ماهنامه مثلث شماره 32

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 19/‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 84/1389‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ -‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ؛ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ؛ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ؛ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪4‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﺑﻮﺩﻥﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪﺭﻭﺑﻪﺳﺎﺧﺖﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣـﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲﻋﻠﻲﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻭﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻋﺪﻡﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝﺑﺮﺍﻱﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕــﺮﻱ ‪ N.P.T‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ‪11‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪6..........‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ‪8........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺭﻗﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪10....................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱﺍﺯﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞﺩﻟﻴﻞﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‪ N.P.T‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪12...............‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪14...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ‪16...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪18.....................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺩﻭﺣﺰﺏﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏﭘﺲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ‪30.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪32.............................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪33.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﭼﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ‪34.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ‪ 3-4‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪36.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ‪37..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ!‪39............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪40.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤــﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ‪20...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪21...........................................‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪24..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪28.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‪29....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊﻳﺪ‪42..........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲ‪44........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﺗﺎ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ‪46...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪48............‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﺩ‪50...........................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪51.................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪52................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪0/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ؟‪54.................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‪56.................................‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‪57................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ‪58.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‪59.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪60.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‪61..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪62....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪63...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎژ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‪64............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪66.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪68...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪69.......................................................‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﻌﻠﻨﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺳﻄﺎ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲﻭﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻥﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦﺷﻬﺮﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻃﻲﻫﻔﺘﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﻄﻒِ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﻐﺰﻝ‪70...............................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ‪72...........................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪74.......................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪75....................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ‪76.................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ‪78.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ‪80...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ«‪81.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‪:‬ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷــﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻔﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳــﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣــﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺣﺎﺟــﻲ ﻧﺎﺻــﺮﻱ ‪-‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳــﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳــﻲ‪ -‬ﺳــﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻓﺮﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺿــﻲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﻋﻨﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱﺳــﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﻘــﻲﺭﻭ ‪ -‬ﺳــﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨــﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣــﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪22357035 :‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻼﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴــﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛــﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺭﺍﺛﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﻛــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑــﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫــﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻻ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻛﺮﻳــﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ :‬ﻳﻜــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳــﻖ ﻫﻤــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻱ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‪100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ‪ 73‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪4/3 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪62‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺌﻤﻨﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲﻛﻪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ -‬ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ«ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ؟ ﺧﺐ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ]ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ[ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ‪ -‬ﺳﻼﻡﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ /‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﺥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﮔﺸﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸــﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‪ /‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﻋــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ »ﺳﻨﺪﺗﻮﺁﻝ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺁﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ )ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻻﺭ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﻯ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻛﻔﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻛﻤﺪ ﺧﻨﺰﺭﭘﻨﺰﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺞ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻝ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﺪﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﮔﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻔﺎﺭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺧﺎﻛﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩﮔﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ –ﺣﺘﻰﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺰﻳﻨﺲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭼﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﺑﺬﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﺘﺸﺒﻰ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ »ﺻﺒﻰ ﻳﺘﺸﻴﺦ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑُﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ »ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ« ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﺮگ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺸﻤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻻﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ »ﻳﺘﻐﺮﺑﻠــﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻠﻪ«‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ – ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﻛﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻞﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻮﻯ ﮔﻞﺁﻗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪...» :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ «...‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺸــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ« ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻣﺪﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﻭ ﺁﻝﭘﺎﭼﻴﻨﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺷﻔﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻟﻮ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ – ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ -‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺍﻛﺒﺎﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﻮ‪ 5‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺭﺗﻴﺞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻔﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺰﻳﻨﺲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩ‪ /‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻣﻲﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﭘﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫــﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ‪ /‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻭﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻤﻲﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺭﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﺍﻱﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺯﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺯﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺼﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﻼﺑــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﻓــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺟﺪﻱﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺰﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﺮﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ )ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫــﺎ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﻧﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺛﻘﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺘﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻲ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺯﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺫﻱ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴــﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﻴﺒﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺲ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮژﻩﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ » :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ‪ N.P.T‬ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ N.P.T‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﻨﻊﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻮﻕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ N.P.T‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ‪ N.P.T‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪T.P.N.D‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟــﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻓــﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟــﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ« ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ »ﻗﻄﻊ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻌﺎﻫــﺪﻩ‪ N.P.T‬ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ‪ N.P.T‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ‪ 1995‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻊﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﻱﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺴﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨــﻰ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻊﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪N.P.T‬ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯﺟﻮﻳﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪N.P.T‬ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺬﺭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ N.P.T‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ N.P.T‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ‪ N.P.T‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧــﻪ ﺫﻛــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻛﻼﻫﻚ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛــﺬﺏ ﺍﻧﺤــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ‪ N.P.T‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟« ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ N.P.T‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺷــﺮﻣﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻀﺤــﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗــﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﻣﺒﺮگ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻮﻣﺒﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ )ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺗﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ )ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ«‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯﺗﺮ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ )ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ( ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔــﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫‪ NPT‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻛﻠــﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ‪NPT‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ‪11‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻞ؛ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻢ ﺷــﺶ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﻴﻢﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ »ﻭﻳﺎﺗﺴﻜﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻥﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻴﻢﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﻱ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1991‬ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1992‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻢﺍﻳﻞ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻢﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﻲ؛ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﺎﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ «.‬ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺷــﻬﻨﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠــﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﻭﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1343‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ‪1354‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻓﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1354‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ )‪ 1361‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ( ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺕﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿــﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺐ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺛﻘﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ :‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﮔـﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﺧﺒﺮﺗﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺷﺼﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟــﻒ‪ :‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻨــﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤــﻪ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ )ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ‬ ‫‪ 507‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪ 158‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻗﺎﭘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﭙﻨﺪﻧــﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻪ )‪ 16‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ(‬ ‫‪ 135‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 769‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 116 ،2005‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 176‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪» :‬ﺁﻧــﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﺴــﺘﺮﻧﻜﻮ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺳــﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﭙﻴﮕﻞ‪ :‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﻧﺎﺯﻯ )ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺬﺍﻓــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ »ﻫﺎﻧﻴﺒﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷــﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ :‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨــﺪﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﻤــﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤــﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺤــﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺪﻳﻌﻮﺕ ﺁﺣﺎﺭﻭﻧﻮﺕ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺯﻳﭙﻰ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗــﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﺗﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺭ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ 52‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷــﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ :‬ﺳــﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨــﻊ ﺟﺎﻣــﻊ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫)‪ (CTBT‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﻣﻮﻧــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 52‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ« ﻭﺭﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪--‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻜﺎﻧﺎ‪ :‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺟﺪﻱﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ 9‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺨﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 300‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 300‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ‪ 5‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 700‬ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ 40 ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ 62‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑــﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ »ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ« ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑﻛﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰﺷــﺎپﻫﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺯﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1388‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ »ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻔﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮﻓﺎﺗﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻴﺤﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻰ »ﺑﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ« ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ! ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸــﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻃــﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺗﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺗﺖ ﺑﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﺖ ﺑﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 1400‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﻮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺖﻓﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﻫﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﺳﻮﺥﭘﻴﺪﺍﻧﻜﻨﺪ؟ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻣﺎﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸــﺶ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸــﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺯﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺯﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1404‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ! ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣــﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻚ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺪﺍﻟﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺪﭘﻮﺷﺸــﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ! ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻏﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷــﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﭗﻭﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ! ﺑﺤﺚﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺍﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺍﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼء ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪68‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ؟ ﻧﻪ! ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺴﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺠﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻒ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻮﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﻰﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻰﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﻰﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻰﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻚﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻰﺷــﺮﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺒﺖﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫــﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤــﺮﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺰ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ؟ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼــﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﻤــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﺨﺼﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺷــﻴﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ! ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ؟ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ‪ 110‬ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻒ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪110‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ‪ 110‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ -1 :‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ‪ -2‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -3‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﻠﻮﺹﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻲﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻊﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﺭﺋﻴﺲﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻠﻮﻡﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ«‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻩ ﺷﺎﭘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ ،1313‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑــﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺒﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﺠﺐ! ﻋﺠﺐ! ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ؛‪ ...‬ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ‪ 1314‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ـ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﻴﭽﻪ« ﻭ »ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﭽﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺵ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 27‬ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1314‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1314‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ...» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ /‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪ 147‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖﻫﺎ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ! «‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺫﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﻮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺑﻲﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻃﺮﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺿﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻬﺠﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻙ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ( ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷــﻬﻮﺗﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺷــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 59‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺁﻳﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻭ ‪ 31‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ( ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑــﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻜــﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻟﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻨﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻓﻲﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻮ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺍﻟﺰﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻮﺍ ﻋﻦﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺮ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺣﺞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪ ‪41‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻗﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1299‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗــﻲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻇﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1336‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1324‬ﺩﺭﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1342‬ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )‪ ،(1345‬ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺴــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ )‪(1347‬ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1348‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1354‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ« ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫــﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ )ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ)ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ( ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ 87‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪16:30‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋــﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ‪ 161‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 50‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 227‬ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ 213 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 112‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 237‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 259‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ 237‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ‪ 263‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ 177‬ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ‪126‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 106‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 34‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋــﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪ 290‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‪ :‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫»ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻝ ﭘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 290‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻨﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺄﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢﻭﺯﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪5‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﺺ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧــﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋــﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ )ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻲﻫﺎ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺷﺮﻁﻭﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻛﺸــﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 4‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻧﻘﺪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺨﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﺷــﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺭﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻘــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﭼﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋــﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀــﺮﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺪﺭ‪ ،90-‬ﺭﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﺍﻣﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺳــﺎﻣﻴﺎﺭ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻣﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻗــﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰﻧﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ« ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ )‪ (LC‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ‪ CKD‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻــﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺗــﺎپ ﺗﻮپ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦﺩﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﮔﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﺳــﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻣﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺑﺨﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺳــﻮﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒــﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪ ‪ S81‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ‪ S81‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻴــﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1390‬ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪50‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪88‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﮕﺎﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺶ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ‪ 3-4‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ‪)s81‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ( ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ‪12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦﺩﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭﺳــﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧــﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺳــﻮﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧــﮓ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪) s81‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ(‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ s81‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ‪s81‬‬ ‫)ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ( ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭘﻠﺖﻓﺮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳــﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫‪) S81‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ‪ LC‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫‪ LC‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ‪) s81‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ( ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫‪) S81‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ( ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ‪) S81‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ( ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪) s81‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ‪ s81‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ‪) s81‬ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ( ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﺶ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺗﻨــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺳﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ‪ 9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 999‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﮔﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﺷــﻜﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90 -‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90 -‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺑــﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﺿﺪﻗﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺑﺪ ﺯﺍﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ)ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ( ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ S81‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﭘﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻯ ﻛﻬﻨﮕــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪S81‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﺍﻧﺘﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻫﺎچﺑﻚ ﻓﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻳﻮﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻢﺳــﻦ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻴﻮﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﭘﺸــﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﻤﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺶ ﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻃﻨﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻓــﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ )ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ« ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ( ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ »ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ« ﻭ »ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷــﺎءﺍﷲ« ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎﺍﷲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻃﻨﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺁﺋﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﭘﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻓــﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠــﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻟﻮﺣﻲ »ﺗﭙﻠﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻮﺵﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎ«ﻱ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻦﺑﻚ ﺑــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻟﻮﺣــﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﭙﻠﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺠﻦﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻃﻌﻢﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨــﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻃﻨﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷــﺎﺍﷲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﻏﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻨﺰﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ – ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ – ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺰﺭﻳــﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻤﻜــﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔــﺮﻩ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻟﻮﺣــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺷﺒﺎﺡ« ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ »ﺷﻴﻼﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﻞ ﻣﻬﻠﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ« ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﻌﻲ« ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻤﻠﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻪ )ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺴﺎﺳﻮﺁﺭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ( ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ »ﭘﻮﭘــﻚ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﺮﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻔﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ – ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴــﻴﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﭘﻮﭘــﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷــﺎﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴــﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ – ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﺎپ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺎژﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪ -‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷــﺎﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴــﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ« ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻚﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷــﺎءﺍﷲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ »ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ! ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷــﺎءﺍﷲ« ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﺑﺎﺝﺧﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺍﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪» .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ »ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﻥ« ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ »ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺟﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺿﻲﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﭙــﻲ ﺩﻱﻭﻱﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﺭﺍ ‪ 2-3‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺝﺧﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ »ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷــﺎءﺍﷲ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ« ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺍﻫــﺎ« ﻭ »ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ« ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪» .‬ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻘﻚﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻮﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺶﻣﺎﺷــﺎءﺍﷲ« ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﻭ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪76‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘــﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1369‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ ،70‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1369‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺗــﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ »ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1379‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 79‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺠﻨﺎﺏ ﺳــﺮﺧﭙﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺠﻨﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻰ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 749884‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ‪ 25/58‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻲﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻣﺎﻧــﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑــﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻲﻭﻳﻜﻢ )ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻲﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺸــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻭ »ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻭ »ﺗﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 82‬ﻋﻜﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟــﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬــﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 79‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 78‬ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻪ ﻛﻮﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻌﺪﻩﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1358‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻬــﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳــﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺸــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺾﺍﷲ ﻋﺮﺏﺳــﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 32‬ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪42‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪﻯ ﺻﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 31‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪58-61‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪61-65‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪70-76‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪76-84‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 84‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﭼــﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺟﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪61/5/11‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 61‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 61‬ﺳﻰﻭﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺮ ‪ 65‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴــﻚ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻔﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 70‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺩﻯ ‪ 70‬ﻃــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﻠــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳــﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 29 .‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪81‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺟــﺮﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻤــﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 85‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺁﻟﻮﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪23 .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 89‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪1377‬؛‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪78‬؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪،76‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1376‬؛‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪80‬؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1370‬؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﺭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‪1370‬؛ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪ 1361‬ﺗﺎ ‪1365‬؛ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 65‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 57‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪58/1/7‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪82‬؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،60‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪81‬؛ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺟﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 61/1/25‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 61‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 37‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﻭﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ‪ 1377‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪83‬؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺁﻟﻮﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪88‬؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪86‬؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺸﺘﻢﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ : 1378‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ :78‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪:1378‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪32‬‬ ‫‪87‬؛ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ :1380‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ :1381‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ :1382‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ :1384‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ : 1388‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ : 1379‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ : 1379‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ‪ 2‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫‪84‬؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ : 1387‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ :1385‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ : 1386‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺻــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭼﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺗﻴــﺮ ‪ 78‬ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ‪ /‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 57‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 56‬ﻭ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻃﻲ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 29‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻢﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 59 ،58‬ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ‪ «.‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻃﺮﻓــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ » :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺘﻴﻠﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﺩ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻜﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫»ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻛﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺸﺮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 57‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ )‪ 17‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ‪ -‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 57‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪﻭﺯﺭ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ ،58‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 66‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺫ‪ ،‬ﺡ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 16‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻲ ‪ /‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ )ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ( ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 17‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ‪ -2‬ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ‪ -3‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‪ -4‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 16‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺒﺪﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 17‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺒﺶ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳــﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 17‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪10‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ـ ﻫﺮﻧــﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ـ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ ـ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫـ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ـ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯ ـ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺡ ـ ﻧﻘــﺾ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻁ ـ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻱ ـ ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 16‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 17‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﻋﻠﺖﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺫ‪ ،‬ﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 16‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤــﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﻪ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ،2000‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1992‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1352‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ "ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ " ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻲﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ " ﻗﺎﺋﺪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ " ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1375‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ "ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ " ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 18‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2000‬ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ« ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ » :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ » :‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ »ﺳﻌﻴﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ” ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ“ ﻭ ” ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ“ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1378‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻰ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1325‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺷــﻤﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ‪ 37‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،70‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 70‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ؛ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺮﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ؛ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1335‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 63‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 67‬ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺝ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰ ﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ‪ 19‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﻃﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣــﺪ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ!« ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ‪ 4‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 0/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 0/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪1 /5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ )ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻــﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ )ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺪﻥ ‪ 37‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺛﺒﺖﺷﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩِﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻄﻲ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 62‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺑﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 13/5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 13/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺴــﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﻫــﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﺕﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭼﻚ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 40‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ‪ 1‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﻔﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﻘﻲﻧﺘﺎﺝ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ »ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ« ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ )ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱﻣﻬﺮ)ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﻬﺮ(‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻗﻔﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻔﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﻓﻘﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﻓﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ‪ 12‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻮﺭﻓﻼﺡ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺴــﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺳﻪﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺁﻝﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻗﻔﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻔﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻔﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ‪ /‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﺩﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻗﻔﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻔﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻰ ‪ /‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ‪40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺠــﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴــﺞ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻗﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋــﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻣــﺰ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﻮﺳــﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨـــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﻴﺶ – ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ – ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺑﻰ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ -‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳــﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﺁﻝﻧﻬﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ« ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ »ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ«‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ »ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻝ ﻧﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺎﺯﻥ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨــﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1780‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﺥﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1904‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1971‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋــﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1971‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪9‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1971‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺷــﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻧــﺺ ﺻﺮﻳــﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺷــﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻮﺍﺋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1992‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ‪ 30‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ‪ 3600‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ‪ 2500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻮﺭﭼﻲ ‪ /‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﺥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻨــﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﺗــﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﻱﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻮﻛﺰﺍﻣﺒﻮﺭگ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻮﻛﺰﺍﻣﺒﻮﺭﮔــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ« ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺳــﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻔﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻼﻣﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﻭﻥ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫــﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻫﺮﻭﺩﻭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﻮﻗﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴــﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺯﻧﮕﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻣﻄﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ )ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ‪(18‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 1779 - 1887‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠــﻪ ﻗﺎﺳــﻤﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻨﮕــﻪ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ‪ 1902‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺏ( ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1786‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻨﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺝ( ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1830‬ﺗﻨﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩ( ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1886‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻩ(‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻜﺴﻦ )‪ ،(1909‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ )‪ ،(1909‬ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍ )‪ (1967‬ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1904‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗــﺎﺵ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ - 6 .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1971‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴــﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺷــﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳــﻲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠــﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺷــﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1971‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ )ﻗﻠﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ( ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻬﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻠﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻴــﺖ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴــﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻋﺮﺑــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻚﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺒﻖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺿﺮﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠــﻰ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪/‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧــﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻻﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪Healthcare‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺎﻱﺧﻮﺭﻱ« ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪) 2010‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ (1389‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻠﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﺮگ ﺑﻜــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻲﺣﺪﻭ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺋﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤــﺮﻙ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪) 2010‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ (1389‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩﭼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺻﻐﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻉ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ‪ 45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ‪45‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ!«‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﻳﮕﺪﻭﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫــﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻭﻳﮕﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﺒﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻟﻮﻡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗــﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺪﺱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺯ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻐﻴﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺲ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﺠــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨــﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑــﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜــﻮﻻ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﻼﺣﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻻﺑــﻰ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺪﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣــﺮﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﻔﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺴــﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﻢ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺑﻪﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎژ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫» ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎژ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺟﻮﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷــﺎﻧﺘﺎژ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟ ّﻠـﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1960‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻟــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟ ّﻠـﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ ‪250‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟ ّﻠـﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -1 :‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1991‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺶ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -2 .‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺴﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻻﺭﺳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1559‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠـﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﺠﻠﻴــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 88‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 24‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ‪ 110‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ‪ /‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫)‪ (IOC‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ IOC‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟــﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ )ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ( ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ - ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﺪﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺘﻰﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ‪ ICO MEMBR 115‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﺩﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺴــﺮﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪﺁﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﻙ ﺭﻭگ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ‪ 11‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؟ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻂﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﮔﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 31‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻢ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺷﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺧﻮﺵﭘﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ‪ IOC‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻛﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ )ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ( ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮگ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻳــﺪﻥ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻮﺁﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻤﻲﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻗﺒﻠــﻰ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺷــﻨﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻃــﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻟــﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ‪ /‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳــﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺷــﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪.‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﻨﻄــﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ؛ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﻐﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ »ﻟﻴﻼ« ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻯﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰﻫﺎ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ؛ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ »ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺰﻟﺴــﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤــﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺴــﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﺴــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ)ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ( ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﻮﻯ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﻟﻴﻠﻰ« ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ؛ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴــﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﻏﻠﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼــﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﻪﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺰﻟــﻰ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﻭﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ؛‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﺪﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻊ ﺯﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲﻗﻬﻨﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻨﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1359‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ »ﺷﺐ« ﻭ »ﻟﻴﻞ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 1378‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﺠــﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻚ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ)ﺭﺍﻫﻰ(‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻊﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﺑﻌﺪﻯ)ﺧﻄﻰ( ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﺰﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺼﻒﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺝ ﻏﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺰﻝﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ – ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﻮﺍﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏﺗــﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻐﺰﻝ‬ ‫– ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻨﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺍﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻠﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺕ ﻭ ژﺍﻧﮕﻮﻟﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻐﺰﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺰﻟﺴﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻟﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻓــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﻯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ«‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ »ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭﺭﺑﭙﺮﻯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ« ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻠﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺴــﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻟﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻯ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺾﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﺷﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭﺣﺶ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫* » ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻗﺎﺑﻴــﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ :‬ﻧــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻯ ﻏﺰﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﺍﻡ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻏﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻗﻨﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺣﺲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﺩﺍﻍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺞ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻠﻪﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻢﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻯ ﺩﻟﭽﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﻮچ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻊ ﺯﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻦ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻰ ﻭﺳﻤﻪﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺸﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺶ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﻠﻪﻯ ﺩﺍﻏﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻢ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﻯ ﺩﺍﻏﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻨﻪﻯ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻄﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺑﻮﺗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺣﻨﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﻏﺰﻝ ﭼﺸــﻤﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺴﻞ ﭼﺸﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻢ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺐ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻰ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﻯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭ پ ﺍ ﺭ ﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺐ ﺭﻃﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺕ ﺷﻌﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﻬﺠﻪﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺕ ﺷﻌﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻌﺮﻡ ﻛﻼﻍ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨــﻢ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻗﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ)ﺭﺍﻫﻲ(‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔــﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﻤﻜــﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ! ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ! ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ! ﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳــﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺣﺴــﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؛ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺑﻼﮔﺶ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻜﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگﻫــﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻢ؛ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﻭ ‪ .86‬ﻭ ﻳــﺎﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺗﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻨــﺪ؛ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻧــﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﻬﺎﻳﺶ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﮔﺮگ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﮔﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪....‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﺎﺋﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﺛﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺳــﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟! ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﺎﺋﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨــﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺋﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻃﺮﺑﻨﺎﻙ« ﺑﻪﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﺎﺋﻔﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﺛﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻝﺳــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻡ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‪ ....‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺨﺸﻜﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻏﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩﻏﻼﻡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺐ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻲ ﺫﺍﻛﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﺛﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗــﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ‪ /‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻲ ﺫﺍﻛﺮ ‪ /‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ »ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻛﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻌﺪﻱﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺴﺮﺕﮔﺎﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ،88‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ »ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺐﭼﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻲ ﺫﺍﻛﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺶ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣــﺎﺯﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻴﻢ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺟــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ« ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺷﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ!‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻠﻚ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭼــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‪ 10‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎﺯﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﭘﺮﻫﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻟﻮﺩﻭﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﺱﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 1926‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1926‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻮﺩﻭﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ‬ ‫)‪ ،(1889-1951‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻊ ﺳﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1911‬ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻨﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺗﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﮔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1-2‬ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﮔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳــﺞ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2-2‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﮔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1914‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺍﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎﺯﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻤﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3-2‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1919‬ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺬﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1920‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1926‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4-2‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﮔﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1922‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ* ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5-2‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎپ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍﺯﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺗﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺗﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺿــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎپ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1928‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1-3‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2-3‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪1929-1930‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣــﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3-3‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﭘﻨﻬﺎﻭﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻰﻳﺮﻛﮕﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻓﺮﻳﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4-3‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1936‬ﻣﺘﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ‬ ‫»ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ« ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺣﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5-3‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1938‬ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧــﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1941-6-3‬ﻭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﻞ ﭘﻴﺸــﺨﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1944‬ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻳﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7-3‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ‪ ،1946‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺦ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1947‬ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8-3‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧــﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 1946‬ﺗﺎ ‪،1948‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -9-3‬ﺍﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -10-3‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 62‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫* ‪tractatus logico-philosophicos‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ« ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽــﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 1933‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺼﻴــﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔــﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ« ﻭ »ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺷﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻻﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺫﻭﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺑﺮﺗﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻟﻮﺩﻭﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫)ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ‪ (6/4 - 7‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﻞ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1921‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1918‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻲ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1922‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻚ ﮔﻴﻨﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻄﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺐﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﮔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﭘﻨﻬﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﺴــﺘﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻔﺴــﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬــﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ )ﻓﺮﮔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣــﺎﺯﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻜﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻛﻮﭘﺮﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﭗ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﺳــﻜﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﮋﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧــﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﺫﻫﻦ( ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺧﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻟﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣــﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺨﺘــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺑﺨﺶﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻻﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻻﻟﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﻐﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﻲ ‪ /‬ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ‪ /‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ )ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﻲ( ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ‪ /‬ﻣﻬﻤﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺼﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ‪ 1/1‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ‪ 1‬ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ‪ 2/221‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ‪ 2/2‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ‪ 5/6‬ﺍﺳــﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻓﺮﮔﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﺗﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻲ ﻓﺮﮔﻪﺍﻱ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳــﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺷــﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛــﺲ‪ :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻗﺮﺍﺋــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ /‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪ 6/4-7‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﻲﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﻻﻟﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﻮﻧﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﺤﻲ ﭘﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﮋﺗﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴــﺪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ )ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﺣﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺷﻲء‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻟﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍء‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻟﻴﭙﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ /‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻼﺋﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ " ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ"‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1200‬ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ« ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺕ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﭻ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴــﺪ« ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻰ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻦﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻦﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﺘﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺠﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ »ﺍﺯﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ »ﺍﻭﺷﺎﻧﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺮﺳﻚ« ﺍﺯ »ﻫﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ »ﭘﺎﻭﺭﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻭﺭﭼﻴﻦ« ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺎﺗﺮﺱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﺱ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ« ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍژﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻳــﻊ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎﻯ ﺁ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ »ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺴــﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏــﺬ ﺧــﻂ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻙﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻜــﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻢ »ﮔﻮﺗﻪﻫــﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻭﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺤﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮء ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ »ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﮔﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ »ﻫﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ »ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺪﺍ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺻــﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻪﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻤــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ« ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻛﺸــﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻌﺠﻮﻥ ﻋﺸــﻖ« ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ »ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ« ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺮگ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﺟﻮﻥ« ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻳﻨــﻮﺵ ﺻﻨﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺠﺎﻟــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺪﻯ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻣﺪﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ – ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ – ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ 15‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺨﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺎﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ – ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪ* ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ‪ 180‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺿﺨﻴﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﻖ ـ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺁﻭﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻍﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ – ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ – ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﺵ ﻣﻌﺠﻮﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ‪ -‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺑﺮﺧﺪﺍ« – ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ – ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺩﻭﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺸــﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺸــﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻠﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﺮﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﻮ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺸــﻌﺮﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺩ ‪ /‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺳﺤﺮﮔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺐ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ؟ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺩﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻝ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﻟﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺗﺎﻳﻚﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺍﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ »ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 42‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺳﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﺟﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪ 58‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﻭ ‪24‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺳﻴﻔﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺳﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺣﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 43‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 42‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 43‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 43‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻐﺾ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺯﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺷﭙﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻱﺑﻬﺸﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ 12‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺍﻳﻨﭻ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ‪ /‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ )ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺭﻧﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪------‬‬‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪------‬‬‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮ ﻭﻥ ﻟﻲ ﻳﻮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻛﺎﭘﻼﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﻣﻠﻜﻲﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺮﻭﻱ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ(‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪32‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1323‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ‪141‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 51‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 48‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﭼــﺎپ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟــﻮﺡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﻱ »ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻐﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻨــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺪﻳــﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 46‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻐﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﺭﺗﺎﻛﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﺭﺗﺎﻛﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺍﻳﻨﭻ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺐ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻍ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ ‪» ،«3‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ‪ «125‬ﻭ »ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﻛﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ؟« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﺳــﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺟــﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ »ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ« ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ژﺍﻟﻪ ﻋﻠــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻛﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 50‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ‪40‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﺬﺭﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮ ﻳﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﺩ ﺍ ﺭ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻧﺞ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 45‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻧﺞ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻃﻬﻤﻮﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ»ﮔﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮ«ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠــﺦ« ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .«.‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﻼ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» .‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫»ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪32‬‬