ماهنامه مثلث شماره 31

‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ‪ 12/‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 84/1389‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﭙﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻏﺮﻳﺐﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪4‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﺤﻮﻩﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺍﻧﺶﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻜﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺠـﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺴـﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ »ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪8..........................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪10.........................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪12...............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﺎﻥ ‪14..................................................................89‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ‪16..........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪18......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻟﻔﻈﻲﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲﻭﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥﻣﻮﺟﺐﺷﺪﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻭﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪40....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪43............................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪44.......................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺗﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ _‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪54..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪55...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪56................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ‪57.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪58............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪60.....................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ‪62..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪64..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ‪65.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‪66.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪68...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ‪69.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪70..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪72...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ؛ ﺁﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪73.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪30...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪34......................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪26..........................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪28.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪30.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‪32......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪34...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ‪35...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪36..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪38.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪39.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﺹ( ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ »ﺍﺯﻣﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺟــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻔﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪46...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ؛ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪48..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪50..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪52...........................................‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﻌﻠﻨﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﻄﺎ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡﻛﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱﺭﻛﻮﺩﺭﺍﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ﺍﮔﺮﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻭﺭﻛﻮﺩﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺭﺳﻢﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﻭﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ‪،‬ﻟﺮﺯﻩﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖﺍﻣﺎﭼﻨﺪﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﻭﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﻔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ‪ /‬ﺑﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ؟‪ /‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩﻛﻲ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ /‬ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ‪ /‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺷﺎﺗﻮﺗﻲ ‪ /‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ‪ /‬ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪74........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻡ‪76....................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪77......................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ!‪78.............................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ‪80... ......................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‪81........................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‪:‬ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻔﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ‪-‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳــﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪22357035 :‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻢ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻲﻭﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.89‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻟﺘﻬــﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻣــﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﻣــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻫﻞ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﮔﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﮕﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﮕﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ »ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺑــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺘﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄــﻖ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧــﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﻜﻮﻻﺳــﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢﭘــﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿــﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻫﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻳﺮ ﺑــﺎﺥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﺷﻲء ﮔﺸــﺘﮕﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣــﻮﺯﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ »ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ )‪(Critique‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺣﻴــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻫﮕﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫــﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛــﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼــﺎﻑ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱﺍﺵ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳــﻢ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺘــﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﺝ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﺮﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻬــﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻋﺎﻗﺒــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺰﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺣــﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻜﺠﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻠﻲ؛ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ »ﻗﺮﻧﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺘــﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓــﻼﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺎﺍﷲﻭﺍﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺸــﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻒﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺱﺳــﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻛﺮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮگ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟــﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻠﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻸ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ) .‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻜﻢ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺎﺗﻠﻮﻥ ﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻯ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺑﻮﺣﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺞﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 58‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋــﺰﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺞﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮگ ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻰﺳﺒﻴﻞﺍﷲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﻮﺍﻏﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،44‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﻑ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﮕﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻰﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑَﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺸــﺖﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﻝ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،44‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠــﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺳــﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻱ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋــﻒ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 89‬ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤــﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋــﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻــﻞ »ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ« ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺘــﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﺷﺪﻧﻰﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻩﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ«‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ‪ :‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺮﻭ ﺗﻚﺗــﻚ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ /‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﻗــﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﻗﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪20‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ‪20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ‪ /‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥﻋﻠﻮﻡﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪﺩﺭﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻮء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼــﺺ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳــﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺘﺮﻭﺋﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﺑﻼﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ /‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ ﺛــﺮﻭﺕ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺻﺒﻐﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﭙﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﻕﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺰﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺸــﺎﮔﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺴــﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺿﺎﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺨﻜﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘــﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ؛ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 23‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺸــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﺳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻧﮕﻬﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1385‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 32624‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﭙﻪﻣﺎﻫﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﺮﻓﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻋﻠﻒ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻻﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1361‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺸــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ -‬ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻡِ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ «.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ! ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞِ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‬‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ ﻛﺠﺎ؟‬‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ؛ ﺗﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ ﺭﺿﺎ! ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ!‬‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻻﻋﻼﺝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻃﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻐﻔﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﭙﺎﺗﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺱ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻴﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﭘﻮﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﻛﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺒﺘﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺷﻴﺎﻉ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﻛﻠﻢ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ« ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﻼﺝ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫــﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺑﻴــﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻐﺪ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺳــﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻮچ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﻡﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 14‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻣﻬﺮ« ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ‬ ‫‪ 73‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻡﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1316‬ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1333‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ »ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﻡﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ« ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻡﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 18‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 18‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ ‪ 67‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻋﺰﺭﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻄﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻨﻔﺸــﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻡ ﺷﺶﻟﻮﻝﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻪ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﻠﻜﻰ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 14:50‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 21‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺴــﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1315‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1330‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1350‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻏﻼﻡﺷﺶﻟﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺯﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺷﻚ ﺗﻤﺴﺎﺡ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺎ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ«‪» ،‬ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ«‪» ،‬ﮔﻞ ﭘﺎﻣﭽﺎﻝ«‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭ ﻟﻮﻃﻲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ« ﻭ »ﻭﻳﻼﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻰﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﺶ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺒﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺖ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﺎﻥ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻛﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮔﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮔﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﻠﻒ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ« ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ »ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦﺳﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ)ﺍﻳﺪﻭﺭ( ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺷــﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻨــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻬﻮﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻙ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﭙﻴﻨﺪﻟﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻛﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎ ‪40‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺪﻩ ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺣــﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺵ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﻡ!« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺟــﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ »ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗــﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗــﺾ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡﺣﺬﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪/.‬ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ‪ /‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ /‬ﻳﻮﻧﺲﺧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﻻﻭﻳﻮ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻤﺒﺎﺑﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪/‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﻳﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺁﻝ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﻣﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻴﻦ‪AP/‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ – ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ –‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﻠﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ – ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 63‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 78‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1305‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺷــﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺷــﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺷــﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻏﻴﺒﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻙ ﺗﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬــﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪1358‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻨــﻪ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺴــﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺵ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺹﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫــﻢﺯﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 84‬ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺡ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﭙﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﺑﻼگﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ؟« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ )ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﺸﺮ( ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ)! (‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳــﻦ‪ :‬ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴــﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪ :‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﺁﻥﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﻃﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ!‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻋﻠــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ‪ :‬ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣــﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،60‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 1384‬ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻛﺒﺮﻱ ‪ 11‬ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﻮﺯ‪ :‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴــﻮﺯ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ »ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺒــﺮﻱ ‪ «11‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﺮﻯ ‪ «11‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ؛ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠــﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ؛ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺧﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﻧﻈـﺎﺭﺕ؛ ﺳـﻮژﻩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟــﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼــﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺸﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺤﻴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﻭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﭼﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺣﺴﻦﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﮕﻴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﻼﺣﺖﭘﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻠﻤﺬ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺑﺎﻁﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤــﻦ ﻋﻠﻨــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺟﻼﻳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﻭﺳﻤﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﺎﻁﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﻮﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻱ ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ« ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﻴﭻﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪1384‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻛﺸــﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1382‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 3‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻭﺭﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻴــﻒ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻮﻳــﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ )‪ 8‬ﺑﺮ ‪ (7‬ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻘﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1381‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1382‬‬ ‫)ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ(‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 1380‬ﺗﺎ ‪1381‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1378‬ﺗﺎ ‪1380‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺟﺮﺯﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴــﺎﻥ! ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﻘﻴــﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﻧﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨــﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺮﻫﻢﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻭﻯ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﺧﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘــﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ‪ 22‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻢ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻــﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻒ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻔــﻊ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻴــﻒﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣــﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 12‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫» ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐــﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴــﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻰﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧــﺐ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘــﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ‪ 2-3‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳــﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗــﻮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺳﻴﺪﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻘﻀﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟــﻰ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 29‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺮﻡ ﻏﺼﺐ ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﺠﻤﻴــﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 81‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ‪22‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘــﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺞﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺪﺍ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻨﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺗــﻮﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺳــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ‪ АВС News‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣــﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﺍﻭﻏﻠــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗــﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻴــﭗ ﻛﺮﺍﻭﻟــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻰ ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻰ ﻛﺮﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﻛﺮﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﮔﺎﻧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ‪ 15‬ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺍﺋــﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺯﻑ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ »ﺍﻱﺑﻲﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳــﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﮔــﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺗﻴﻦ »ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ« ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜــﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊﺳــﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺮﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺷــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻬــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ 60 ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊﺳــﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ‪ /‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻏﻔﻠﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷــﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﻳﻮﻳﻮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ‪ NPT‬ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻑ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ‪ S-300‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣــﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍگ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ‪ S-300‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ‪ S-300‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﮕﺪﻣﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣــﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻮء ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ‪ S-300‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜــﺲ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕــﺮﻱ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻔــﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻟﻔﻈــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ« ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺣــﻖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺟــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻟﻔﻈــﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥﺣﻀــﻮﺭﭘﻴــﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ« ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﻳــﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 74‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 11/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠــﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑــﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻡ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ 21‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 58‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 68‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1330‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1388‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 74‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 4/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1330‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1388‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ‪ 74‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 4/5‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1335‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺳــﻪﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻌــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺟﺰﺋﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1345‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1355‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑــﻪ ‪ 10/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1355‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1365‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 102/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 14/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 65‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪2/5‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14/2‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 12/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 70‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 75‬ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 558/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12/5‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 9/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 75‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 85‬ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 1/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9/1‬ﺑــﻪ ‪ 11/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1385‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 70/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪80‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ‪ 0/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 2/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ!‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ |ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻓﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺜﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺴــﺨﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦﺭﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻳــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ‪ -‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 4/8‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ‪4/03‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 7/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ‪ 530‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 303‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻏﻨﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ ‪ /‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻤــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ 30 ،20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿــﺎ ﻣﺤﺠــﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ /‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫــﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻠﻲ ﺷــﺎﻏﻠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ )‪ (ILO‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 26‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭﻯ ‪ /‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﺨﻦﺍﺯﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻜﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ‪100‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳــﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺘﻮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﺘﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺤﻄــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 17‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻠﻰﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪200‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ؛ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺴــﺮﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑــﺮ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﻛﺸﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗــﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ‪ 16‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜــﺮﺭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻠﻰﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃــﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺗــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ‪ 216‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺴــﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ (1‬ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (2‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﻛﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪18‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ‪ 17-18‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ »ﺑﻴﻤﻪ« ﻭ »ﻣﻌﻮﻗــﺎﺕ« ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓــﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ 200-300» :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ‪ 111‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻭ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻏﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣــﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩﻱ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇــﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ« ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩژﺧﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﻭﻟﻰﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺟــﺰ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫‪22‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻮﺍﻳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﻠﻰﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﻮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻯﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻋﺰﻳــﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺰء ﺑﻪﺟﺰء ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼــﻪ ﻧــﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﻲ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺭﻳﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺳـﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻔـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟـﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸـﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧـﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻟــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘـﻼﻑ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪...‬؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘـﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻄــﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟــﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻓـﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷـﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻣﻨﺸـﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫‪1369-1359‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﻃﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪ :‬ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻗﺎﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‪ _1333 :‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪:‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪ :‬ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‪ _1331:‬ﻟﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪ :‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‪ _1336 :‬ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺳﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺗﻴﭗ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫‪1380-1370‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ‪ ، ...‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1376‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1371‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1389-1381‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﻧﻮﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ‪ 31‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1371‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺛﺎﺭﺍﷲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ؛ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠــﻲ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻼء ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﻼﻫــﺪﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1358‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﻭﻛﻴﻔــﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﭗ ﻭ ﻟﺸﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻛﺖ ﺁﺭ ﭘﻲ ‪ 5‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 300‬ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪ 300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ‪ /‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﭙﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎ ﺁﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﻛﻤﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ )ﺩﺍﻓﻮﺱ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻘﻴﻪﺍﷲ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻢ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺷــﻲ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺴﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻠﻲﻛﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 45‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺮﺩﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﺸــﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻘﻴﻪﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ NBC‬ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﻇــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺟﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺘــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ‪ 57‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﻪﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲﺍﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 1358‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪58/2/2‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺪﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗــﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳــﻚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀــﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﺒــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 58‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺿﻲﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺻــﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗــﻮﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺯﺩﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﻼﻫﺪﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ(‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 58/2/2‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﺹ( ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ »ﺍﺯﻣﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﺹ( ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪10‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫)ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ( ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺷﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺴــﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫــﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 611‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ‪ 600‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﮕﻼﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟــﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺵ ‪ EPCF‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧــﻪ ‪ 110‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌــﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧــﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﻰ ‪ 900‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ )ﺧــﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗــﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ( ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺧــﻂ ﻟﻮﻟــﻪ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ )ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻــﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺘــﺎﻭﻩ – ﭘﻞ ﻛﻠﻪ( ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 175‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 169‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 92‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 17‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ‪ 850‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻬــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 810‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﮕﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﻧﻴﺎﻙ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻤﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﻧﻤﻚﺯﺩﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻴــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 23‬ﻣﺨﺰﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ LNG‬ﻭ ‪ LPG‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﺸــﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﮔﭽﺴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 17‬ﻭ ‪18‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻧــﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻧــﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﮕﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻞ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪ‪ 10 ،‬ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺴــﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻮﺝﺷــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺝﺷﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ )ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓــﺎﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﺮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺪ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨــﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ‪ TEU‬ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻮﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ »ﺍﺯﻣﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺍﻳــﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﻮﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺮ‪» «.‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ _‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ؛ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 56‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ؛ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌــﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ _ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ؛ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .....‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ‪«51/11/6‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺴــﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ) ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻬﻚ( ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﭘﺪﺭ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ ....‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎﻱ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «....‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1363‬ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ‪ -‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫)ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﻢ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﺎﻧــﻲ )ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺗﻮﻟــﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﺎﺩﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ )ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ( ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 13‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1298‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1331‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1334‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1340‬ﺗﺎ ‪1350‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1342‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1358‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻮﺩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ« ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ »ﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻭ »ﺯﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ« ﻭ »ﺳــﭙﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ*« ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﺒــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿــﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴــﻎ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨــﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫»ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺁﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻜﺎﻓﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻬﺮ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺍﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻓﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺖ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ؟! ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳــﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﻭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺒﻪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﻤﺘﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﺸــﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ »ﻧﺒﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮ«‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺒﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﻲ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ« ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋــﺪﻩ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟــﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻦ« ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴــﺮ ﺗﺮﻛــﺶ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺸــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻳﻤــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺳــﺦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ؟ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﺣﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻪ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺨﺎﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﺋﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻉ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪6‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ )ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺵ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴــﻪ )ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ )ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﻴﺦﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ )ﻗﻠﻬﻚ( ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺴــﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻬــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧــﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪56‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻬﻔﻲﻫﺎ« ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻲﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻠــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃــﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬــﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،50‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 55‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 57‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺁﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺑﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺮﻟــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺳــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤــﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﺗﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳــﻚ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ »ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ« ﻳﻚﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻙﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺷﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴــﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،58‬ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ‪ 11‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪ ،58‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺪﻑ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ 42‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻃﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻣﺴﺠﺪﻗﺒﺎﺗﺮﻭﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺣﺴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،58‬ﻣﺨﻔﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪ 58‬ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻟﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 59‬ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﻭﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪1381‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪1384/3/27‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴــﺎﻻﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ )ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1296‬ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1313‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1323‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1327‬ﺣﺎﺝﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻃــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 27‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 257‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴــﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺷﻜﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ« ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺧﻄــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻗــﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺫﻛــﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺁﻻﻳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺚﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1358‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪﺷﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺸﻴﺮﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺛﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺯﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﮕﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﻏﺮﺏﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ! ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﭼﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ« ﺑﺮ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺟﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﺍﻳﺶﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻨﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺁﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻛﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﻏﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭽﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 42‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻤﻨﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺯﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭗ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻼﺟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻼﺟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻛﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰﻣﺂﺏﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ‪ 29‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛــﺶ ﻭﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 325‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺗﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺻﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ »ﻧﻪ« ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺑﻠﻪ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 89‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 71‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 170‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 180‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴــﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﭽﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﺪ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺠﻨﺒﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﻰﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻛﻮﻙ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ 12‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟــﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﻴﺚ ﻛﺒــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﭼﻪﭼﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺚ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸــﻬﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧــﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋــﻼ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﻣﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻰﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻼﻭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 91‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 163‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 325‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ 57‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓــﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋــﻼﻭﻯ ‪ 91‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ‬ ‫‪ 89‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ‪ 70‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 38‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺖﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸــﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﺰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘــﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺖﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺘــﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄــﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1920‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ‪ 1920‬ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1920‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪2‬ـ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 47‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 12‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 23) 2010‬ﻭ ‪24‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ (1389‬ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺳــﺮﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴــﻜﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺿﺪﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ )ﺩﻱ ‪ (1389‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ‪ 2012‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍگ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻨــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪ NPR‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ NPR‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﻭ ‪ 2002 NPR‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍگ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ژﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ژﺳــﺖ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ‪ NPR‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ‪ Negative Security Assurance‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ‪ NPR‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﻋﻀﻮﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ‪ /‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪1988‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﮓﻫــﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1920‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ ،19‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﻴﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ‪ -‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﻫــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤــﻊﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻇﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ‪ -‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ »ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺸــﻌﺎﺏ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ‪ 70‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥﻭﻗــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ‪973‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ! ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟــﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔــﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑــﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺸــﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺸــﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﺪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻲﻏﻨﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﻏﻨﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻨﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﺗﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪-70‬‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 79‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀــﻼﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 79‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻬﺸﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﻞ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ( ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﻳﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳــﻖ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﻳــﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 52‬ﻭ ‪ 53‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 54‬ﻭ ‪ 55‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ؛ ﺁﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺒــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻇﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻰ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻧﮓ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛــﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪) 1389‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ( ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪68‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻓﻮﺏ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣــﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻡﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 550‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺟﻮﺟﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ‪ 31‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺿﺪﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﻔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ‪ /‬ﺑﮕﻮ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ؟‪/‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩﻛﻲ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ /‬ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ‪ /‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ‪ /‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺷﺎﺗﻮﺗﻲ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ‪ /‬ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻓﺮﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺽ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ؛ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻤﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳــﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻼﺣــﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺳــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻜﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠــﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳــﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻫﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻤﻦﭘﻮﺵ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻲﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺭﻳــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳــﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣــﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻳﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻜﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!«‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻜﭽﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﭼﺎﭘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ »ﺑﻠﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟــﻢ ‪ /‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻱ ﻏﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻮچ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪ /‬ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ‪ /‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻲ‪ /‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ /‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻟﻢ ﮔﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ /‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﺳــﺘﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ‪ /‬ﺳــﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﻻﻳﻨﺪ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻱ ‪ /‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻱ ‪ /‬ﻧﻴــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ‪ /‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮ ‪ /‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ‪ /‬ﺟﻮﻳﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﻲ ‪ /‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ /‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ /‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ‪ /‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪ ‪ 0511‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺵ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺩﺭﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 37‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 86‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨــﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﻚ ﺁﻫﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻣﺸﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ »ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﻙ »ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ« ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎپﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﭘﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﺑﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ« ﭼﺎپ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 1100‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 2000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ‪ «...‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻮﺵ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ‪ «...‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷــﺪﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ‪ «...‬ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﮕﻮ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﻔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ‪ /‬ﺑﮕﻮ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ‪ /‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩﻛﻲ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ /‬ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ‪ /‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ‪ /‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺷﺎﺗﻮﺗﻲ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ‪ /‬ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ‪ «....‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻜﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺧﻴــﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻙ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ‪ /‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ /‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺨﻮﺩ ‪ /‬ﻗﻤﻘﻤﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ‪ /‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ /‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ » ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ »ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1385‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﻋﺼﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﺎ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .1387‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭﺩﺍ« )ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪».‬ﺩﺳﺘﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺰﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ /‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ‪ /‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ‪ /‬ﻣﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ‪ /‬ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ‪ /‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ‪ «...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ‪ /‬ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ /‬ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ‪ /‬ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ‪ /‬ﺩﻟﻢ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷـــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭﺳـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧـــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨــﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ‪ /‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ /‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺨــﻮﺩ ‪ /‬ﻗﻤﻘﻤــﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗﻔﻨــﮓ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ /‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﻮﺑﻴﺴــﻢ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﻮﺑﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻗﺎﺋــﺪ( ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣــﺎ! ‪ /‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﺎﻫﺎ ‪ /‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ /‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ‪ /‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ /‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺁﻫﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ‪ /‬ﺭﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎ! ‪ /‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﮔﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻛﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺸﻮﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻏﺮﺽ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻩ ﻯ ﺍﺳﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻃﻰ ﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰﺗﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﮔﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﺵ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴــﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛــﻲ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﺪﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺮﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳــﻎ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﻡﻧﺮﻣﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠــﻎ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫‪LCD‬ﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳــﻞ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠــﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﺎﻫــﺮ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤــﻮﻝ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺻــﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭼﻨــﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻳﻲ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﻔﻠــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻏﻔﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷــﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻮﻛﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﭘﻮﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻫــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟــﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫــﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭﺣــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘــﻲ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻘﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1319‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ« ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻣﻜﺚ ‪ «95‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻜﺚ ‪«95‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔــﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫»ﺻﺒﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻧــﻮﺫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻳﭽﻬﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻼ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻮﻙ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺡﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮ ﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻠﺶ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻏﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻓﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻏﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻏﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺻﻔــﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ؟ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿــﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻋﻤــﻼ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ) ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ(‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫــﺎ ﻳــﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺪﻳﻬــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻠﻮﻏﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧــﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲﻟﺸــﻜﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ(‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺳﺒﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻲ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ! ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ! ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺼــﻼﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺼﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻓﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻏﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻏﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﻚﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﺤــﺎﺕ ﻧﻔــﺖ« ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺖﻧﺸــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ »ﺍﻭﻭﻩ ﺗﻴــﻢ« ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﭙﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 16‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 17‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪89/2/16‬‬ ‫‪89/2/18‬‬ ‫‪89/2/20‬‬ ‫‪89/2/21‬‬ ‫‪89/2/23‬‬ ‫‪89/2/24‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴــﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻴــﺪﻱ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪) :‬ﭘﺮﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮﻙ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ(‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‪ 6) :‬ﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﺁﺭﺗﻤﻴﺲ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪) :‬ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻐﺰﺩﺍﺭ(‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺁﻫﺎﺭﻱ‪) :‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻲ(‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻱ‪) :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﺡ(‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪) :‬ﻧﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ(‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻏﺒﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪) :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺮﻛﻢ ﻧﻜﻦ(‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪):‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ(‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺴﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪):‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ(‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪) :‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﺑﻪ(‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﭘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﻲ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺴﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ )ﺷﺐ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺴﻮ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ )ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ( ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻮﺩﺏ )ﺍﻟﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ(‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ )ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ( ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ )ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ(‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ )ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻘﺎﻩ( ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ )ﭼﺎﻱ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ )ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ( ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ )ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﻣﻴﺮ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻴﺎﻥ )ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺷﻌﺮ( ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺫﻱ )ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ(‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟــﻮﺵ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻫــﺪﻭﺯ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ( ﻧﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋــﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﺗــﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ 7‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻓﺘــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ )ﻫﻨﺮ( ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ »ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ« ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﻱ« ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﻣﺤﻀﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻜﺚ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﻮﻟﺴﺘﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦﺗﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ‪ -‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟــﺰ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻳــﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺣﺴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ)ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﺁﻣﻔﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 800‬ﻭ ‪ 1000‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧــﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒــﺮ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗــﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﺯﻫــﺮﺍ )ﺱ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺱ ﻛﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﺍﻣﻮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ »ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺳﻮﺯﻩ« ﭘﺮﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺱ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺁﻓﺘــﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﻧﺒﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺩﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻳﺎﺱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻭ ‪ 17‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬