354‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼـﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺠـﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺴﺘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﺱﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭘﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺩﻯ! ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫـﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻪﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 83‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺤـﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‪22‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺣﺬﻑﺷﻮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﺷﺪﻩﻭﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺰ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻣﻦﭼﻴﺰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺍﺯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻰ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﭽﻮﺍﺭﻯ )ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ( ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﻬـﺎﻡ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻗﺶ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1353‬ﻳﺎ ‪1354‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎ ﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺒـﻮ ﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮ ﺭ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺸـﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻃﻮﻝﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘـﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﭘﻮﺷﺶﭼﻪﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻳﮕﺎ ﻫــﺶ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳـﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﻳﻦﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺳﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻳﻚﻧﻬﺎﺩﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭘﻮﻝﺭﺍﻳﻚﻃﺮﻑﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴـﻢ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳـﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳـﺰﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧـﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑـﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.1378‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻫــﻼﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺶ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 40-50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒــﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧـﻼء ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫‪163‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪164‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻗﺴﻤﺖﺩﺭﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯﺑﻌﺪﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰﺍﺟﺮﺍﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺑﻪﭼﻪﻧﺤﻮﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺰﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺘﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪﺍﻳﻦﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﻔﻜﺮﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﻗﺘﻰﻳﻚﻭﺯﻳﺮﻫﺴﺖﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺗﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣــﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻼﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻤﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺸﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟــﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻰﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺸـﺖ ﻗﺎﻧـﻮﻥ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟـﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳـﻮء ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟـﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸـﺎﺭ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺸــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭼﻪﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻫـﺶ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻪﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 95‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 67‬ﺻﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻓﻘﺮﺩﻭﻡﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﺧﻂﻓﻘﺮﻧﺴﺒﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺧﻂﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 2100‬ﻛﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ 2100‬ﻛﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗـﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،89‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪88‬؛ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،89‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳــﻖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻛﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺧــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 88‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺳــﺒﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ 357‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻠﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻒ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ »ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺬﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺬﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺬﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭﻗﻒﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗــﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،89‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪166‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺷﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 88‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﻮﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰءﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭘﺴﺮ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ‪ 100‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻧــﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻋﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻦ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻛﺲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻴﺰﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻏﺬﺍ« ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﺎﻛﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ‪ A‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻋﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 65‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺣﺞ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺣﺞ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺞ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻐﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺪ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺳﻔﺮ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠــﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻏﻴﺒﺘﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ« ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪ A‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﻴــﺮﻯ )ﭘﺎﻧﺰﻣﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ –ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻯ ‪ A‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪،88‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﺢ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪167‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪5‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ« ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺭﻭﺯﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙﺗﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻰ – ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1336‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻡﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ‪ 49‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ‪-‬ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‪-‬ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﻬﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ – ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ –ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻗﺮﻥ« ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ (.‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ »ﻧﻴﭽﺮ«‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵﮔﺮ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ – ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻟﻐﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ‪ -‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻴﭽﺮ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ –ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ]ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ[ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻌــﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﻼﺷﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵﮔﺮ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻟﻐﺘﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ «...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌــﺮﻑ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ – ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻑ ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ« ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ ،88‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓــﺮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ – ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ«ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳــﺖ – ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ – ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻫــﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻚﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺰﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻚﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻚﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻚﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻚﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ‬ ‫– ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ‪ -‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺾ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪10‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪10‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫»ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪169‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪170‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ 1388‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏﺷﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻰﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﺶ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺰﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪171‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1388‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ؛ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﻫﻢﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷـﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺩﺭﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺑﺪﺍﺯﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﺶﺑﺮﺍﻯﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻰﻛﻪﺻﻌﻮﺩﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻪﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﭘﺲﺍﺯﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪172‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺑﻪ)ﻑ‪.‬ﻙ(ﻫﺎﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽـﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓـﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲﺭﺍﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ B‬ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑـﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳـﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 51‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺟﻲ ﺳﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ 82‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑـﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛـﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﻋﻠﻰﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻋﻠﻲﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸـﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﻭﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻏﻴﺮﻣﻠﻲﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﻦﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻧﻴﺰﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺷﺪ؛ﺍﻣﺎﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﻭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻣﻠﻲﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺗﺤﺖﻫﻴﭻﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷـﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓﺗﻮﺳﻂﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺑﺎﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻭﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕﺍﺯﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﺩﺭﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰﻛﻪﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‪ 9‬ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰﻭﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﻠﻰﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻫﻢﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎﺍﻭﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﺑﻪﻣﺎﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝﺍﻧﺴﻮﻟﻴﻦ‪،‬ﺗﺴﺘﺴﺘﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻮﻣﺎﺗﻮﺗﺮﻭﭘﻴﻦﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻧـﻮﺩ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪90‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻭﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰﺟﺎﻯﺍﻭﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪﻣﺜﻞﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺌﻮﻝﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪﺗﺎﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻓﺮﺩﻯﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ؛ﺍﻭﭘﺲﺍﺯﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑـﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬ ﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 55‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻰﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻰﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳـﺶ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻰﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺟﺎﻡﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪173‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻧﺪﺱﻟﻴﮕﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﭘﺮﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴــﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺎﺝﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ – ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2004‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ – ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 17‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ 15 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 48‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 53‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 53‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ )ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (54‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺗﺎ ‪61‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ ‪ 35‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 71‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 73-74‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 96‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻮ ﻓﻴﺴﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ « .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺳﻲﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻔﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻯ ﺷﻤﺸﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﮕﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻭﺭﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﻛﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ‪ +94‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨــﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻫﻢﻭﺯﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ‪ 180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﺎﺵ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨــﮓ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﺴﺘﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﺗﻮﺗﺮﻭﭘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪ 210‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻀﺮﺏ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪ 215‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﺷﺮﻳﻚﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﻚ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻧﺪﺱﻟﻴﮕﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺧﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ؛‪ 250‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ‪ 29‬ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤــﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻕﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻃﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻤﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﺳــﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻌﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻌﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫‪174‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴـﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘــﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻼ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﺶ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺟــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﭼﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻲﺷــﻚ ﻛﺴﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴــﻚ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻲﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 55‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ‪ ،5‬ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﻼﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﺪﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺗﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥﻭﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﺭﭘﻴﭻﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱﭘﻮﺷﺶﺧﺒﺮﻱﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺭﭘﻴﺴﺖﻛﺮﻳﻚﺳﺎﻳﺪﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﻭﺭﺍﻭﻝﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻫﺮﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﻪﭼﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦﺍﻭﺟﻬﺖﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﭙﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺴﺎ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﻬﻢﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎﻛﻠﻬﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﻛﻪﻗﺼﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻠﻬﺮﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻛﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ »ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﻳﺎﺩﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱﭼﻪﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻜﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺟﻬﺎﻥﺩﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﺭﺍﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢﻛﻪﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺳﺨﺘﻲﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﻲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﺩﻫﻢﺗﺎﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺍﺯﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪» ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﺗﻞ« ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﺵﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﺍﺯﭘﻴﺖﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﺪﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺍﻭﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﻰﻛﻪﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲﺍﺳﻜﻲﺩﺭﭘﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﺴﺘﻠﺮﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻭ ﺳﻲﺗﻲﺍﺳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺑﻪﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺗﺶﺭﺍﺍﺯﺳﺮﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻋﺎﺩﺕﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦﺑﻪﭘﻴﺴﺖﻳﺨﻲﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺳﺨﺘﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﺍﺯﺷﺼﺘﻤﻰﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﺗﺎﻓﻘﻂﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯﺣﻀﻮﺭﺍﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺑﺎﻗﻰﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻣــﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻯ‪.‬ﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻢﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺁﺗﻴــﻼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﻢ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺪﺧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺎ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻴﺪﻩ – ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻴﺪﻩ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤــﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴــﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻜﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺠــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻚﭘﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪175‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪176‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺳﻜﻮﺕﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦﻗﻄﺒﻰﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﻫﺘﻞﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸـﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔـﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑـﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻰﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻃﻦ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺧﻴﻠـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛــﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 2006‬ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻜﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ‪ S&M‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴـﺪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪ 80‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼــﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺩﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺷﻤﺎﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻚ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺗﺎﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﻔﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻲﺩﻫﻰ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺷﻚﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ‪45‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻴﭻﺑﺎﺯﻯﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﺍﺯﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯﻛﻪﻣﻤﻜﻦﺑﻮﺩﻫﻔﺖ‪،‬ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻋﺖﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﺭﻙﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰﻳﻚﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺗﻮﻯﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪ‪ 184‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻞ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟــﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 70-75‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻌﺒﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻌﺒﻰ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻐﻞ ﭘﺎ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺖ ﺧﻴﻠـﻰ ﺑـﺪﻯ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ‪ AFC‬ﻭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗــﺶ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﻜﻴﻨﮕﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ AFC‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻯﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ 32‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗــﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪177‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪178‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴــﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ »ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺸــﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾﻫﺎﻱ ژﻭﺯﻩ ﭘﺴﻴﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ‪77‬ﻭ‪ 87‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺺ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻥﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﺝ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﺦﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭼﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺪﻩﺑﺎﻗﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺎﺷــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻜﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻻﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 14‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺻﻌــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺳــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻚ ﮔﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 27‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ :1388‬ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 27‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﭙﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﭙﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻫﺘــﻞ ﻫﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﻋــﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﭻﭘﭻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ -15‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺑﻨﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ 10 .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﭻﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﭻ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﭻ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﭻ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺬﺭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﭻﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﭻﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 51‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 81‬ﭘــﺎﺭﻙ ﺟﻲﺳــﻮﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻓﺒﻚ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷــﻲ ﻛــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴــﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﮔﻞ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻤﮕﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺑــﻲ ﻫﺘــﻞ ﻫﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﻣﺸــﻤﺌﺰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﻠﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ CCN‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘــﻞ ﻫﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﭻﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ‪CCN‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻳﻮﺭﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﺳــﻮﻡﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪179‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪180‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺎﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎﺷﻤﺎﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪﻛﻪﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲﺁﻳﻨﻪﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺸـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻓـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﺶ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ )ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺐ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺷﻤﺎﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪﻓﺸﺎﺭﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﻳﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﻢﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﻣﺎﻧﻊﺁﻥﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺂﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺠﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ﭼﻪﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱﻣﺜﻼﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻣﺎﭘﻴﺎﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜـﻼ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﺷﻤﺎﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﺗﺎﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﺒــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺵ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻔﺎﺷـﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻳﺎﺑـﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺞﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴـﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 32‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪181‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪182‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔــﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻜــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ( ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺗﻠﺦ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻯ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻗﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸـﻰ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑــﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﭘﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩﺑﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ! ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ‪ 200‬ﻣﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴــﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪﻭ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮ ﺳــﻮﺯﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﻫﻴﭻﺳﺨﻨﻰﺍﺯﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯﻧﺒﻮﺩﻛﻪﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﺶﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮپ ﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻨﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﻮﻧــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣــﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ‪ 4‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣــﻲﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ‪ 12‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﻧﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ‪ 99‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪!1‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺍﻻﻳﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻋﻼﻗﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪183‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪184‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‪1331‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻯﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‪ 1353‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑـﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1359‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1361‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈـﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠـﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠـﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻰ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 73‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 70‬ﻭ ‪ 72‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 73‬ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰﺑﻪﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻓـﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨـﺪﻭﻕ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺻـﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺸﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1382‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪23‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1384‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼـﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳـﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘـﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻻﺯﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰ ﻣﺜـﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠـﻰ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺗﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﭘﻠﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺰﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕــﻮﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻜﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻜﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻜﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻜﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴــﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﭙﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪185‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪186‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃـﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻨﺪﺑﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻴﺐ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻــﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻬﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﺸﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴـﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷـﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﺴــﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴـﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣـﺪﺕ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒـﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ؟ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﻦ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ« ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ »ﻣﻜﻠﻔﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻰﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﻀﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻭﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؟ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺷﻤﺎﺍﻻﻥﺍﺯﺁﻗﺎﻯﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﻧﺘﺎژ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻏﺼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣــﺪﺍﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯﺁﺳﻴﺎﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻴــﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ! ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺍ ﺭ ﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎ ﻣﻪ ﻫــﺎ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪187‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ IOC‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻰ‬ ‫‪188‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1366‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷــﻬﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺟﻼﻳﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﺼﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﻬﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻬـﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣـﻮﺩ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﻬﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧــﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒـﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳـﺦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻤـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄـﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋـﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻣـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﻬﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﺤـﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺩﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘـﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺿﻄـﺮﺍﺏ ﺣﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺩﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳـﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻣﻘﺪﻡﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺁﮔــﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻤـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﺭﺧﺖﺑﺮﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﺩﻭﻡ؛ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻩﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥﺍﻳﺎﻡﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺗﻴﻢﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻰﺑﻪﻣﺴﻜﻮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﺣﻘﻴﺮﻧﻔﺮﺳﻮﻡﻫﻴﺎﺕﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻚﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺭﺋﻴﺲﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻮﻛﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﭙﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋـﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻤـﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺖﺑﻠﻜﻪﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢﺑﺎﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎﺑﺎﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﺣﺘﻰﺍﺯﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﺑﺮﺍﻯﺣﻘﻴﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕﻭﺍﺳﻜﻮﺭﺕﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـــﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﺳــــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﺭﺍﻧﮋ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭﻗــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﺭﺍﻧﮋ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺳﺎﻣﺎﺭﺍﻧﮋ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻠــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﺭﺍﻧﮋ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪2000‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﺴــﻴﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫـﺎ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤـﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘـﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴـﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷــﺘـﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷــﻬﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﻠﻢﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻣﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴـﻮﻥﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠـﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖﺭﻭﻯﺗﺸﻚﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻴﻼﻥﺍﺭﺳﮕﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻭﻗﺖﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻡﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺳﻴﺪﻧﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺗﻼﺵﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻗﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴـﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛـﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 162‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 74‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻲﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 480‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺿﺪﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 16‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ‪ 28‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺭﺩﻩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 16‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ‪ 28‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ‪ 45‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 12‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 36‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁﺿﻌﻒ‪:‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭﻋﺪﻡﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﺯﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺩﺭﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬ﻋﺪﻡﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪189‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ژﺍﻙ ﺭﻭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ‪IOC‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪190‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵﺗﻨﻬﺎﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﺍﺟﻼﺱﻫﺎﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﻮﺳﻂﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺍﺯﺿﻌﻒﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﻭﺭﺯﺵﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖﺍﺯﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﻭﺭﺯﺵﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻻﺑﻲ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؛ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺍﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺳﺎﻣﺎﺭﺍﻧﮋ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻔﺮﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳـﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﺭﺍﻧﮋ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ژﺍﻙﺭﻭﻙ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻃﺎﻗﻪ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺎﺑﺎﺷﻤﺎﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻭﻟﻲﺑﻌﺪﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺷﺪﻳﻢﻛﺎﻣﻼﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﻫﻢﻫﻤﺎﻥﻧﻔﺮﻱﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺎﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ!ﻣﻦﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡﺭﺍﻱﺩﺭﺳﺖﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻻﻥﺟﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻦﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻊﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﻧﺸﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺐ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺳـﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﻛﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻟﻲﻣﻦﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﻱﻣﺜﺒﺖﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥﺑﺎﻣﻦﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭼﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭼــﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻚ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺴـﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﻓﺮﺻﺖﺑﺰﺭگﺑﺮﺍﻯﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩﺣﺎﻻﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎﻳﻚﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻣﻰﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦﭘﺴﺖﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳـﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﺷﻤﺎﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺍﺯﻟﻐﻮﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖﺗﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﭘﻜﻦﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ژﺍﻙ ﺭﻭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ‪ IOC‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺵﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ‪ IOC‬ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺍﻱﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﺳﻴﻜﻞﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻮﺑﺖﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﻛﺮﺳﻲﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺩﺭﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﺩﻧﻴﺎﻛﺴﺐﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻭﺣﺬﻑﻣﻦﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺧﻴﻠﻲﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﻧﻮﺑﺖﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪191‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺧﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪192‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻀــﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧــﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺪﻓــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺰﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡﺣﺬﻓﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﺑﻂ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺰﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺛــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸــﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻤﺎﻓﻰﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﻳﻚﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩﺩﻳﮕﺮﻭﺍﺭﺩﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪193‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪194‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨـﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻮﺩﻭﺭﻭﺯﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻰﻭﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺑﺎﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺞﺍﻧﺪﻳــﺶ ﻭ ﻟﻤﭙﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﻤﭙﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﻠﻖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫـﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮ ﭘﺎﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻤﭙﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺳــﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﻤﭙﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ )ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﻤﭙﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻤﭙﻦﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺟﺰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﻠـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟـﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﻤﭙﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻟﺬﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﺪﻓﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫـﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳــﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﻢ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺫﻭﻕﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﻦﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﺷﻤﻦﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢﻭﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﺗﻤﻠﻖﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷـﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻧﺸـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﺎﺵ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤـﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺳـﺘﻴﻚ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧـﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳـﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺁﻭﺭ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾ ﮔﻠﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺸﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪﻋﻠﺖﺁﻥﻭﺭﻭﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥﺑﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ‪30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﺳـﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻴﻔﻮﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳـﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸـﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓـﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﻟﻴﮕﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱﺗﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺧﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﻌﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟــﺪﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻧــﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪400‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣـﻮ ﺭ ﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻮ ﺍ ﻫـﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪195‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫‪196‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺺ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ،57‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ ،60‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣﺮ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،88‬ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻪﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻴﻜﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﺴﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ »ﻣﺤﻤﻞ« ﻳﺎ »ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ« ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟! ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﺸﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻀﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻱ! ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻬﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪197‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪198‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺣﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫»ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺟﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1388‬ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺭﺡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ »ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻋﺴــﺮﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ژﺭﻑﻧﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻗﻴــﻖ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﺧﺮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1321‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻻﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ »ﺷﻔﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺧﺮﺩ« ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺘﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻠﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﻘﻞِ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ – ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ – ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ »ﻣﻌﻨﺎ« ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻌﻨﻲ« ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻌﻨﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪199‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺝﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧــﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ؛ ﺍﺭﺝﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﺟﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺟﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ژﺭﻑﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻙ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 2000‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 784‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪200‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴـﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﭗﻭﮔﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧـﻰ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎء ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴـﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴـﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻـﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳـﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﻲﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﺼﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻰﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺸـﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴـﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﻓﺖﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﺸــﻜﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻟﺴﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﻓﺖﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺬﺑﻮﺣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺨﺮﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻟﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﺼﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺪﺍﻟﺨﺼﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻝ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻫﻞﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻤﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﻟﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻣــﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰﺧﺼﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻯﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁَﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺗـﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷـﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺍﻣﺮﻯﺻﺮﻓﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﺩﺭﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﻣﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﺗﺎﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘــﻮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪201‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪202‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎء«‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪﺩﺭﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎء« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 509‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 520‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺞﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢﺍﻳﻦﻛﻠﻤﻪﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻕﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ؛ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ؟؛‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﻓﺖﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ؟؛ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟؛ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟؛ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﻘﻞ؛ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ؛ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ«‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 560‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻜﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻟﻄﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻠﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺍﻟﺤﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺨﺮﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻞ ﻓﺨﺮ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ »ﻧﺰﺩ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺳــﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻞ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻫﻢﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﻓﺖﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ »ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻳﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺸــﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻼﻏــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺱ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻉﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺭﻉ«‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﻳﻌﻨﻰﻣﺼﺎﺭﻋﻪﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻟﺤﻦﺑﻴﺎﻧﺶﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ژﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻮﺑﺔﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ »ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼــﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﺮﻑﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑﺍﻻﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺧﺮﺩ« ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴﻮﺷــﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 462‬ﺻﻔﺤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1385‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺳــﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ«‪» ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟«‪» ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺳــﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ«‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﻳﺸــﺎﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻦ«‪» ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎء« ﻭ »ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻗﻤﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻞ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺤﺮﺁﺳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺮﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﺳــﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔــﺎﺕ ﺣﻖ« ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1375‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ)ﻉ( ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎءﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﻖ؛ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﻘﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء؛ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ؛ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ؛ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ؛ ﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖ؛ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﻖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ؛ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻠﻮﻃﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﺑﺪﺍء ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍء؛ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء؛ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺖ؛ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ؛ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺷــﻌﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳــﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 712‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺪﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺼــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺄﺧــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻓﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻓﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺪﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ«ﻧﻴﺰﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃــﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪24‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ‪475‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺑﺎﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺟﺪﻳﺪﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺮﻣﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ‪2000‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭ ‪ 564‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ژﺭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ؟ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ژﺭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺍﻫﺎﻟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻲ ﺍﺑﻦﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﻛﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺋﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻮﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﻦﺣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻦﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2500‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻛﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠــﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻛﻪﺑﻪﻫﻤﺖﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺣﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﺭﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻴﻤــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺒﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﻟﻜﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤــﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺠﺮﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺠﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺭﻭﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕﻭﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺩﻳﺪﻩﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﺣﺴﺐﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺎﺱﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻭﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﺛﺮﺳﻪﺟﻠﺪﻯﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...» :‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻢﺭﺧﺶﺭﺳﺘﻢﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻫﺮﺩﻭﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰﺍﻧﺪ؛ﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻰ«؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣـﺎﻟﻚﺍﻟﻄﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮔﻠﺸﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﮔﻠﺸﺎﻩ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﺷﺮﺡﺷﻄﺤﻴﺎﺕ«ﺧﻮﺩ‪-‬ﻛﻪﺑﻪﻭﺻﻒﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺷﻮ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺑﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺯُﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺾ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﮕﺴﻴﺨﺘﻰ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪1357 ،‬؛ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺯﻧﻮﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪) 1368 ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ(؛ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ‪1370‬؛ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻣﻴﻪ )ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﻋﺸﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ‪ 1380 ،‬ﻭ »ﺳﺮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪203‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪204‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 88‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ »ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱﺁﻧﻜﻪﻋﺎﻗﻼﻥﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﮔﻮﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺪﻝﺑﻪﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﻓﺤﺎﺵﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻕ« ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺣﺮﻛﺖﺧﻮﺩﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪-‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻣﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺭﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻧﻴﺰﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ»ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺳﺮﻳﻊ«ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺁﺛﺎﺭ»ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺑﻮﻣﻲ«ﻭﺭﻭﻱﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻧﻴﺰﮔﻮﻳﺎﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﺍﻩﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲﺭﺍﺑﻪ»ﺭﺯﻣﮕﺎﻫﻲﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ«ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﺩﺍﺩ؟ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎﻣﻨﻔﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﻣﺎﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯ»ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖﻭﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ«ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻞ »ﺷــﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺧﺼﻢﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺭﺍﻩﻣﻤﻜﻦﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ« ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻣﺪﻧﻲﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ»ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ«ﻭﺍﺻﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﺣﻔﻆﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪﭘﻴﭽﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪﺍﮔﻮﻧﻪﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻛﻪﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲﺑﻲﺳﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻱﺍﺯﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻲﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ »ﺗﺎﻡ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺗﻮﻗﻊﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪﻋﻠﻴﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ!ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻏﺮﻳﺐﻭﺭﺳﻢﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲﺍﺳﺖﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺳﻢﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱﻣﺎ!‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻱ« ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »‪ «Egoism‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ »ﺧﻮﺩ« ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲﻋﺠﻴﺐﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﻃﻞﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻣﻜﺮﺭﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱﻣﺎﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻣﺎ»ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ«ﻫﻢﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪ»ﺧﻮﺩ«ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻧﺪﻭﺁﻥﺭﺍﺑﺎﺍﻣﻌﺎﻥﻧﻈﺮﺑﻪ»ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ«ﻭ»ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ«ﻭ»ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻣﺘﻘﻦ«ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲﻛﻪﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻣﺪﻧﻲﻣﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ« ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱﺍﺯﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬ﺳﻠﺐﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﻭﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺳﻴﺮﺩﺭﻭﻫﻢﭼﻨﺪﺷﺒﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻂﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻭﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖﻭﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ«ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻧﺒﺮﻱﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﻴﭻﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰﺣﺘﻰﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺶﺑﻴﻤﻰﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﻐﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﭙﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮﮔﻔﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪﺩﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﺴﻂ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬‫ﺣﻘﻰ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ« ﻳﺎ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭ ﻣﺘﻴﻘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻦﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺷــﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺻﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻨﺖ« ﻭ »ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﻣُﻜﻼّﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣُﻌﻤّ ﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺫﺑﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ِﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ِﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ( ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﺎﺣﺒــﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻏﻮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ -‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻳﺎﺗﺮﺱ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎ ﻝ ﺧﻮ ﺑــﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺍ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍ ﮔﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣــﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﮔﺎﻫــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﻤـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻼﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻢﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻓﺴﻄﺎﻳﻰﻣﺴﻠﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗُﻨُﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬــﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮءﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪205‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻣﺜﻠﺚ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪206‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧـﺪ ﻣﺮﺣـﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1306‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﭘﺮﻓﻴﺾ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻬﺪﻯﻏﺮﻭﻯﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺣﺎﺝﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺋـﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺸـﺎﺑﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1333‬‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺴـﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴـﺐ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨـﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1354-1353‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻰ ﺍﺷـﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺴـﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳـﺲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1986‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻨﺴــﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﺰﻧــﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘُﺴﺖﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺳــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴــﻨﻦ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﻈﺎﻫــﺮ ﻣﺼﻔــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﻘــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛــﺰﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﻴﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺧﻄﻴﺐﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻥﻛﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻔــﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ )ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ( ﺟﻤﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﻴﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!( ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻌــﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻫــﻰ )ﺭﺣﻤــﻪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ( ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎ ﺗﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ »ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺖﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴّﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺰﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺴـﺎﻧﺲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻳـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻏـﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﮔﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﻭﺍﺝﺧﻮﺩﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﻳﺸﻪﻣﻰﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻯ‪،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‪،1309‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰﺩﺭﺭﺷﺪﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺭﺍﻳــﺞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻧﺴــﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ 10 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻋﻠﻴﻪﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚﻫﺎﺷﺮﻭﻉﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻟﻮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﻢﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻛﻮﭘﺮﻧﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻟﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻳﻨﭽﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏﻳﻌﻨﻰﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩ« ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ »ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻝ« ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻛﻦ«ﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﻧﺎﻡﺁﻥﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯﻭﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯﻭﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﺣﻴﺎﺕﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻋﺼﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯﺍﻭﺻﺎﻓﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜــﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ«‪ .‬ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪207‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪1‬‬ ‫‪208‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺴــﻮﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ‬‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻔﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥﻋﺼﺮﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯﺑﻪﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1732‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﺮﺩﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ»ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ)ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ(ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ«‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻻﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻥﻻﻙﺩﺍﻧﺶﺑﺸﺮﻯﻭﻋﻘﻞﺭﺍﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ)ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ(‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻚﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﻧﻜﻮﺍﻳﻦ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺗﺎﺑﻪﻣﺎﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷــﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻠﻜﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻠﻜﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺵ ‪1239‬‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺶ ‪ 1326‬ﻫﺠــﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻠﻜﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻜﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔــﺮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1228‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯﻗﻤﺮﻯﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖﺑﺎ‪ 1812‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﻭﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1295‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯﻗﻤﺮﻯﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺑﺎ‪ 1878‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯﻫﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻭﺍﺯﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥﻗﺮﻥﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻜﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻙﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻠﻜﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻠﻜﻢﺍﺻﻼﭘﺎﻙﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﺣﺘﻰﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟! ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻏﺮﺏﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺗﺮﻗﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﺨﺼﺎﻓﻜﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﭘﺎﻙﺗﺮﻭﺻﺎﻑﺗﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻠﻜﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪﻭﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﭼﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻨﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﻧﺪﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺎﻧﻜﻮﺍﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺪﺩ« ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ ﺫ ﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻏﻴــﺮﻛﺎﺫﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻛﺎ ﺫ ﺏ ) ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﻰ (‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺗﺠــﺪﺩ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﻨﺖ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﺭﺍﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖﻭﺑﺎﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺭﺍﺣﻞﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﻮﺿﻊﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢﻭﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪.‬ﻏﺮﺏﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰﻣﻄﺮﺡﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥژﺍﭘﻦﻫﻢﻣﻄﺮﺡﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻫﻢﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺟﺰﻭﻳﻚﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﻫﻢﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻭﻝﻛﺴﻰﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪،1388‬ﺳﺎﻟﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺷﺪﻭﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﻭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫)ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻰ(‪،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺗﻮﺟﻪﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﻛﻪﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻫﻢﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﻣﺎﻫﻢﺩﺭﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰﺣﻜﻤﺖﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﻭﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﻭﻯﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﺭﻭﺯﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺭﺍﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺩﺭﺗﻼﺵﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﺗﺎﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﻰﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﻫﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺑﻪﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎﻣﻬﻢﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﺍﺯﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪﻣﻬﻤﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺮﭼﻪﺑﻬﺘﺮﻭﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩﺗﺮﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻮﺩﻭﺩﺭﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ )ﺩﺍﻡ ﻇﻠﻪﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻰ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢﻭﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻧﻴﺎﺯﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻣﺎﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﻣﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﻭﺳﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮﺁﻥﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻳﻚﺍﻣﺮﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺣﻮﺯﻩﺭﺍﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﺮﺽﻛﻨﻴﺪﻛﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻪﺁﻥﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﺩﺭﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﻭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺟﺪﻯﺑﻪﺁﻥﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥﻣﺎﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺍﻻﻣﺎﺗﻔﻜﺮﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﻛﻪﺗﻔﻜﺮﻣﺎﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻛﻪﺑﻪﺁﻥﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯﺑﻌﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻦﻓﻜﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1388‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﺤﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ 15 ،10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻴــﺰﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪209‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋـﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪210‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﺳــﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﻱﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻯﺍﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻭﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺶﺑﻪﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺣﺎﻝﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵﺁﻥﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﺮﻭﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺋﻰﻭﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﭼﻨﻴﻦﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪50‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ؟ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖﻭﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺭﺷﺪﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﺑﻪﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﻗﺴــﻂ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻟﻴﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺴﻂ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ )ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﻨﻰﺁﺩﻡ(‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺎﭼﻨﺎﻥﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖ؛»ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻄﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻟﻒ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ«‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ »ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺰﺍﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻩﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺰﺝ« ﻭ »ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺯﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻪﭘــﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻻﻏﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ»ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ«ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺷﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ«‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ« ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1335‬ـ‪ 1315‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﺎ »ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎ«ﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1365‬ـ‪ 1340‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱﺩﺭﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﺳﺎﻝﺑﻪﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻴﺪﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺻﺪﺭﻭﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲﺑﻪﺣﻠﻘﻪﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻣﻬﺪﻱﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲﻭﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲﻗﺎﺿﻲ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﺣﻲﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯﺣﻮﺯﻩﻧﺠﻒﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﻭﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺱﺍﻫﻞﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺟﻤﻊﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﺏﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻭﺑﻬﺘﺮﺩﻳﺪﻛﻪﻋﻄﺎﻱﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﺑﻪﻟﻘﺎﻱﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻴﻦ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻗــﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺼﻮﻡ« ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣــﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﻫﺠــﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ« ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻫﺪﻱ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ »ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﻪ« ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ« ﻧﻘﺾ ﻏﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮ«‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺷﻴﺦﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻜﺎﺑﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1318‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠــﻒ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ :‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻳــﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻠﻤﺬ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻘﻂ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺳــﺶ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻲ ﺯﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻟﻤﻲﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ« ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻔﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟــﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ« ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‪ 22‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 386‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺳﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺯﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪﺗﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ »ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ« ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺷــﻴﺦ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ »ﻋﻼﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﺶ »ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻮﻓﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﻟــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻤﻨﺪ )ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻚ( ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻐﺎﻟﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻠﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ )ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗــﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺑﻪﻗﻠــﻢ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻼﺻــﺪﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻴﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻭﻻﺋﻲﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ« ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﻤﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛــﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻤﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﻏﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺞ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺧﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴــﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻴﺰﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻘــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳــﻲ ﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﮕﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺣﻠﺒﻲﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﺑﺎﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﮔﺬﺷﺖﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻭﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺒﺮﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻜﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲﺍﻳﻨﻚﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ »ﻛﻢﺳﻦﻭﺳﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ« ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﻣﺸﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﻭ »ﻋﻘﻞﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺫﻣﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻡﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻮﺍﻥﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﺸــﻚ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪211‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ!‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪212‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ )‪ .1365‬ﻕ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ )ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ( ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺑﻪ»ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ«ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺷﺪﻭﺍﺯﺁﻥﭘﺲ‪،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥﻣﻜﺘﺐﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺑﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒﻭﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲﻭﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺣﺎﺿﺮﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﻳﺎﻭﻳﮋﻩﻣﻜﺘﺐﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻘﺪﻭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻭﺑﺤﺚﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺍﺯﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯﻛﻪﻧﺎﻇﺮﺑﻪﻣﻜﺘﺐﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻭﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﻣﻜﺘﺐﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ /‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻜﺎﺭ‪ /‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻧﺒﺄ‪1374 /‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻄــﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﺖ ﻓﻄــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ »ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ« ﻭ »ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ – ﺳﻠﺒﻰ – ﻓﻄﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ /‬ﻗﻢ ‪ /‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ‪1370 /‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘــﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ /‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪1355 /‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ /‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ /‬ﻗﻢ‪ /‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ‪1374 /‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﺶ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍء ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﺋﻰ‪ /‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ /‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺑﻰﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﺏ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻋﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ )‪ 3‬ﻣﺠﻠﺪ(‪ /‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﻰ‪ /‬ﻗﻢ‪ /‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻰﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺸــﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜــﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺟﻠﻴــﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺧﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﻋﻦﺍﻻﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺟﻤــﺎﻝ‪ «.‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻬﻴﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﺢ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﺣﻘﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺺ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ /‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﻯ‪ /‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ /‬ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪1349 /‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻈﻤــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻻﻛﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻘﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺘــﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ /‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ /‬ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺎﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺬﻝ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳــﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 37‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﺍء ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻧﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻕ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻓﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ« ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ )ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ(‪ /‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻏﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ‪ /‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ /‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪1372 /‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖﻭﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻭﺣﺪﻳﺚﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺳﺎﺯﺩﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺵﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻬﺪﻯﺑﻪﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚﻛﺘﺎﺏﺣﺎﺿﺮﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺙﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪،‬ﻋﺪﻡﺟﻮﺍﺯﺗﻔﻜﺮﻭﺗﻜﻠﻢﺩﺭﺫﺍﺕﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ /‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﻗﺎﻧﻰ‪ /‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ /‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ /‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺑﻰﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ )ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ – ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺸﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ‪-‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺎﺝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻗﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻌﺜﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ«‪»،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ«‪»،‬ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﻩ)ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﺑﺰﺭگﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ(«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ«‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺟﻬﺶﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻪ«‪»،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺩﺭﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ«‪»،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺻﻨﻔﻰﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ«‪»،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺪﻳﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﻩ« ﻭ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ«‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻣﻨﻈﺮﻯﻛﻪ»ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﻩ«ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﻰﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻊﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﻩ« ﻭﺳﻌﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﮕﻰ ﺛﻘﻠﻴﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻗﺪﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺁﻥﻭﺍﻗﻒﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﻭﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯﻭﺗﺒﻌﻰﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺩﺭﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦﺁﻥﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﺍﺳﺖﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪.‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ »ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ « ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﻪ»ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ«ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻋﻼﻗﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺁﻥﻣﺠﻠﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﭼﻨﻴﻦﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛»ﻭﺍژﻩﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻜﺘﺐﺑﻪﺟﺰﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯﺳﻪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻣﺘﺰﺍﺟﻰﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰﻭﺧﻠﻄﻰﻭﺗﺎﻭﻳﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻧﻮﻉﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢﻭﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﻫﺮﻏﺎﻳﻰﺍﻳﻦﻣﻜﺘﺐﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‪ /‬ﭼﺎپ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ‪1386 /‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﺑﻌﺜﺖ‪،‬ﻏﺪﻳﺮ‪،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺛﺮﺑﺎﻫﺪﻑﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺭﺍﺩﺭﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪».‬ﺑﻌﺜﺖ‪،‬ﻏﺪﻳﺮ‪،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻠﺖﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‪،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻭﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺍﻣﺎﻡﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(‪،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ‪،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﻭﺟﺴﻤﻲﺭﺍﻧﺎﻡﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ»ﻋﻴﺪﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ«ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺣﺞﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﻫﻤﻪﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩﻭﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﻛﻪﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺍﺳﻼﻡﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩﻧﻤﻮﺩﻭﻫﻤﻪﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻭﻗﻴﺎﻡﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻇﻠﻢﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﺴﻴﺞﻛﺮﺩﻭﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡﺭﺍﻧﺠﺎﺕﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﺷﺮﻋﻲ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﻣﻮﻟﻒﺩﺭﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﺍﻳﻦﺍﺛﺮﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻛﺘﺎﺏﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻢﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩﺍﺑﻦﻫﺸﺎﻡ‪،‬ﺍﻟﻐﺪﻳﺮ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﺩﺭﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻏﺪﻳﺮ‪،‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻭﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪﺍﺯﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻱﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﻭﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻴﻖﺷﻴﻌﻪﺩﺭﺭﺍﻩﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺜﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻣﻨﺠﻰﺣﻀﺮﺕﺑﻘﻴﻪﺍﷲﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‪ /‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‪/‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻬﻢ‪1386 /‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ »ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ« ﻭ »ﻋﺪﻝ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ« ﻭ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‪ /‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‪ /‬ﭼﺎپ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪1383 /‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸــﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﻦ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﺍﺯ ‪ 52‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺻﻴﺮﻭﺭﺕ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻂ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲﺑﻪﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‪ /‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‪ /‬ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪1388 /‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﻯﺍﻳﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺣﺎﺻﻞﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻳﻜﺘﺎﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯﻗﺮﺁﻥﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻧﺴﻞﺟﻮﺍﻥﺫﻛﺮﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺯﺩ ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‪ /‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪1388 /‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻣــﻰﻭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‪ /‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪1386 /‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ )ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﺑﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻣﻜﺘﺐﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ)ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻭﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ(ﻭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺯﻻﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪».‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕﺍﻟﻬﻰﻭﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕﺑﺸﺮﻯ«ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺣﻜﻤﺖﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪﻭﭘﻴﺎﻡﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﻳﻦﺍﺛﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻭﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯ»ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ«ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺻﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‪» :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ« )ﻓﺎﺳــﺌﻠﻮﺍ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» :‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺛﻘﻠﻴﻦ« )ﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﻠﻴﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡﻭﻏﻨﺎﻯﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰﻭﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯﺗﺎﻡﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ)ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ( ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻛﻤﻜﻰﻭﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰﻭﺗﺮﻣﻴﻤﻰ)ﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪213‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪214‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻳﺜﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺎﻟــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼــﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺷــﺶ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 912‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ‪ 110‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻳﺜﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺘﺐ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻳﺜﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ـ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼــﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﺒــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻛﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺨﻴﺮ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ! ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ »ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻡ« ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ 830‬ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻣﺒﻬﻢﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ؟! ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺶ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻴــﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻔﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭼﻄــﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 856‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 814‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺨﻴﺮ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ 815‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ! ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻙ ﺷﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﻃﺐ ﺑﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻃﻮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﻃﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﺮﺧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﻴﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐﺍﺵ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﻲ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﻯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺻــﺪﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮ ‪ 70 ،65‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﭼﻨﺪﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻭﺿﻊﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻣﺎﻧﻘﺪﻭﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻫﻢﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪﻛﻪﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀﺮﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺗﻴﻦﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺑﺎﻻﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ 10‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪215‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪216‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻧ ّﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣـﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻧـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳـﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻳـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﺻﺪﺭﺣﺎﺝﺳـﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻣﺸـﺎﻫﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺴـﺘﺎﻧﺶ‪ -‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳـﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮگ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧـﻢ ﻓﻬﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻣﺎﺳﻨﺞ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ )ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ(‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻻﻳﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ -‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺼﺎءﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »ﻋﺪﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫»ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ« ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ« ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻢﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ»ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ« ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ« ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻨــﻰ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ« ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ 42 ،‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 43‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﺳﻰﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1317‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 1318‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1345‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1350‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ »ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﻰ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳــﻪ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 250‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﮔﺴﺘﺮ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻠﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻩ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻚ )ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻚ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮ« ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻫﻴﭻﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ‪ 24‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ )ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ( ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤـﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌـﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﺮﺷـﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻂ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺍﺻﻼﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺜﻼﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻧﺤﻮﻩﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦﻋﺪﺩﺻِ ﻔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ )ﺻﻔﺮ( ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﻠﻔﻆﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﺍﻳﻦﺗﻠﻔﻆﺻﺤﻴﺢﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻭﻣﺎﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻣﺤﻞﺭﺟﻮﻉﻭﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭙﻮﺷـﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺟﻠــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ»ﻯ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ »ﻱ« ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧـﺮﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50 ،40‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻠﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﺭﺍﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1930‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ!ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺗﻚﺍﺳــﻤﻰ« ﻳﺎ »ﺗﻚﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺝ )ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺪﺧﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﻏﺮﺑﻰﺩﺭﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷــﺮﺍ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪217‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ)ﻣﺎﻛﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪218‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ)ﻣـﺎﻛﺎﻥ( ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺷـﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‪ 2005‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 60‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺷﺮﻕﺯﺩﮔﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻬﺎﻓﻪﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﻪ« ﻭ »ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻼﻝ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻔﺔﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ« ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﻨﻌﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻰ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﺔﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻔــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺭﺳﺘﻢﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﺎ« ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻮﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺳﺒﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺠﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺼﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻏﺮﺏﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻏــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻠـﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﺫﻫﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻃــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻕﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻜﺸﻮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻑ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺸــﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﺋــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﻤﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﺸـﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴـﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰﻣﺂﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺰﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻡﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﭘﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﺮﺏﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺷـﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻰﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﻗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺏﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺟﻤﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤــﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻣﺒﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻕﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺰﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻏﻨﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ(‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏﺁﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺠــﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ 700 ،600‬ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪219‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨـﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻌﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫـﺎﺩﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴـﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺴـﻠﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﺩﺭﺯﺑﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴـﻰﻭﻛﺎﺭﺑـﺮﺩﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪-‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺳﺎﻳﺖ‪IslamQuest. net‬‬‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﺑﻪﺩﻩﺯﺑﺎﻥ)ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻰﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﻯ‪ -‬ﻛﺮﻳﻞ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻻﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ(‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ‪ hadavi . info‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ) ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴـﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﺛـﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎﻋﻀﻮﺷﻴﻌﻰﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ )‪ ( C-100‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥﺩﻳﻨﻰ)‪(WCRL‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﭘﻰﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪220‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺩﻭﻯﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺠﻢﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫـﺎﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻦ ‪ 29‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫– ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍ ﺍﺳـﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺳـﻤﻰ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯﻋﻠﻢﺍﺻﻮﻝﻓﻘﻪﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺩﻭﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛـﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟـﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷــﺎﺭﻉ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷــﺎﺭﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﺭﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻛﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷــﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ -1 :‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺑﻪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘـﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳـﺰﺍﺕ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴـﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻠﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﺍﻻﻟﺒﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ )ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﭘﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺁﻛﻮﻳﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﺜﻠﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ)ﺍﻗﺎﻟﻴــﻢ ﺛﻼﺛــﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺁﻛﻮﻳﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧــﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﺮﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺏ ﻗﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﺑﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺸﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺧــﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺁﻥﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺍﻟــﻰﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨــﻮﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴــﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﻬﻴــﻢ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺸـﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪﺑﻪﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻻﺗﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻻﺋﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨــﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪221‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪222‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪223‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫‪224‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻠﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺗﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻑ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻫــﺮ ﻗــﺮﺹ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟــﻮﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿــﺮ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺹ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺍﺵ ‪ 48‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺍﺵ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 640‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ 14‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫــﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠــﻮ ‪700‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺎ‪ 1300‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻣﺼﺮﻑﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ 9‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‪ 18‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 200‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﻣﺼﺮﻑﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨــﻚ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫــﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ‪ 450‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮ ﺳــﻂ ﻣﺼــﺮ ﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ‪250‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 750‬ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻣﺘــﺮ ﻣﻜﻌــﺐ ﺁﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺁﺏ ‪ 92‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﻭ ‪ 760‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﻛﻴﻠــﻮﻭﺍﺕ ﺑــﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨــﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌــﺐ ﺑــﺮﻕ‬ ‫‪ 77‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪16‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 250‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪250‬ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐﮔﺎﺯﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ‪ 120‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﻣﺼﺮﻑﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺑﺖﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺎﺯﭘﻮﻝﺧﺮﺝﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ‪ 100‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﻙﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 43‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 172‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 129‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 193‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 545‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺍﮔﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩﺗﺎﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻧﻘﺪﻯ‪50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺶﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 420‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫‪ 227‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺗﺤﻤﻞﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦﻧﻔﻊﺑﻪﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯﺑﺎﻻﻯﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺳﻬﻢﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪،‬ﺷﻴﺮ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺷﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﺷﺪﻥﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 1/75‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺶﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 135‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ 66‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺶﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 33‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﻚﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 473‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﺵ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 473‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 788‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﻫﻔﺖﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 788‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 1/75‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 675‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ‪ 330‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 165‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ 482‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 137‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 28‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙﻭﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 67‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪225‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪226‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 193‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 550‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 38‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 710‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ 28/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 97‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 13‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 83‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 38‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 710‬ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻠﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻩﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣــﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 97‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﮔﺮﺳﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯﺭﺥﺩﻫﺪﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﻗﺪﺭﺕﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯﺑﺎﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﻣﺎﻧﺪﻭﺑﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 88‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖﻭﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯﻧﻴﺰﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺷﺪﻛﻪﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯﺍﻭﻝﺗﺎﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯﻗﺪﺭﺕﺧﺮﻳﺪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺳﺎﻝ‪ 88‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯﭘﻨﺠﻢﺗﺎﻫﻔﺘﻢﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺑﺎﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪28‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪3/3‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻫﻢﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻧﻘﺪﻯﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ 45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﺮﺥﺗﻮﺭﻡﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯﭘﻨﺠﻢﺗﺎﻫﻔﺘﻢﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨــﺰﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧـﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻏﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱﻭﻓﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸـﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﭘﺎﻱﺛﺎﺑﺖﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻭﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ )ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ( ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑـﻼﻍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳـﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﺤـﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣــﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷـﻲ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﺴﺎﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪1/5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﻲ ﻭﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 1404‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﺏ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﺻﻨﻌﺖﻭﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﻱ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺗـﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻬﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ 16 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪227‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪228‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺷـﻮﻙ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳـﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹﺑﺤﺚﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸــﻮﻕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻪ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﻓﻬﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﺯﻃﺮﺡﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳـﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠـﻪ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘـﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﻴـﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗـﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻴﭻﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻏﻨﻲﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨـﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺛـﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪229‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪230‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﻳﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺿﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛــﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺸــﻲ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷـﻤﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒـﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 49‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪50 .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 78‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ 45 .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲﺍﺯﻃﺮﺡﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳـﻬﻢ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖ؛ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪﻛﻪﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻫﻢﺑﺎﺷﺪﺳﻬﻢﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯﺩﺭﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧــﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻤﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪130‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ 150‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ 63‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸـﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 3/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷـﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧـﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨـﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺷـﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪231‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺧﻼﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪232‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺒﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷــﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﻪﺩﻫﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻛﻞ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀــﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺷــﺎﻩﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 113‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥﻓﺮﺳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪É{ZÆÀŒÌa ÉZÅ ÂËZÀ‡ { Ƀ€¿Y ÉZƸ»Zu ÉZÆf¼Ì« Y{€] -1 ÃZ¼‹ µÁ|m‬‬ ‫‪Ƀ€¿Y ÉZƸ»Zu‬‬ ‫]€{‪ZÆf¼Ì« Y‬‬ ‫‡‪4 ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‡‪3 ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‡‪2 ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‡‪1 ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫«‪ʸ § d¼Ì‬‬ ‫‡‪É{ZÆÀŒÌa ÉZÅ ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‡^|‪É‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫«‪Ó{ - d¨¿ d¼Ì‬‬ ‫‪6000‬‬ ‫‪4000‬‬ ‫‪4000‬‬ ‫‪2400‬‬ ‫‪1012‬‬ ‫]‪¾Ë‚À‬‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫‪3500‬‬ ‫‪2700‬‬ ‫‪2700‬‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫‪ÊÅZ³Á€Ì¿€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪6750‬‬ ‫‪3500‬‬ ‫‪2700‬‬ ‫‪2700‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫¿‪ÊÅZ³Á€Ì‬‬ ‫‪94,5‬‬ ‫‪2000‬‬ ‫‪1600‬‬ ‫‪1600‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫‪ÊÅZ³Á€Ì¿€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪3900‬‬ ‫‪2000‬‬ ‫‪1600‬‬ ‫‪1600‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫¿‪ÊÅZ³Á€Ì‬‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫‪3500‬‬ ‫‪2750‬‬ ‫‪2750‬‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫¿¨‪|̨‡ d‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪2000‬‬ ‫‪1500‬‬ ‫‪1500‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪žËZ» Z³‬‬ ‫‪2100‬‬ ‫‪1300‬‬ ‫‪750‬‬ ‫‪750‬‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫‪Ê Ì^— Z³‬‬ ‫‪1350‬‬ ‫‪1000‬‬ ‫‪800‬‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫]€©‬ ‫‪800‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡Y d·Á{ É{ZÆÀŒÌa ÂËZÀ‡ :3 ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‪µZË :|uYÁ‬‬ ‫¿¨‪Z³ d‬‬ ‫¿¨‪ï d‬‬ ‫»‪µÂve s€— ÃÁ€³Z¯ cY|Àfˆ»:ž^À‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 52‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 46‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕــﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗــﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ Ä¿YZË ½{€¯ |À¼§|Å ÉY€] µ|» ɁZ‡ ÄÌ^‹ lËZf¿ -2 ÃZ¼‹ µÁ|m‬‬ ‫‡‪¹ZÆq ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‡ ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Á{ ÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‡‪µÁYÂËZÀ‬‬ ‫‪37,3‬‬ ‫‪33,6‬‬ ‫‪31,1‬‬ ‫‪(|{) - ¹Âe‬‬ ‫‪46,6‬‬ ‫‪38,4‬‬ ‫‪36,1‬‬ ‫‪32,5‬‬ ‫‹| ¿¬|‪(|{) -Ê´ÀË‬‬ ‫‪38,6‬‬ ‫‪39,6‬‬ ‫‪26,7‬‬ ‫‪23,8‬‬ ‫¯¶ »‪(Ó{ {Z̸̻)µÂu ¶]Z« ž]ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪ž]ZÀ» {€¯ ÄÀ˂Š\̯€e Á cY€ÌiZe‬‬ ‫‪|Ì·Âe ÉZÆ] ŽyZ‹ Á ¹Âe w€¿ ĈËZ¬» -3 ÃZ¼‹ µÁ|m‬‬ ‫¯‪Ã|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪9,9‬‬ ‫‪21,5‬‬ ‫‪17,2‬‬ ‫‪14,2‬‬ ‫»‪(Ó{ {Z̸̻)Êf¨¿ ÉZÅ Ã{ÁY€§ Y ¶Zu ž]ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪26,4‬‬ ‫‪16,6‬‬ ‫‪7,5‬‬ ‫‪7,9‬‬ ‫»‪(Ó{ {Z̸̻)Z³ Á ©€] Y ¶Zu ž^¸À‬‬ ‫{|‬ ‫‹‪ÉZÆ] ŽyZ‬‬ ‫‪2,3‬‬ ‫‪1,5‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪1,7‬‬ ‫»‪(Ó{ {Z̸̻)¾Ë‚À] cY{YÁ Y ¶Zu ž]ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪11,9‬‬ ‫‪cÁZ¨e‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀÀ¯ |Ì·Âe‬‬ ‫¯¶ ‪(Ó{ {Z̸̻)Y¿Zy Ä] ÊfyY{€a‬‬ ‫‪19,3‬‬ ‫‪19,8‬‬ ‫‪13,35‬‬ ‫‪11,58‬‬ ‫‪11,88‬‬ ‫‪8,01‬‬ ‫‪7,14‬‬ ‫‡‪(Ó{ {Z̸̻ )d·Á{ ºÆ‬‬ ‫‪7,72‬‬ ‫‪7,92‬‬ ‫‪5,34‬‬ ‫‪4,76‬‬ ‫‡‪(Ó{ {Z̸̻ )d À ºÆ‬‬ ‫»‪µÂve s€— ÃÁ€³Z¯ cY|Àfˆ»:ž^À‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴــﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﻟــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪¹Âe‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪1,6‬‬ ‫‪8,8‬‬ ‫‪10,4‬‬ ‫‪1384‬‬ ‫‪0,3‬‬ ‫‪11,6‬‬ ‫‪11,9‬‬ ‫‪1385‬‬ ‫‪3,5‬‬ ‫‪14,9‬‬ ‫‪18,4‬‬ ‫‪1386‬‬ ‫‪4,5‬‬ ‫‪20,9‬‬ ‫‪25,4‬‬ ‫‪1387‬‬ ‫‪3,5‬‬ ‫‪8,7‬‬ ‫‪12,2‬‬ ‫*‪1388‬‬ ‫‪¹Âe w€¿ Z] Ã|ÀÀ¯ |Ì·Âe ŽyZ‹ cÁZ¨e –‡Âf» 2,68‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ÄÅZ» Ã{ 88 µZ‡ Z»M‬‬ ‫»‪ɂ¯€» ®¿Z] :ž^À‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎ ‪ 2/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫  
‪         
   !  " #! -4‬‬ ‫       ‬ ‫‪$%‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪37,3‬‬ ‫‪33,6‬‬ ‫‪31,1‬‬ ‫"  ‪   &  '*+‬‬ ‫‪43,5‬‬ ‫‪34,8‬‬ ‫‪31,1‬‬ ‫‪28,6‬‬ ‫!‪
   ! ./  " #‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪34/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 28/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪25/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪11/2‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 52‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 18‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪ 42‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 42‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻭ‪ 88‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 14/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪233‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪234‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﮔﺬﺷﺖﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩﺍﺯﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺷﺪﻥﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧـﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳـﻘﻒ ‪ 20‬ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 65‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺶﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻃﺮﺍﺣــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻـﻼﺡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻓــﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 1389‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 38‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ 34‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻭﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﻳﺐﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻔﻴﻒﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ‪ 250‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴــﻞ ‪ 80‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻘﻒ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖﻭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻒ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﮕﻠﻴﺘﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻼﺡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ »ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﮕﻠﻴﺘﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺪﻫــﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴــﺮﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ‪96‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻟﻄﻔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪235‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ‪ 64‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪236‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣـﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸـﻮﺩﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸـﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼـﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼـﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﺸـﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳـﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳـﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻛﺎﺳـﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺳـﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻡ ﻳــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻣﻲﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺸـﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷـﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺷـﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃـﺮﺍﺡ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﭘﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣـﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺄﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪﺍﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵ ‪200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 83‬ﻭ ‪ 84‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪ 4/7‬ﻭ ‪ 5/6‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 3/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪237‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪238‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺁﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻲﺟﻠﻮﺗــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻨــﺪ ‪ 10‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﻛﻤﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ«‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺐﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫)ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻴﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ( ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫـﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ )ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (89‬ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺒﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ )ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ )ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ( ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺑﺎﻻ )ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫)ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ( ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ )ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ(‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺞﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﺸــﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻫﺸــﺖﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 23‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻰ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 4/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺽ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ )ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀـﻮ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤـﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣـﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳـﺎﻯ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻢﻗﺮﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕﺑﺮﺍﻯﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﺑﺤﺚ»ﻣﻠﻰﺷﺪﻥﻧﻔﺖ«ﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢﻭﺑﻪ»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ«ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻬﻀﺖﻣﻠﻰﺷﺪﻥﻧﻔﺖ‪»،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ »ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ »ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ« ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪» ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ»ﻧﻔﺖﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ«ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﻢ»ﻧﻔﺘﻰ«ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫـﺶ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻰ« ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ‪ 130‬ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 65‬ﺩﻻﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ »ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺴﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷـﺪﻥ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷـﺪﻥ« ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫‪ 125‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺍﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 60‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭژ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺮﻭژ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ )ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻰ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪239‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪240‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧــﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻮء ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻬﺰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ )ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﺣﺘﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺰﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻐﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺗــﺎ ‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗــﺎﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ؟ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ )ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﻯ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ( ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪241‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬