ماهنامه مثلث شماره 11

‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪﺑﺮﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺒﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﷲ ﻮﺳﻔﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿ ﺧﺒ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﷲ ﺩ ﻣﭽﻴ ﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻬﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﮑﺮ ﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﺰ ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺜﺮ ﻲ ‪ -‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻮ ﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﺿ ﺳﺠ ﺩ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻴ ﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻥ‪ -‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﻗ ﺩﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺠﻴﺐ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭ ﻏﻔﺮ‪ -‬ﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝ ﺳﺤ ﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺮﻭ ﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﻣﻴ ﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺁ ﺖ ﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻌﺠﺐ ﺟﻬ ﻥ ﺯ ﻋﻄ ﻱ ﺟ ﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻮ ﻞ ﻪ ﻭ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ ﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺤﻮﻝ ﻗﺘﺼ ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫ ﻱ ﺪﻭ ﻦ ﺮ ﻣﻪ ﻨﺠﻢ ﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ ﻇﺮﻩ ﺩ ﻨ ﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﺧﻮ ﺟﻪ ﺼﻴﺮﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁ ﻔﻠﻮﺁ ﺰ ﻱﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﻬﺪ ﺪﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮ ﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔ ﺷﻴ ﻥ ﺯ ﻓﻮ ﺒ ﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﮏ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻧﻤﮑﻲ‪:‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻫﺎﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 148 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫‪É|¿ €»Z“€ ̸Ÿ-‬‬ ‫‪É|¿€» Z“€Ì¸Ÿ-‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى و ﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳ ﯿﻮﺟﻪﻥو ى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﻣ ﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎىﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧوﺍﻗﻊﭘ ﯿﺮ ﺭو‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼ ﺎﻟ ﺶ ﻫﺎى ﺯﯾﺎﺩ ى ﺭوﺑﻪ ﺭو ﺷﺪﮐﻪ ﻣﻬ ﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦﺁ ﻥ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤ ﭙﯿﮏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟ ﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪º Å{ d·Á{ { ÊfˀË|» |Ë|mĬ ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{d·Á {{Êf ˀË|»|Ë| mĬ ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭىﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‬‫‪-‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫§€‪|¿{Y{ Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪Z] ÊËZ ųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]h¸j» ÄËÁ ÉZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z] Ê ËZÅ ³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]h¸j» ÄËÁ ÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪„É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪¿ ÊfÌ‬‬ ‫{‪ÁºÆ¿d·Á‬‬ ‫“‪À»YZ‬‬ ‫‪ Y Z]Á YÊ‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫‪‡€] ¶»Z eÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫]‪{¿{Â^ ¿ Á{Â‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺯﺍﺩﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺣ‬ ‫ﻢﺮ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻟﻮﺍﺑﻮ ﻟﺍﺎﻘ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻱ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﺭﻮﺭﺷﺷﻴ ﺪ ﺑﺍ‬ ‫ﻱﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻤ ﺪ ﻭﻣ ﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯ ﺘﻧﺍ ﻧﺍ ﺘﺨﺎ ﺎﺑ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﺎﻤ ﻥﭘﺲ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻩ ﻬﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ ﮔﺎ ﻣ‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫€‪©Y‬‬ ‫¼|‪„É‬‬ ‫‪ÁŸ¿ ÊfÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪ºÆ‬‬ ‫{‪uYd·Á‬‬ ‫]€‡‪À»YY Z] YÊ‬‬ ‫‪Z“Á‬‬ ‫‪†¸n¶» »Z e Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr‬‬ ‫]‪Ê‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫‪—ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪¬ |¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ë»Y{×Y‬‬ ‫‪Z] Ê‬‬ ‫€‪|‡Y,É‬‬ ‫»˜¨‬ ‫‪,½ZË‬‬ ‫¯‪iÂ‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ÂeZ¯ |̼u‬‬ ‫‹‪à {Y É|u€‡ º‡Z¬ Y· Â],É|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ y É|Æ» Á|¼u Y‬‬ ‫]‪{¿{Â^ ¿ Á{Â‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ—ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Ê‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪r¬ |¼v‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪»YË{ Z]×YÊ‬‬ ‫‪|‡,É‬‬ ‫¯‪Y €iÂ‬‬ ‫‪,½ZË‬‬ ‫‪¶ ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ÂeZ¯ |Ì ¼u‬‬ ‫{‪cZ Z] zf¿Y  Y †a ½ Z¼Æf»Ã Z³{Y‬‬ ‫‪à {Y É|u€‡º ‡Z¬·Y Â]Y ,É |̋  y É|Æ»Á | ¼uY‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf Y¿  Y †a‬‬ ‫{‪½ Z¼Æf»Ã Z³{Y‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪:‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻻﺑﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ‬‬ ‫‪YÁ [Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪--‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪-‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ --‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ --‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ --‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ --‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪--‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪54‬ﺲ‬ ‫ﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺭﺋﻴ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻈﺎﻡﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﻡﮔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺍﻱﺯﻋ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺑﺮﺑﺍﻱﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮ ﭘﻭ ﺮ‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪†4ÄZ‬‬ ‫‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫|‪ÌW‬‬ ‫¨‪vÀÆ‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫½ ‪»³Ád‬‬ ‫‡‪¨³Z»Z‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪8 8‬‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫¨‪8 8Ä v‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫¯‪|®ÀÀ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫€‪Ë €]Y‬‬ ‫‚‪ÊË Z¼À³‬‬ ‫‪] { 1] 68‬‬ ‫{‪d· Á{ ÉZÅÄ Z¿ºÅ‬‬ ‫‡‬ ‫‪Êf«Á‬‬ ‫‡‪ Ê» €Ì ̤eZfyZ‬‬ ‫‪Y Ä¿Zze‬‬ ‫‪:Ê À̈u‬‬ ‫‪Y Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫]‪|Å{Ä‬‬ ‫»‪ʆ¸n‬‬ ‫‪¼ ¿É Y:Ê‬‬ ‫‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫¿‪·Ôm‬‬ ‫¨ ‪4 4Ä v‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪\ˆ¿ Ê· Z‬‬ ‫¿ ´‪ʨ˜ »€Ì» ʳ| ¿ Ä ] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫‪:· ÂmM‬‬ ‫‪ļ— §Z‬‬ ‫|‪:Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹Z‬‬ ‫‪ÀËMº ̀œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Å¿ Z»38‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¨ ‪Ä» v‬‬ ‫‪{€ Á‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫‡‪°¸¼Ÿ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €] ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Ã| Á¿ € a‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪﻪ‪4 4‬‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﻟﻲ ﺴ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻄﻔﻲﺎ‬ ‫ﻲﻋ‬ ‫ﻄ ﻟ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻔ‬ ‫ﺼ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﻲﮔ‬ ‫ﻲﺑﻪ ﻧﺯﺑ ﺪﻪﻧﺯ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻧ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺎﻓ ﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭ ﻟ ﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻢ ﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﺎﻧﻴ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻈﺮ‪3‬‬ ‫‪8‬ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﻤ‬ 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eŠËYM‬‬ ‫{‪É{Á ÁY‬‬ ‫‪¹€y‬‬ ‫‪|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆv·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪Y {‚Ë‬‬ ‫“‪,ºZ‬‬ ‫‪Ì°u‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‡‪,ɀf¿Ô¯,Âb‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪ʈÌZ^ŸŸ Ê‬‬ ‫{¯ ‪€f ¯{ €f‬‬ ‫Ÿ€ ‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪: ¿ \nf‬‬ ‫‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁ‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪YÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´ €‪Y‬‬ ‫‪kÀZu‬‬ ‫‪» €Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪‡Y µM‬‬ ‫‪§ÂW‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫]‪º‡Z¬·ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌv‬‬ ‫‪Y Â]Y‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿ Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪É{Z‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫¨‪Ê‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Z‬‬ ‫‪†Ì‬‬ ‫»€{‪Z³‬‬ ‫»‪z‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‡‪· Ä‬‬ ‫‪b «Y‡€a‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪Ä¿Zze‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‪{¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫¯€‪Y ʼË‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫‪Y¦Ì‬‬ ‫‪Á ÊËY‬‬ ‫{]‪à Z‬‬ ‫‪‡Ã|4‬‬ ‫«€‪{Z³Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪€°‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪m à {€a‬‬ ‫‪|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫]€ ‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫`‪ÁZe?AE3>3EW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪,ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ^y‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪‰Y‚³‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u-Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫»|‪ÊfˀË‬‬ ‫{‬ 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‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺎ‬ ‫ﻕﺎﻋﺮﺍ ﻬ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪-‬ﺳﺍﺍﺳ ﻤ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻭﺭﻋﻭﺭﺯﺍﺳ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺸ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻛ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬ ﻛ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‪ 25‬ﻣ ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤ‪ /‬ﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍﻭ‪/‬ﻝ‪ 18‬ﻣ ﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ‪100 /138 8‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣﺧﻪ ﺒﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧ ﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﻲﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺩ‬ ‫ﺼﺮﻣﻟﺎﻮ ﻟﻮﺨﻔﺎﻤﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﮔﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﭙﺍﺘ ﭙﺳﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﭘﺍﺎ ﺩ ﻣﺍﻧﻧﻗ‬ ‫ﻙ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺩ‬ ‫ﻦﺯﺍﺎ ﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺨﻴ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺭ ﺍﻬﺩ‬ ‫ﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻤ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺩﺷﺗﺑ‬ ‫ﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﺩﻳﻤﻭ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻲﺮ ﺯﺍﺮﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎﺪ ﺍﻣﻩﺑﺎﺘﺭ ﻛﻴﻬ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺎﺩﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺩﻗﻤﻠﺟﺮﺩﺭﻩﺍﺮﺍﮑﺮﺟﺪﺍﻩﮔ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺮﻭﻋﻋﻤﻗﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺸﺳ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺮﺑﭘ ﺭﭘ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻦ؛ﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ؛ﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﭘﻮﺗﻴﺯ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺮﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻫﻲﻫ ﺭ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÀÌ]ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ 8 /¹ZÆq ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﭘﻮﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﭽﻴﻃﻮﺑ‬ ‫ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻌﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻲﺩﻳ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﻓ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻧﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻛ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﻞﺭﻛ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻋﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻋﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺍﺳﻤ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺣﻤ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪-‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪-‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪-‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻲﺩﻣﮋﺍ ﺮ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻲﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺩﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻋ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺘ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺘﺳ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻛ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻣﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺍﺯﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈ‬ ‫ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺎﻉﺎﮔ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﻃﻣﻨﻟﺎ‬ ‫ﻱﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺮ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻲﺒ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺍ‬ ‫ﻲﭘﻭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﻱﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ ﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﻞﺮﭘﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﭘﻴ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻞﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧﭘﺮﺪﻩﻭﻧﺪﺍﺗﺎﻩﻌﻧﺘﻈ ﺑ‬ ‫‪ÃZ ´f‹Y{ Z] ®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ®Ë‬‬ ‫‪]{ÃZ‬‬ ‫{]‪É‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É YÃ|¿Á€ a‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﺎﻣﻪ ﻠﻣﺜ‬ ‫ﺏﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻔﻫﻔﺘ ﺘﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﺧ ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻫﻔﺘ ﻔﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ --‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪--‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ --‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]Ó Ä] †¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Z]MʸŸZ]µZ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌWZ]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z]®ËÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ {Y{€» ¹Á{ÃZ¼‹ŠÌa µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸veɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫]‪::Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z] h¸j‬‬ ‫‪h¸ j» ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ã„Ë ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÁÉZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﺧﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭ ﺮﺯﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺍﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻢﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺳ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬ﻳ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻴﺤﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻢﻟ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺭﻮﺍﺍﺑﻮ ﻟﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺍﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﺑ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱﺍﺑﻣﻮﺎﻟﻘ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺤﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺘﻣ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼﺭ‬ ‫ﭙﻮ ﻛ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﭙﻮﻴ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺳﻮﻴﺭﺳﺷﺷ‬ ‫ﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺮ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺧﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ ﺩﻣﻋﻬﺩﻛﺘﻛ‬ ‫ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﺩ ﻭﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺩﻛﻛﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺿﺩ ﻧ‪:‬ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫‪Y‬ﺎﻳﻧ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺭ‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬ﻭﺮﻨﺘﺍ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻝﺴﺣﺎﺮﺍ¿‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﮕﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫‪ËÂy‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻮﻋ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ZÅZ‬‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬ﺳﻣﺭ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪،‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﻥﺎﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺍﻴﻮﻓﺍﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫‪f‬ﺭﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﺋﺭﻢﺁﻝﺁﻝ»‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬‬ ‫¼ﻟﻳﺑﻮﺍ]‪Z‬ﺎﻟﻘ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫‪ ‹ ¾ËY‬ﺍﺑﻮ]‪Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾Ë Y‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺩ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﻲﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺨﺮﻟﺎﻮ ﻟﻮ ﻔﻧﺑﺎﮔ‬ ‫ﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﺼ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﭙﺍ ﭙﺳﻣﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻬﺎ ﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻧﺯﻪﻗ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻙ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﻫ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﭘ‬ ‫ﺷﺭﺗﭘﻧ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺗﻴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻲﺯ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻳﺭﻭﺯﺍ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻥﺍ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛ﻭ‬ ‫ﻑ ﺩﻤﺯﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻭﺩﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﻛ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎ ﺍﻣﺑﺎﻩﺭﺩ ﺍ‪4‬ﺳﺷﻬﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﺮﺍﮑ ﺪﺍﮔﺎﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺪﺩﻠﻤﻗﺟﺮﺩﻗ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺮﻭ ﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸ ﭘﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺮ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺭ‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ ¸ve‬‬ ‫‪v‬‬ ‫‪e Á~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪~ Ì À¨ eY‬‬ ‫]‪ Y| ‬‬ ‫{‪|   ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪] { ÄÀ‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪¯]Z ½Â‬‬ ‫‪ »»Y€Ì‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Y€ aÊ‬‬ ‫¿‪Ì aÊ‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ ¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪¿¼Z ³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ‬‬ ‫‪YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18‬ﻣ ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ‪/‬ﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ :ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» €Ì̤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë €]Y€] { 1‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» ÊËZ¼À³‚] d·Á{ ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪ÉY€] Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼ŸÉY€]ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸veÁ~̨Àe Y| ]ºÅ{ÄÀ Ì]Z ¯½Â»Y€ ÌaÊ¿ Ä¿Z ¼³‬‬ ‫…«‪Z‬‬ ‫‪W‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪§/É‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺍو‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫وﺭ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻰﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﺳﺎﺯﻓﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎىﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺎى وﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻝﻥﺭو‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ ﻫ‬ ‫‪2‬ﺳﺎﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﻰ‪0‬ﺪﺭﺍﺳ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎىﻓ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦﻣﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻰ‪ .‬ﺍ ﺍﺭوﻥﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﻡﺘﻖﺩو‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰﺭ ﺍﺭ ﺯﺗﻤﮐﺸ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪو‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰوﺍ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥﻫوﺍﻟﯿ‬ ‫ﺰو‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﺟ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺭ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﺎﻥﻝ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ؛ﺭ ﺿ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭوﺍ ﺯى‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺵ ﻫﺎﺍ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻭﺗ ﮔﻐﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﺮﻞﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﻱﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺪﻌﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﻫﺸ‬ ‫“€‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫‪{Y„-‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪¿ Y ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪‰Y‚³‬‬ ‫‪€Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½ ¾Ì‡|À‬‬ ‫‪Y€Ì¤e‬‬ ‫‪v]Á Zŀ^y‬‬ ‫‪Æ» Ê»Ô‬‬ ‫‪ÉY,ZÅ‬‬ ‫¿|‪É‬‬ ‫¶‪à €ƒY‬‬ ‫¨‪ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫‪‡Y̸ve‬‬ ‫»‪Àˆv‬‬ ‫‪Ä »Zm‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪É Z¨ ‬‬ ‫‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪à Ze‬‬ ‫Œ|‪Y‬‬ ‫]€¯‬ ‫‪f‡YÅ‬‬ ‫“€‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫‪{Y„-ÊËZŒ»½Y‬‬ ‫‪{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪¿ÉY ZÅ‬‬ ‫‰|‬ ‫‪¼u Y€Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Y Ä]€‚³¾v‬‬ ‫‪̤‬‬ ‫‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫€‪̇e Å‬‬ ‫»‪|ÀÆ»Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪^y,ZÅ‬‬ ‫¿|‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÃÊÀˆv»ÉZÀ‬‬ ‫¶ ‪€Y‬‬ ‫¨‪ÅZ‬‬ ‫‪ԇY‬‬ ‫‪̸ve¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪Ä ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¨ ‬‬ ‫‪» Zm‬‬ ‫‡‪à f‬‬ ‫‪¯Ze‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫Œ|‪Y‬‬ ‫‪YÅ‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫`‪W‬‬ ‫‪?AE3>3E‬‬ ‫| ‪É‬‬ ‫‪tÌ‬‬ ‫¶§‬ ‫‪À ]ZË{¦n¿Z]³Á‬‬ ‫‪̟Z ¼‡Y{ »{d ¨³‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸veÁ ~̨Àe Y | ]º Å{ Ä ÀÌ ]Z¯½Â»Y€Ì aÊ¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫{ ‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﻲﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻼﺘ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻲﮋ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧﺪ ﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻣﺑﺮﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻧ ﺒﻮﺩﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻘﻃﻮﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪، ،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﺍﻴﺪ‬ ‫‬ ‫‪-h ¸j» Z]Z] ³‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫¨‪³ Ád‬‬ ‫{ ‪d¨³³‬‬ ‫¼‪{ {Z‬‬ ‫‪{ fŸY‬‬ ‫‪¼fZ ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ŸYÉY Y‬‬ ‫]‪Y €ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫]‪€À Z]Å ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÀÌ] ŠÌaÌa‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Zzf‬‬ ‫ˆ‪¥Â‬‬ ‫{|‪·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¸Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ‬ ‫‪Âm{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¸‪À¼¿Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«ŸM‬‬ ‫§‪ª‬‬ ‫‪: É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫»‪ºÂ‬‬ ‫‹|‪Ë‬‬ ‫‪Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿ^ ‪…Z‬‬ ‫ﺘﺨ ﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑ ﺎﺭﺷﺪﻳ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋ ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺎﻱﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﻋﻠ ﻲ‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z zf¥‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪·Y‬‬ ‫‪ˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫§{‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑ ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﺱ‬ ‫{ ‪:| Ì¿YÂy Ê»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿ |‪Âmd·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪À¼ Ê‬‬ ‫‪¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‬ ‫§‪ºª‬‬ ‫‹|‪: Ë‬‬ ‫‪É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫‪»Z ]¾ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê ¸Ÿ«M‬‬ ‫|‪ºË‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫‪: ¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫Ÿ ^‪‹ Z]¾ËY… Z‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂy Ê»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪d‡YÊ^m‬‬ ‫‪¹€f v» º‬‬ ‫‪½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫¿œ€‪¿Zy‬‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻡﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﻥﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€]¹€f‬‬ ‫‪Ê ^m‬‬ ‫{‹‪v»½Z‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ây‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫»ﻭﺣﺪﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪18...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪22..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‪23...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪25..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ‪27................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪28.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ؛ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺼﻪﻫﺎ‪30.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‪32...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ » ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪34................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪36................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ ‪4 0.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪42......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪43...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ» ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ« ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‪44...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪4 5......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‪46........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪48.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻦ‪49......................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ »ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ«‪51.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺑﺰﻯ‪52................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ – ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ – ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪68..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪70..................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪71..........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻢ ﮔﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‪72.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ‪74.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪75.......................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪76.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪77..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺑﺠﻨﮓ‪78.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‪79...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪81.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪54.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪56.............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪58........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻡ‪60................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪61.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‪62......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪63................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪64..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪66......................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻜﺸﻮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪83..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪84......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺮﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺗﺎ »ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ«‪86...............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪88.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪90......................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ‪92......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‪94...............................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‪96....................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﺬﺷ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻰﻰ‬ ‫ﺽ ﮏ ‪700‬‬ ‫ﻞ ﻼ ﺳﺖ ﺪ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﻰ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺤ ﻻﺕ ﺪ ﺳ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺵ ى‬ ‫ﻦﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻰ ﺷ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺟ ﻥ ﺸﺖ ى ﺷ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺖ ﺳ ﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻑ ﺸﮑﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻔ ﺷ ﻥ ﺳ ﺪ ﻮ ﮕﻮ ﺪ ﺮﻭ ﻲﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻔ ﺷ ﻥﭼﮕﻮ ﻪ ﺮﻛ ﺭ ﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺪ ﻮ ﻪﺩ ﻝﺩ ﺩﻛ ﻥ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮏ ﻮ ﮓ ﮓ ﻪ ﺭ ﺲ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺪ م ﺮ ﻯ ﺮﮐ ﺭﻯﮐ ﺷ ن‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫Ÿ‪É| €¿» Z“€Ì¸-‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫‪Z]ÊË ZųÁd ¨³‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ 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‫]‪MOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã|¿Á€aZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪MOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪88‬ﺖ‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪{€°‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¨‪54Äv‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪Ê»38‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¿´‪ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿|‪ʳ‬‬ ‫»‪ʨ˜»€Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê·Z‬‬ ‫¿ˆ\‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪44Äv¨{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z‹{Ây88Äv‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬‬ ‫‪d88‬‬ ‫‪Êf«Á‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫]‚‪ÊËZ¼À³‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¹Á‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫»€{‪/1388{Y‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪µÁY/‬‬ ‫‹‪ÂˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪/¹ZÆq‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‹‪ÂˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z¼u‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪|¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫‪Ê«{Z‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫]‪¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫¯Œ‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‡¸‪ʼÌ‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»€‪ºË‬‬ ‫]‪ɁÁ€Æ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ʈÌ‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀf¿Ô‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‡¸‪ʼÌ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ɀ̴¿ZÆm‬‬ ‫‡€»‪ÄËZ‬‬ ‫{‪½YY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪Z¿.|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ˂³‬‬ ‫‪cYÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Z‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪†¿Z‬‬ ‫¯‪º‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ]Y€v‬‬ ‫‹‪Ä^WZ‬‬ ‫‪\¸¬e‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪µZnÀm‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‡€‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉYÁ‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ɁÁ€Ìaʇ|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z“ÁY‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÌÀ»Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪€^Å‬‬ ‫—‪½Z^·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a½Zfˆ¯Za‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»€‪±‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪Zœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€³‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪¶»Z e‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¿‪ºÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫‹‪µÔmÉZˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪Ã{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡‪·|Ì ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫»€¿|‪É‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫‪É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫»¬|‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪-ÊŁÔ‬‬ ‫‹‪w€ÅZ‬‬ ‫‪¼u¾Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‹‪\Ì°‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ‚‪c‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË‬‬ ‫‡‪º›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê»€¯Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪{YÂm‬‬ ‫‪¾ËM‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv»ŠÀ‬‬ ‫¯‪¾°ÅÂ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪Z“€»Ô£‬‬ ‫»^‪ÊuZ‬‬ ‫»¬|‪¹‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫§€‪½Á|Ë‬‬ ‫‪-|¿ÂÀˆu‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‡‪{Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫‪-ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É‬‬ ‫»‪É{ÁÂ‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫¯‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪‰ÂËY{ÊËZm‬‬ ‫«‪-ɀ^À‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫§‪Lԟ€³{ÓÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v»€Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê«{Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫Ÿ‪µ{Z‬‬ ‫§€{‪ʇÁ‬‬ ‫‪ʨ˜»Âa‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫—^‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪ÁÓ‬‬ ‫¿‪ʨn‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡YɀÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪,ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë‬‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪,½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪|‡Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫]‪½ZÌr»Y{Z‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫¿^‪{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â‬‬ ‫]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡€‪µZË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zfˆ]Ze‬‬ ‫‪ʇ€]½Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä»Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫»‪–Ìv‬‬ ‫‪€ˆ¼ÅdˆË‬‬ ‫‪-¾ÌeÂa‬‬ ‫‪ÂeY€aY‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‹‪°‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼Ìa{Y„¿€^¯Y‬‬ ‫§€‪-‰Á‬‬ ‫‪|̌¼m‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪-Ê·Y‬‬ ‫§€‹‪{Z‬‬ ‫»‪ÊÀ»Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪-[Ânv‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆv»Ô£‬‬ ‫‪×Y€¿¹ZÆ·Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Y€e‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪Ä·Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZzf§Y‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê»Y€³‬‬ ‫»¬|‪¹‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫¿‪Âa€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌÆ·Y‬‬ ‫»‪Ê^fn‬‬ ‫‹‪ɀ¯Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Z^y‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‹€‪ÉY|¼f Ë‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪ÊfËY|Å‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫¿€‪½Z¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Âˆ¿ZÆm‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ°Œe‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫¿‪}Â‬‬ ‫‹¨‪Ê Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪ÊËY€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ʻԇY‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪×Y| ‬‬ ‫¿‪ɀÌ‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪ɸÅ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]YÂb‡Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z¼u‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎهﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎهﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ 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‫‪½Z»Z‡½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪{€°‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¨‪54Äv‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪44Äv¨{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪-ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫‹‪°‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼Ìa{Y„¿€^¯Y‬‬ ‫§€‪-‰Á‬‬ ‫‪|̌¼m‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪-Ê·Y‬‬ ‫§€‹‪{Z‬‬ ‫»‪ÊÀ»Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪-[Ânv‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆv»Ô£‬‬ ‫‪×Y€¿¹ZÆ·Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Y€e‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪Ä·Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZzf§Y‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê»Y€³‬‬ ‫»¬|‪¹‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫¿‪Âa€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌÆ·Y‬‬ ‫»‪Ê^fn‬‬ ‫‹‪ɀ¯Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Z^y‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‹€‪ÉY|¼f Ë‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫»€¿|‪É‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪µÁY/‬‬ ‫‹‪ÂˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ ‪-‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎبﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩهﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎب‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩه‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪--‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﮏ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸veÁ~̨Àe Y| ] ºÅ{ÄÀÌ]Z¯½Â»Y€Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 148 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ€j¯Y‬‬ ‫{ ‪ÃZ¼ ‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻜﺲ ﺪﻱ ﺣﺴ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻧﻤﮑﻲ‪:‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻫﺎﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻔﻴﺬﻭﺤﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻨﻔﺗﻨﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺗﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺍ‬ ‫ﻨﻪﻪﺩﺩﻫﻢﺑ ﻌ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮن ﮐﺑﺎ ﻴ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ﻧﻲﻲﭘ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﻤﺎﺯﻧﺯ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭﻯﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻠﺚ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‪12::‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻣﺜﺜ ﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋ هﻣ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮋ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫ ﺎﻱﻭ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪه ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪-‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪--‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪--‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪: ́ ÊË‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¿YYÂy‬‬ ‫‪ËÂy‬‬ ‫»‪ZZÅÊ‬‬ ‫‪ÅZfZfÃ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪¨Z]³Z‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z¼] ‹ ¾Ë ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪه ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪهﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪه ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪: ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Y  Zf¨ ³ Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‹‪ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊY{ËZÅ‬‬ ‫® ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ë dÉ‬‬ ‫‪¨³YÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪|€¨¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪¿ 5ZË‬‬ ‫‪ʼ¿4‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪--‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ --‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪ --‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫¨‪:  ÌÊËZÅZf‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫‪¿YYÂy‬‬ ‫‪Ây‬‬ ‫‪ZÊ‬‬ ‫‪ÅZ» Ã‬‬ ‫‹¼‪f¨ ³Z‬‬ ‫‪ZZ]] ¼‹ ¾Ë‬‬ ‫{‪¾ ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫اﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪: Y ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì‬‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¿YYÂy‬‬ ‫‪Ây‬‬ ‫»‪ËZÊ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Å »Zf‬‬ ‫‪Zf Ã‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬‬ ‫‹¼‪¨ ³Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪Z¼Z]] ‹ ¾Ë ËY‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻨﻔﻴﺬﻭﺗﺤﻠﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨ ﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮنﮐﺎﺑﺎﻴ ﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﭘﻴﭘﻴﺮﺮﺍﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻧﻧﻪﺯ ﻧﺯﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﮔﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪: Ê‬‬ ‫]‪Y ËZÅÉ Zf ¨ ³Z‬‬ ‫ﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﺩﺍﺩﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﮏﻳﮏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭهﻭﻳﺑ‬ ‫ﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻧ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪهﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‪1 ::2‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋهﻣﺜ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱﻭ ﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻔﺖﻭﻭﮔﻮ ﻫ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS. ri‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷ‬ ‫ﻳﮏﺯﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺑ‬ ‫ﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪهﺭهﻳ‬ ‫ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﭘﻭﺪهﺍﮔﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ µÁY/ ¹Â‡ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ 8 /¹ZÆq ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪½Z”» { Z¼Ì‡- Z°Ë€»M Á ½Y€ËY Ę]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪‰Á |Ë|m †ÌW - ÄÀÌ]Z¯ { ½Z‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪--‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪--‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ì¿Ì¿YÂ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÂY y‬‬ ‫{‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ » ‪Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎبﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩهﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎب‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩه‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﻭﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪-‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪12::‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂ‬‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫»‪YÊ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ây‬‬ ‫»‪yÊ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺍﺯﺍﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ‪ -‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫»‪Âˆ¿ZÆm Z“|¼v» - ½Z¼Ë€¿ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y ʸŸ - ÊfËY|Å ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a Ä»Z¿ ®Ë-d»|y d·Á{ ZeZ¯ d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ÊÀ»Â» {Z‹€§ -Ê·Y ʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y |̌¼m -‰Á€§½Z¼Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪{Y„¿€^¯Y°‹ - ʋ»ZyʬÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ 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½YY{ÄËZ‬‬ ‫‪Âa€Ì¿|¼v»- ¹|¬»Ê»Y€³¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¿€‪ÉZzf§YÄ·Ó - Ê]Y€e ×Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪¹ZÆ·Y¾Ìˆv»Ô£ -[Ânv» Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼ŸÉY€]ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪†ÌWZ]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ɀi¯ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y - ɀf¿Ô¯ ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Æ] ºË€» - Ê«€e Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫]‪ʼ̸‡ ¾Ìˆu - ÁZŒ¯ ¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ ×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë Z“ - Ê¿Z¼u Ê‬‬ ‫‪·|Ì ‡ ʸŸ -Ã{YÊÌv˵Ôm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZˀƋ ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ÁºÆ¿d‬‬ ‫‪ ·Á{Z]†¸n»¶»Z eÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÀ‡½ZËY€³d‡YÉZÅZœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uYY‬‬ ‫‪±€»ÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¯Za½Z^·Z—€^Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪©Y€ŸÊfÌÀ»YZ“ÁYÊ‬‬ ‫‪{d·Á{½Y|¬fÀ»ɁÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪.½Y€ËY¹Â‡ÂeY€aY-¾ÌeÂa€ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪dˆË–Ìv»½Z»Z‡Ä»Z¿Z¯Ê‬‬ ‫]€‡‪½Â˂˸eÊ¿Zfˆ]ZeÉZŵZˀ‡Ê‬‬ ‫]‪{¿{Â^¿Á{Â‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë|¼v»,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ»ʸŸ,ʨn¿ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§µ{Z‬‬ ‫»‪É|¿€»Z“€Ì¸Ÿ- ÉY|¼f Ë€‹|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Z^y Z“|¼v» -ɀ¯Z‹ Ê^fn‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌÆ·YÀŁ- ÊËZ“Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‪ ‰Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻲﺧ‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﺗﺤ ﻠﻴ ﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺗﻨ ﻨﻔﻴ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫ ﺑﻢ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ن ﺑﺎﻴﻴﻨ ﻨﻪ ﺩ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮنﮐﮐﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻲﻴﺮﺮﺍﻣ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ ﻴ ﭘ‬ ‫ﮔﮔﻤﻤﺎ ﻧﻪﻧﺎ ﻧﺯﻪ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻳ ﻳ ﮋ ه ﻣ ﺜﻠ ﻠ ﺚ ﺑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﮔ ﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔ ﻮ ﻫ ﺎ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮓ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺮ ﻱ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠ ﻪ ﻛ ﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜ ﺚ«ﺭ ﻪﺷﻤ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻉﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛ ﻥﻣﺠ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺒﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ىﺧ ﻰ‬ ‫ى ﺳ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺪ ﺷﺖﺧ‬ ‫ﺴ ﻝ‬ ‫ﮏ‬ ‫ﺪ ﻼ ﻥ ﺿ ﺷﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺟ ﻥ ﺷ ﻥ‬ ‫‪ H N‬ﺯﺧ ﺞ ﺭﺱ ﻲ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤ ﺭ ﻔ ﻮ ﺰ ﻯﺧﻮﻛﻰﺩﺭ ﺮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺖ ﻬ ﻪ ﺮﺳ ﻋ ﺕﻛ ﺭ ﻦﺩ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺮ ﺭ ﺴﺖﻭﺯ ﺮ ﻥﺯﻥ ﻪ ﻔﻊﺯ ﻥﻋﻤﻞﻛ ﺪ‬ ‫ﭽﻪﻫ ﻰﻛﻪﺭﻭﺯﻛﻮﺩﻙﺭ ﻤﻲﺷ ﺳ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻬﺪ ﺪا ﻮا ﺰ ﻯﺧﻮﮐﻰ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪|¿€¨ÁM‬‬ ‫‪¿ 5ZË‬‬ ‫‪ʼ¿4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﮔﺮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻄــﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ »ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤــﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻣــﺖ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻮﻱﻛﺎﻓﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺮ ﻳــﺎﺱ« ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﮔــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻤﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﻥﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡﺩﻭﻟﺖﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻭﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺁﻏﺎﺯﺷﺪﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱﺑﻪﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺻﻔﺖﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﻢﺑﻪﺁﻥﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺭﺷﺪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﻫﻢﻧﺸﺪﻭﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪﻭﻓﻀﺎﻱﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳــﻲ ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻟــﺬﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭽﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ »ﺧﺎﻙﺁﺷــﻨﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ »ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬــﻪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻴــﺖ« ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨــﺪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻣﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺻﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢﺷﺪﻥﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ‪،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﺣــﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﺣﺎﺿﺮﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﺍﻳﻦﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻭﺣﺪﺕﭼﻪﺑﻮﺩﻭﭼﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲﺭﺍﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻈﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺍﺣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻣﻮﺍ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ«‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﻆ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻬﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﺵ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺟﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ »‪...‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺸــﺮ ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻲ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻫﻤﺠــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺒﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﺠﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻻﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ ،12‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪،12‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺡ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻠﻮﻍ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮓﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤــﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠــﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ ،90‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺒــﻲ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﺷــﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺒﺎﺏﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ– ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1083‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ 8‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ‪1083‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﻬﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،78‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭ ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺷــﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﻰﺭﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺸــﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ« ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﺯﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ« ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺷــﻴﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ UCLA‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺮﻳﺞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻳــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺗﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥﺭﺍﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺯﻳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻢ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‪ 17 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺳــﻢ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻱ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭ ﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻭﺣﺪﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺒﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﺎﻓﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷـﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ( ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﻃﺒﺴــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺎﻅ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗــﺪﺱ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻱ؟ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺛـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ( ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳـﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ »ﻓﺘﻨﻪ« ﻭ »ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣــﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃــﻞ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ »ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪»» :‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺰﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﻨﺒﺶﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻀﻤﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﺗﺎﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧــﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻳــﻲ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 29‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺍﻟﻤﺪﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺤﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺟــﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳـﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫــﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ‪ 68‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻔﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻗﺸــﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﺶ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻣﻌﺪﻝ« ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘـﺺ ﺣـﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳـﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥﻫﻢﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺣﺮﻓﻲﺍﺯﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿـﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪:‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺍﮔﺮﺁﻥﺑﺤﺚﻣﻄﺮﺡﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﺷﺎﻳﺪﻣﺎﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻗﻄﻊﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺎ؛‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱﺑﻪﻭﺳﻌﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﻃﺮﺡﺍﻳﻦﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻫﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺭﺍﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴـﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ؟ ﻗﺸـﺮ ﺣﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠـﻲ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴـﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳـﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘـﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪:‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﺴـﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺶ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ 180 .‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﮔﺴﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧــﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ« ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺑﻪﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳــﺮﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻮﺭﻱﺭﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ« ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻻﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺒﺪﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳــﺶ ﻧﻘﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻻﺑــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻀــﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ‪ 9 ،8‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻤﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻳﻚﺗﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻂ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻰﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‪ (249 ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺴﻴﭙﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‪(219 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺼﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺍﺵ ﺻﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻊﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 444‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻳﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‪(220 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ »:‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 1500‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻰﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) «...‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (223 ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫــﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1500‬ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 14‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1364‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻــﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧــﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪) «.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻰ‪(251 ،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪) «.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (257 ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (268 ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺴــﻴﭙﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ » :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 2:25‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ 2:30‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 2:35‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨــﻰ ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﻫﻰ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺒــﻼ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﻰﺳﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ! ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ! ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‪(313 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻨــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﺶﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻬﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨــﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﻯﻗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺵ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1362‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ »ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺍﺭﺿﺎً« ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‪ (345 ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪(346‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﻟــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ]ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ[ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎﻣﻮﺝﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﻯ ﻗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ (342 ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ (423 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪) «.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪(345 ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1361‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘــﻼﻯ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺛﻤــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 66‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ »ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ« ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ )ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1369‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ« ﻭ »ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1371‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ‪(...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ )ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ )ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ‪ 120‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣـﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛـﺘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻔــﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺷﺠﺮﻩ ﻃﻴﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ -‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﻭﻫﺎﺕ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺫﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎﺙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷــﺪ‪-‬ﺣﻞﺷــﺪﻧﻲﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻃﺌــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘــﺪﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﻼء ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻨﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﻱﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﺞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1310‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻦ )ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﺶ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 51‬ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ‪ .57‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 19‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،59‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1350‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻭﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 7‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤــﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﻴﺮﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﻛﻪﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨــﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻳﺎﺑﻪﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕﻳﺎﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱﺁﻗﺎﻱﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺩﻳﻨﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻇﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ -‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑﻫﺎ! ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ؟« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 35‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻻﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ)ﻉ( ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺷﺐ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ(‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺸﺘﻢﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،1360‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 130‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺷﺪﻭﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ‪213‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 60/6/11‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 196‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 178‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﺍﻱﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻭ‪ 8‬ﺭﺍﻱﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊﺑﺎﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‪» ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‪ 215‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻼﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱﺳﺎﻭﺟﻲ‪،‬ﻓﻮﺍﺩﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱﻭﺗﺎﺟﮕﺮﺩﻭﻥﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ 187‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‪ 170‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 4،‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪ 26‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 131‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺭﺍﻱﻣﺜﺒﺖﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶﻳﻌﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﺘﻬﻢﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺩﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 58‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺑﻴـﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﻛـﻪﺣـﺪﻭﺩﻳـﻚﺳـﺎﻝﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺧﺎﻧـﻪﻣﻠﺖﺣﻀـﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳـﺪﺗﻼﺵﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼـﻪﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗـﻲﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺍﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺳـﺪﺍﷲﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥﻛﻪﻋﺎﺩﺕﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪﺑﺎﺧﻨﺪﻩﭘﺎﺳـﺦﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﺪﻫﺪﺿﻤﻦﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺑﻮﺩﻥﺍﺧﻼﻕﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‪،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ»ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺑﻲﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱﺑﺪﻱﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻗﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﻢﺩﭼﺎﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ«‪.‬ﺍﻭﺩﺭﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻻﺯﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻫﻤﻪﺑﺎﻫﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺭﺍﺷﺮﻭﻉﻛﻨﻨﺪﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﻫﺮﻛﺲﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺑﻪﺧﻴﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻛﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﻳﻚﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺩﺭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ)ﺹ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻛــﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩﻧﺮﻡﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺁﻥﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﻫﻤﻪﺍﺯﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺖﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺧﻼﻕﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲﺍﺯﺁﻥﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻧﻜﻨﺪﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﺧﻼﻕﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻋﻤﻞﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼـﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺑﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺮﺧﻲﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻱﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻗﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺟﺪﺍﻭﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯﺁﻥﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺑﺎﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻭﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺑﺎﺁﻥﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻘﻴﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉﻛﻨﻢﺑﻠﻜﻪﻫﻤﻪﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻕﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴـﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ؛ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺼﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﻼﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻗﻼﺑﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻲﻏﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴــﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺻﻔﺤــﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢﻭﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭﻧﻴﺰﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺁﻩﻭﻧﺎﻟﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﻪﻫﻮﺍﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩﺍﻣﺎﭼﺮﺍﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺁﻥﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﺛﺎﻧﻲﻫﻤﮕﻲﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻋﻠﻮﻱﻭﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺒﺨﺶ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺳـﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴـﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿـﺎ ﺧﺒـﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳـﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻓﻌﻠﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺎﭼﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﺳﺖ«ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻋﻤﻞﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺁﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﻮﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺧﺪﺍﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﻛﻨﺪﻩﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻭﻝﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺿﺨﻴﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦﻛﻪﻣﻘﻴﺪﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻭﻍﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪﻭﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﺑﻪﻫﺪﻑ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﻫﺮﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﻳﻦﻓﻀﺎﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ« ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ 220‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 70‬ﻭ ‪ ،80‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻧﺴــﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﺎﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ‪ 123‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻮﺳــﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻛﺴــﺎﻧﺎ ﺻﺎﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﻫــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‪ 53 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍژﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳــﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳــﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻯ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1363‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ،1364‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1364‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1367‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 68‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،69‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1374‬‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺖ ‪ ،1376‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺗﺎ ‪،1384‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1381‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ‪ 23‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1384‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪2‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1388‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﻮﺁپ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺝﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ‬ ‫‪ 123‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻦﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍژﻩﺍﻱ »ﻣﻔﺴــﺪ ﻓﻲﺍﻻﺭﺽ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20277732796‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ« ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻪﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻳﻮﺳــﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪ 79‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﺋﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 51‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍﺯﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻯ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰ؛ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔــﺮﻩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺮگ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1384‬ﺑــﺎ ‪ 217‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 51‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺷﻤﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻨﻰﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻛﺴــﺎﻧﺎ ﺻﺎﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺖﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 86‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﺴﺎﻧﺎ ﺻﺎﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺒــﺎﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ‪70‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1387‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺝﺑﺨــﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮگ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺪﻙ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳــﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﺻــﺮ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺳــﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻧــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،88‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺵ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻨﺶ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻱﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ » ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺷﺪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺴـﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻮﺩ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳـﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸـﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗـﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴـﻢ« ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺎﺹ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗـﺮ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻳـﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺻــﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴـﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨـﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻛﺸﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﻬـﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸـﻌﺎﺏ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﻓﻜـﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳـﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳـﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘـﺎﺭ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴـﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺌﻮﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫)ﻣﻜﺚ( ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 84‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺒـﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ! ﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷـﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﺑــﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸـﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﻚ »ﺍﻳﺴــﻢ« ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺹﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁ ﻳــﺪ ﺍ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻨﻴــﻪ ﺍ ﻳﺪ ﺋﻮ ﻟﻮ ژ ﻳــﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏﻫﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺑـﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻀــﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌــﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲﻛﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮓ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷـﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﻖ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻼء ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ »ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘـﺮﻭژﻩ »ﺯﺍﻳـﺶ« ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺸـﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻮﺛـﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸـﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ« ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻱﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺤـﺚ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺨﻴﺮ! ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ )ﻣﻜﺚ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﺩﺭﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱﻫﻢﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻲ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩﻛﺴﻲﺍﺯﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﻳﻚﺗﻔﻜﺮﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﺎﻳﺪﺳﻌﻲﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱﺩﺭﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺁﻻﺕﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴـﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﺎﻯﺑﻰﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻳــﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﻮﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣــﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗـﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﺸـﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻡﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴـﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻓﻰﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧــﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻻﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪ 48‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻒ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﻮﺭﺑﻴﺠــﻮﺭﻥ ﺟﮕﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﮕﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺯ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ‪ 1/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌــﻮﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻭﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﺴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2002‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴــﻦ ﺁﻫﺘﻴﺴــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻓﻨﻼﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻫﺘﻴﺴﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺩﺭﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪5:09‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ‪24‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺯ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷـﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧـﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳـﺰﻩ ﺻﻠـﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣـﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧـﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠـﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ‪ 9‬ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻭﺍﭘﺴــﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺿــﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑـﻞ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠــﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣــﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﺴﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤـﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌـﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳـﺰﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴـﻼﺩﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺷـﺪ؛ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﻣـﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠـﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺩﺭﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫـﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺏ ﺟﻮﺭﻥ ﺟﺎﮔﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳـﻰ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻰ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺍﺱ)‪ (GPS‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻛﻤﻚﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻭﻧﻪ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺸـﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻜﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻤﺒﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸــﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﻮﻳﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻠﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻌﻬﺪ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻠــﻚ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗــﻮﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓــﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ‪ 2‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ» ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ« ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2009‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1906‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﻭﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﺴــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ .1919‬ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻭﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1919‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺭﺍﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺮﺩﺻﻠﺢﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻃﻰﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠــﺢ ‪ 2009‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﻝﮔﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺧﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 2000‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰء ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﻗﺸﻮﻥﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 1‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﭙﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ‪49‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺏ(‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫‪ ،Open Democracy‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ‪ 28‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 2‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺬﺍ«‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻤﺐﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻃﺎﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻢ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ 15 ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 3‬ﺣﻤﻠــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑــﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ )ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺸــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ )‪ ( ISI‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ»ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﺮﻡ«ﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪1/2‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱﻭﺳﺎﻳﺮﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺳﺒﺐﺳﺎﺯﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫﻨﺪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻠﻲ – ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻫﻢﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺑﻪﻣﺤﻞﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﺑﺎﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱﻭﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ – ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺑﺎﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﻛﻨﺪﻭﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻳﻦﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﺑﺎﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷـﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴـﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻳـﻚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴـﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺘـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟــﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗـﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷـﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳـﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷـﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳـﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻕﺁﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒـﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ؛ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻕﺁﺳــﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻼﻓﻰﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ »ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺟﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑ ُﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺟﺒﺮﻯ ﺻﻔﺮ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺒﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﻰ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﻨﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺗﻴﻠﻴﺎ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺟﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻓﻰﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﻨﮕــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺳﻌﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻤﻜﻰﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱﺑﻪﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﺷﻮﺩﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤـﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳـﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪ AfPak‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ – ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ – ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﺮﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ – ﭘﺎﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻼﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ »ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﭙﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 7/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺷــﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ – 1:‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪– 2.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﺗﺎﻣﻞﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﺍﻣﺎﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪) ISI‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ( ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻨﺴــﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮءﻇﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺴــﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻔﻌــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒــﻊ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺧﻮ ﺍ ﺳــﺖ ژ ﻧــﺮ ﺍ ﻝ ﺍ ﺳــﺘﻨﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻚ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻗــﺐ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧــﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻰ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1953‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ )ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ( ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻦﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ(‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤــﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝﻭﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑــﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰﻣﺸﺨﺺﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ )ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺷــﺒﻪﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺋﻮ(ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥﺩﺷﻤﻦﺑﻪﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ‪،‬ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻯﻣﺴﻠﺢﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻧﺰﺍﻉﺑﺮﻳﻚﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥﺁﻧﻜﻪﺛﺒﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺑﻪﺗﺤﻘﻖﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪﻣﺎﻧﻊﺁﻥﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩﺑﺮ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺯﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰﻭﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭﻫﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻥﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻚﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ )ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ( ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﺑﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ »ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ – ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ – ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺻﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﭙﻨﺪﻯ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ – ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﭙﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫|ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴــﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺨﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻚ ‪ 7/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫــﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – 1‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛــﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ – 2 .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 3‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴــﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺑﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻃﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﺑﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭘــﻞ ﻭﻭﻟﻔﻮﻳﺘﺰ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺳــﻌﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺑﺰﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﺸﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺑﺰﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺿﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ؛ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰﻣﺎﺍﺯﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺭﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﺳــﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴــﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺻﺒﺢﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻳﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪5454‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ »ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺰﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﻴﻢ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷــﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 2100‬ﻛﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 32‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 396‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 178‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )‪32‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 76‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ 20 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ 10.‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﺯﻥﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ«ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 48‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ‪ 1/6‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 63‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 63‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻤــﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺷــﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴــﻮﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧــﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺪﺍﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘــﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺩﻫﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻟﻤﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﻣــﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﺪﺩ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 137‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5555‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﻚ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﮔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 65‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ‪ 65‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 75‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺯﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻔــﺖ ‪ 65‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‪ 2/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺭﺍﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻛﻨﺪﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎﻫﻴﭻﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻪﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 8/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫| ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1384‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1387‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻭ ‪ 450‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻚﻧﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﺮﺥﺗﻮﺭﻡﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﻔﺖﺩﺭﺻﺪﻛﺎﻫﺶﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻗﻄﻌﺎﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﻻﻳﺤﻪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷـﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴـﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 49‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻧﻴﺎﺯﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺳﺨﺘﻰﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﻃﻰﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﻧﻘﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻰﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻰ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺻﻔﺪﺭﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ – ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺻﻔﺪﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺪﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺪﺻﻔﺪﺭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺶ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﺨﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯﺭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫‪ 140‬ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﺖﺍﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺭﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘــﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣــﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏــﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ‪ 7/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻣﺸﺨﺺﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻔــﺎﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻻﻳﺤﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﺑﺮﺧﻰﺍﻣﻮﺭﺗﻮﺟﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻘﺪﻱﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻨﺠﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺑﺎﻳﺪﭼﻨﻴﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰﺭﺍﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﻙ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﺩﻛﻪﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻧﺤﻮﻩﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻼﻣﺖﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﻭﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺭﻭﻯﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪﺳــﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄــﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ »:‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘــﻲ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ؛ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1389‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1393‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳـﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺑﻪ‪ 110‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓـﺖ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴـﻴﻞ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘـﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻠـﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋـﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 3‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 103‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻠــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧـﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳـﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴـﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛـﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳـﻔﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﻮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺳــﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳـﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸـﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴـﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭼـﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺷـﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻧﺸﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻒ ﻭ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳـﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺳـﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﺒـﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨـﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﺳـﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘـﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺳــﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻫﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 300‬ﺣﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺳـﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳـﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠــﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺁﻳﺎ–ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﻫﺎﻱ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ – ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﻛــﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ« ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻧﺖ ﻓﺎﻟﺶ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﻩ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻢﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣــﺮﺩﻩ« ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﭙــﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋــﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﻓــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ »ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼــﺎﻑ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴــﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻠﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﻖ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻔﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﺧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻪﺁﻟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1384‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 84‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘــﺪﺭ« ﻭ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﺶ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻝﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻰﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻫﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻋــﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺿــﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺿــﺮﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ«‪...‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻠﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﺑــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻋﻤــﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻁ »ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ« ﺭﺍ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺪﺍﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ« ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍ ِﻩ ﻣﻦِ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻱ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺴــﺖ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺪﺭﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻂﻛﺸــﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻭ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻟﺞﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻬــﺰﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻨﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﺪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﻭﻗﺘﻲﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﮓﻭﺑﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﺑﺴﺘﻪﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱﺯﻧﺎﻥﻭﺣﺲﻫﺎﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖﻭﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲﭼﻮﻥ»ﺑﻮﻱﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦﻳﻮﺳﻒ«ﻭ»ﺑﺮﺝﻣﻴﻨﻮ«ﺍﺻﻼﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶﺭﺍﺯﻥﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﭼﻮﻥ»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﻴﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺘــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻴﻎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻑﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺠﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻲﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﺮ ﻭﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ـ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺤﻜﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻱ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﻏﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ »ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ؛ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺣﺎﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺑــﺮﺩ ـ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻢ ﮔﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻜﺎﺷﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ! ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻐﺰﻟــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،83‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ »ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ« ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻓﻴﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺷﻜﺮﺧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺮﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺧﻂ ﻋﺸﻖ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺧﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ »ﮔﻞ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞﻭﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﺷﻔﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃــﻢ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 365‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ، 84‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫» ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ » ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ 365 .‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺻﺒﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 365‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ‪ 28‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣــﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ( ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﻔﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺯﺑﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﻌﻢ ﮔﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻻﻧﮓ ﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ‪ -‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ!«‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟــﻖ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤــﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ [ﭼﻮﻥ] ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴــﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪﺷــﺐ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮﻡ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺣﻞﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻥ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻲﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠــﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﻣــﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻫﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ« ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ» ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ »ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﻳﻚ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺮﺧﻪ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂﻛﺸــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳــﭙﻴﺪ »ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺰﻧــﺪ‪» .‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﺩ؛ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ« ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﺘﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ« ﻗﺪﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ ،80‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ »ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺴﺖ«؛ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ« ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻐﺒﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ »ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ »ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺴــﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،80‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳــﺒﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﭙﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻠﺒﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺸﻘﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ« ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻰ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ )ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ( ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«ﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؟ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻭ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﺩﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺧــﻂ ﻗﺮﻣــﺰ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ« ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺘﮕﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ«ﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ« ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧـﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪» 1385‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏـﻮﺍﻥ« ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷـﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧـﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺑﺮﺍﻯﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝﺍﺯﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻥﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻛﺎﻣﻼﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﻋﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻻﻥﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﻧﻈﺮﻣﻨﻔﻰﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎﻫﻢﻣﺎﻳﻞﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏـﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜـﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏـﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪83‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﻴﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴـﻒ ﺧـﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﻫﻨـﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴـﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧـﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳـﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥﻭﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1383‬ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻭﻫﻤﻴﻦﻗﻀﻴﻪﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 5-6‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﻢﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥﺩﺭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﺑﻮﺩﻭﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻼﺷـﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻭﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳـﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧـﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 6،5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 74-75‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ 6،5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 83‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏـﻮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺬﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓـﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴـﻒ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧـﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺣﺎﻻﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱﺍﻳﻦﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺭﻓﻊﻣﺸﻜﻞﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ » ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺩﻱ ‪ :1382‬ﻛﻠﻴــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺏﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﺻﺒﺢ ‪ 6‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪ 11/5‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺯﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﻼﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻲﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺳــﻮﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 537‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﺑﻜﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﻱ‪ 6 :‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﺏ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻻﻙ ﻧﻘﺸﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ‪ 6‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ‪ .12/5‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﮔﻴﺞ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺰ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺁﻟﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺷﺐ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﮔﻼﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﭼﺸــﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺳــﻮﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻧﻢ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ‪ 47‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻑ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪:‬ﺻﺒﺢﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﺩﻳﺮﺣﺎﺿﺮﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧﺎﻙﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﭼﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺳــﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻑﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷﺎﻩﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺷﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻢ ﺟﻔﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺴﻜﻴﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ؟ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ؟ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ؟ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ! ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﻠﻚﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳــﻬﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﻠــﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻬﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻢ ﻛﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﭗﺗﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻼﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 1‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 9‬ﺷﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻟﻚ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻼﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﭼﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻢ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 100‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺸــﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ! ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؟ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺯﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻮﺫﺑﺎﷲ ﻣﻦﺍﻟﺸﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﷲﺍﻋﻠﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻟﻪﺑﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮ ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻴﻐﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺸــﺐ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﭽﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻩ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 1‬ﻧﺼﻒ ﺷــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪83‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ» ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺑﺠﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﻙ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩﻫﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻧﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﻳﺘﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻤﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻـﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪) ،‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨــﻲ( ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻮ؟‬ ‫)ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺋﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻧﻤﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﺸــﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﻧﺸﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺬﺍﺭ ﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻱ؟ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻭﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﺶ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺍﻭﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻧﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ .... :‬ﺧﻔﻪ ﺷﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻕ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻦ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺕ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻂﻭﺧﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻜﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺸﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻲ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻧــﻦ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻴﻪ؟ )ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ؟ )ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ( ﭘﺲ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻧﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺕ ﺿﺪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻧﻨﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥﺷﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻦ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺟﺪﻱ؟ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﺸﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ .... :‬ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻤﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕــﻪ ﺍﻭﻧﺎ ﺭﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻜﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ ﺍﻭﻧﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺗﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ‪ :‬ﺧﻔﻪ ﺷﻮ! ﺗﻮ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻨﻮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺑﺠﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻳﺸﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺷﻮ ﺑﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏـﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻳﻪ ﻟﭽﻚ ﺳــﺮﺕ ﻛﻨــﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺑﮕﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻤﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ!‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ!‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﺐ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪) .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ( ﺗﻮﻳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﻧﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻭﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻦ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ«‪» ،‬ﻃﻼﻯ ﺳــﺮﺥ«‪» ،‬ﺁﻓﺴــﺎﻳﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳــﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﻣــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻣــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﺟﻮﺍﺩﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪» .‬ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺎﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺪﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ »ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ »ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻟﻮﻛﺎﺭﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﻡ »ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ« ﻭ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺪﻓﻴﻦ« ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳــﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪» .‬ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻓﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ »ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‪ 20‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻓﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ‪ /‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1365 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1368 :‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ »ﺑﺎﺷﻮﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ »ﻣﺮگ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺑﺎﺷﻮ‪ «...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﻝﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺷﻮ‪ «...‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ( ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ )ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1364 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪(1370:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 70‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 70‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1361 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪(1377:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ – ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﺣﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮ)ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1370 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪(1377:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ )ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻰ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1371 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪(1383:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺷــﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 12‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻧﺼﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ– ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺭﺣﺎﻡﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ )ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1373 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪(1376:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 73‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ »ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ« ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍچ ﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ)ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1373 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪(1377:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ)ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ( ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻥ )ﻣﻴﻨــﺎ ﻻﻛﺎﻧﻰ( ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ« ﻭ »ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺵ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ )ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1371 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪(1375:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺿﻌﻴــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔــﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 71‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﺎﻥ )ﺯﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ )ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1379 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪(1380:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫــﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﻓــﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱﺑﻪﺁﻥﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ )ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1377‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1379 :‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺺ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ »ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 79‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ )ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1374‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1376 :‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1374‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 76‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ )ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1383 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1385 :‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻭﺋﻞ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﻛﻮﺍﺭﻳﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺎﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ »ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺠﺎ!‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﻦ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ _ 1384 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1386 :‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ« ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻯﺗﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﻫﻢﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻭﺩﺗﻮﻟﺪ«ﺍﺯﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻼﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻋﻄﺎﻯﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻟﻘﺎﻯﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﺁﮔﻬﻰﻫﺎﻯﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﻭﭼﺎﻗﻰ–ﻻﻏﺮﻯﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺴﻰﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﺐ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1379 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1382 :‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ« )ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ )ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴــﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ( ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﺐ« ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 82‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺏ )ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ –1380 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1382 :‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﭙﻴﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻘﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ )ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﺑﺨﺖﺁﻭﺭ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ –1386 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1387 :‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴــﺎ ﺑﺨﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺷﺸﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺳــﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،87‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ« ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ )ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1386 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1388 :‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ«‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺣﺬﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ )ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1386 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪(1388 :‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ)ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ(‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ – 1383:‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ‪( 1389‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻜﺸﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ »ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻣﺎ ﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫»ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺳـﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺽ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘــﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻏﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ؟ ﻧﻮﺷﺪﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﺭﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻄﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﻛﻠﻴﺘﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ » ﺣﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ« ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(150‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻻﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﻴﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺤﺘــﺞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻨﺎ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﻻﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺘﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺧﺪﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ« ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮ ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﻒ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ »ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻗﻔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ »ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ« ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ »ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ »ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﻣﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ« ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﻌﺐﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻥ ﺑﻜﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻗﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀــﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﻞ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳــﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻔﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺟﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺫﺑﺢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺼﻠــﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻃﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻭﭘﺮﺳﺶﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺨﺮﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ»ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ«‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺨﺮﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻋﺴــﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎء ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻉ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﺍﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺑﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﭘﻴﺴﺘﻤﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻲﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻏﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﺠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧــﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻼﻉ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻴﻘــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻦﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺮﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺗﺎ »ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﺎﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮگ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪» .‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺍﺵ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ )ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ( ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ‪53‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪1312‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1314‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﻏــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗــﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻜﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﺒﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻱ ﻻﻱ ﺩﺭﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ‪28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻮﺕ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪30‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻨﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻓﻜﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺁﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺐﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺸــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺘﻢﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺯﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﮔــﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ .30‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪30‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺰﻭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ« ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺺ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،40‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،50‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﺎﺑﻪﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺿﻴﺎء ﻣﻮﺣﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﻞ)ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻴﺎء ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪/32‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ .(88‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺭﺍ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻕﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻪﺗﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺷــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴــﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻨﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻱ‪.‬ﻧﻮﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘــﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻟﻤﺤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻴﺰﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬ﻗﺒﺾﻭﺑﺴﻂﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﺭﺍﻧﻮﺷﺖﻭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺪﻧﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺁﺭﺍﻱﻧﻈﺮﻱﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪،‬ﻃﻴﻔﻲﺍﺯﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺎﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺭﻏﻨﻮﻥ« ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈــﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻫﺎﻣﺠﺎﻝﻓﺮﺍﺥﺗﺮﻯﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪﻛﻪﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻣﺠﻤﻞﻣﺎﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻣﺤﻤﻞﻃﺮﺡﺍﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳﺶﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺷﺮﺡﺣﺎﻝﻭﺭﻭﺯﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﺷﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴـﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴـﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪-‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻏﺮﺏﭼﻨﺎﻥﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺷﻤﺎﻫﻢﺑﻪﺁﻥﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻏﺮﺏﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻪﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﻢﺷﻜﻞﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻟﺤﺎﻅﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯﻏﻴﺮﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺑﺎﻫﺠﻮﻡﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻭﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯﻧﻮﻳﻰﻛﺸﻒﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻭﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺷﺪﻳﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﺮﻭﻉﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻫﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩﻣﻐﻮﻝﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭﻟﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺳﺒﻚﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﺷﻜﻞﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺑﺎﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺑﺮﺧﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﻏﺮﺑﻰﺍﺯﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶﻭﺑﺮﺧﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻋﻠﻴﻪﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻣﺎﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻭﺷﻴﻌﻪﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﺑﻴﻦﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥﻭﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻭﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪﺁﻥﻏﺮﺑﻰﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﺶﺗﻔﻜﺮﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﻦﺣﺘﻰﺗﻔﻜﺮﺿﺪﺩﻳﻨﻰﻫﻢﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺗﻔﻜﺮﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﺯﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻧﻪﺍﺯﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﻪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺜﺎﻝﺩﺭﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥﻛﻪﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ‪ 30‬ﻳﺎ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺑﺎﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺠﺴــﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯﻛﻪﻣﺎﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻥﺑﺎﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﺭﺩﭘﺎﻯﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﻫﻢﺩﺭﺁﻥﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺫﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺫﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﺎﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﺎﺭﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈـﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃـﻮﺭ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺗﺸـﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨـﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻧﺴـﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﻥ ‪ 3‬ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻀﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨــﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺴــﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ژﻭﺳﺘﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟــﻢ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ« ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﻪ« ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻊ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺭﻣﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺭﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1309‬ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ »ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ« ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﺍﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎً ﺭﺳــﻮﺥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺗﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺤـﺺ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷـﻚ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻰ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ« ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳـﭙﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺷــﻤﺎ »ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﻭ »ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻰ ﺗﻤﺜﻞ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ )ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ( ﻭ ﻧﺒﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺕﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺴــﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭽﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻔﺴــﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻧﺠﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻓﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ« ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﭙﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻤﺮ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸـﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟـﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺟـﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ »ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ »ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ؟«‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﺤﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﮔﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ »ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴـﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ )‪ (Frameworkless‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ـ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺷﺒﻪﻣﺪﺭﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫»ﻓﻬﻠﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ )ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ( ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻓﻴﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻣﻨﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﺒﺮﻯ ـ ﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺻﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻓﻴﺖﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻣﻨﺸﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪــ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪــ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺾ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺭﻳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪــ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪــ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴــﺖ ﺁﺩﻣــﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﭘــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺎء ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻓﻴﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻣﻨﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺮﻯـﺳﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻨﺖﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩﻭﻏﻠﺒﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺴﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﻏﻠﺒــﻪ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ« ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺿﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻪﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻰﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟــﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻚ»ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ«ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﻢﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺸﻪﺷﺪﻥﻫﺎﻭﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻭﺩﺭﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻭﻳﺄﺱﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻇﻼﻡ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖﻭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵﺍﻳﻦﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﮔﺮﻡﻭﻧﺮﻡﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﻭﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺧﻮﻳﺶﺁﺭﻣﻴﺪﻩﻛﻪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢﺍﻳﻦﻧﻴﺎﺯﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖﻳﺎﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥِ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕِ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﻫــﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺩﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯﻣﺴــﻠﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺰﺍﻟــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ»ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ« ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ »ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ« ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻈﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻓﻜﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺑﺤﺚﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰﺑﺨﺸﻰﺭﺍﺑﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖﻛﻼﻡﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﻛﻼﻡﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻼﻡﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺗﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪﻭﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺍﺳﻴﺮﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﺣﺪﻯﻛﻪﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻼ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰﺑﻪﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺼﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ :‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺁﺛﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﺩﻳﺪﻩﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻲﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺳﺨﻨﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﺫﻛﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﺳﭙﺲﺑﻪﻳﻚﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﺳﭙﺲﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥﻛﺸﻴﺪﻭﭼﻨﻴﻦﺳﺨﻦﺳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥﻓﻨﻮﻣﻦﻭﻧﻮﻣﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﺩﻳﻦﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠّﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻠﻂﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 227‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ژﺭﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍ ـ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﻤﻊﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ؟ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺴــﺌﻞ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺴﺌﻠﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻧﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺷــﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌــﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻟﺲ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ؟ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 38‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻛﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻼﻛﻮﺧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻼﻛﻮﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﻢ؟ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪﻯ؟ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﺶ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺴــﻨﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻼﺻــﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣــﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﺪﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖﺻﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮ ﻣﮕﻮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺽ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫)ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻨﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻪﺿﻠﻌﻲ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺿﻠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ» ‪ .«Theory of self‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻻﺷﻌﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ )‪(normative‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ ﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻞ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰﺭﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ .1 :‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .3 ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ‪ .4‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻰﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳــﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻬــﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺣــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣــﻰ؛ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ )ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ( ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺣﻘﺎﻳــﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ )ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ( ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻊﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻗﺎﺋﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ )ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻭ( ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻲ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ )ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ( ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺳﻼﻡﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢﻭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴــﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻰ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚﻋﻘﻠﻰﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕﺩﻳﻨﻰﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﺍﺳﻼﻡﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻳﺜﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺸﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣ ُﺜﻠُﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣ ُﺜﻠُﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻗﻢ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷــﻨﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺪﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‪ h1n1‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ‪ 700‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪H1N1‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷــﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ‪ H1N1‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 649،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 54‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ‪ H1N1‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ‪ 173‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ؛ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ H1N1‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 65‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﻲﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ H1N1‬ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣــﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﭘــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺮﻏﺪﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ‪ H1N1‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣــﺮﺯﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛــﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ‪H1N1‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻛﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 7‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻻﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ‪ 47‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 42‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺣﻠﻲﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻼﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪A‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻠﻰﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﭘﻜﻮﺭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺟﻬﺶ ژﻧﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ژﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ژﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ژﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪) A‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ( ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ )ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 0/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻣﻲ ‪ ،H1N1‬ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ H1N1‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ‪ 98‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﻙ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ )ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﻴﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ )ﺍﺯ ﻛــﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ )ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ( ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻻﺳــﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱﻧﻮﻉ‪A‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ‪ 98‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺻﺎﻑ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯﻓﺼﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺰﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱﻧﻮﻉ‪ A‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻗﺎﺩﺭﺑﻪﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﭘﺎﻧﺪﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‪ H1N1‬ﭘﺎﭘﻜﻮﺭﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻔﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯﺧﻮﻛﻰﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻭﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻣﺼﺮﻑﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ‪ 98‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ 18‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 98‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸـﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻭﻳﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻻﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻏــﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺿﺪﻭﻳﺮﻭﺳــﻲ »ﺍﺳﻠﺘﺎﻣﻴﻮﻳﺮ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪16‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻛﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 100‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ‪ 32‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ‪ 42‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪50‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 61‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 85‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﻭﺷﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ 105‬ﻧﻔﺮﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ‪ 38‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻲ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 173‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪476‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 649‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮگ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 196‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ‪ 36‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ‪ 328‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ‪69‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻢﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )‪ (FDA‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ‪ 34‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ‪ 36‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ‪ 96‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 9‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 400‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 422‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷﻮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 54‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ‪ A‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 476‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪88‬‬ ‫‪ 173‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 476‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 649‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺕﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺮﺳﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺑــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ‪ 6‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 6:30‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 13:30‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 14:30‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 7‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ ،15‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ‪ 7:30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،15:30‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 8:30‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9:30‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻲﺑﺮﺧﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺑﺎﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺧﺒﺮﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺭﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺸــﺎﷲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫـﻢ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳـﻰ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﺮﻓـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣـﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ »ﻣﺮﺩﻋﻤﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺼـﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠـﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫»ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ« ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ »ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯﺯﻥﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻴﺬﻳﺮﻳــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻـﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳـﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺙ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄـﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ!ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳـﺖ! ﭘـﺲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻛﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎﻳﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﺶ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺪﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺜﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﻨﻮﻡ؛ »ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪200‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ! ﻳﻜــﻲ‪ «...‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻙ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻀﺒﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛــﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻤﭗﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻃﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻜﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻳﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻜﺪﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭﻣﻌﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻀﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫‪ HIV‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫‪ HIV‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻀﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮءﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﻐﺬﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﭙﺎﺗﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺧﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻛــﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔــﺮﻩ )ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻚ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺩﺭﻭﺩﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻜﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺿﻴﺎءﺁﺫﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ » ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥِ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ »ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺻﺤــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭗ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ!«‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺍﺯﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲﺍﺵﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷـﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻟﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ )ﻓﻴﻔﺎ(‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ؛ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻔﺎﺷـﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻮﺁﻧﺠﻮ ‪ 2010‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧــﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ »ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻯ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻔﺎﺷـﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﺭﻭﺯﻱﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﺴــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣــﺎ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣــﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬــﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻗﻄﻌﺎﺑﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺍﺩﻟﻪﻭﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕﺭﺍﻯﺍﺵﺭﺍﺍﻋﻼﻡﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺨﺼﻰﻣﻦﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺭﺍﻯﻗﻄﻌﻰﺻﺎﺩﺭﻧﺸﺪﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯﺗﺎﺍﻃﻼﻉﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯﺍﺯﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﺴﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ )ﻓﻴﻔﺎ( ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ )‪ ( AFC‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ 30 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻛﺠـﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺧﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ‪ 67‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ « ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪109‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 26‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 3‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 28‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 8‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 24‬ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 4‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 6‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 24‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻔﺼﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 24‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻔﺼﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 16-2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 30‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 60‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 16‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﻚ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ؛ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳـﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧـﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻋـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲﺍﻳﻦﺗﻴﻢﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺧـﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴــﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺧـﺰﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟـﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤـﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺴــﺘﻲ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺍﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻢ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻬﺎﺩﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲﻭﺭﺯﺵﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﻛﻞﻭﺭﺯﺵﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻫﻢﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲﺩﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﻚ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻧﮓﭼﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ‪ AFC‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺘﮕﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 1966‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 43‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻦ ﺳﺒﺎﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ – ﭘﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﻥﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦﺳﺒﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1966‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ »ﺷــﻮﻟﻴﻤﺎ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻫــﺎ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻢﺟﻮﻧﮓﻫﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻢﺟﻮﻧﮓﻫﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ‪53‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1966‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻲﻳﺮ ﺭﻳﮕﻮﻟﻮ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒــﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴــﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷـﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪45 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﺍﻭﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1966‬ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺟﻚﻻﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1966‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ‪ 3‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ‪ 5‬ﺑــﺮ ‪ 3‬ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﮓﭼﻮﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻤﭗ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺁﻛﻮﺍﺭﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﺳﺌﻮﻧﮓ ﺟﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻮ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ‪ 1966‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺮﻩﺷـﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪1388‬‬