ماهنامه مثلث شماره 1

‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗ‬‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫‪-‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻝ‪/‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪000/‬‬ ‫‪1‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﻝ‪/‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻪ‪000/‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪1‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻜﺎﻑ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸـﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎﻭﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷـﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪22 .........................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪24 ........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ‪26 ..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪42 ..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ‪44 ............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ‪45 .....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪29 ...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ‪32 .........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪ؟ ‪33................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ‪46 ..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪48 ...................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﭘﺪﺭﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ‪34................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪36 ..................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪38 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪40 .............................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ‪52 .......................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪58 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪59 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ ‪62 .............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‪64 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪66 .................. ....................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻦﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪68 ................... ......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪70.................... ......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪72 .................... ..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ‪74 .................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻲ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪54 .........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪56 ..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪76...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﺯﻭﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺸﻬﺪﺑﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷﻠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺼــﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ‪80 ............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ‪82 ...............................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ‪83 .....................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪84 ....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪86 ...........................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ‪87 ...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‪88 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪90 .......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪92 .............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪94 ......................................................................... 8‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻲﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪95 .....................................................................‬‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺿﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ ‪96 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ! ‪98 .............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧــﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﺧﻂﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗــﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؟‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺞﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺞﺳﻠﻴﻘﮕﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ؛ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔ‬ ‫ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ‬ ‫ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ‬ ‫ﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻠ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻠ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ‬ ‫ﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ‪8‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪0 /1‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪0/‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪00‬‬ ‫‪1‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻮﻣ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫ﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺎﻩ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺗﻴ‬ ‫‪/1‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫‪0/‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪00‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﻣ‬ ‫‪1‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬـﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﺧــﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ :‬ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻳﻚﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻏﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺧﻄﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﺫﻭﻕ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺫﻭﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ SMS ،21380003‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﻬﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺍﺻﻞ‪ 110‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻪﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ»ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﻭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ«ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯﺣﻜﻢﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﻭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺻﻞﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯﺣﻜﻢﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺩﺭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﺎﺩﻋﻮﺕﺍﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺣﺎﺩﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺑﺮﺍﻯﺟﺪﻯﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺟﺪﺍﺑﻪﻣﺎﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪﺩﺷﻤﻦﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺩﺭﻛﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖﻭﻏﻔﻠﺖﺍﺯﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰﺍﻭﺣﺘﻰﺩﺭﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪﻭﻫﻤﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻭﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﻠﺖﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺑﻮﺩﻭﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪﺑﺎﭼﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1357‬ﻭﺩﺭﻳﻚﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﺍﺯﺁﻥﺣﺮﻛﺖﻋﻈﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺿﺮﺑﻪﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻭﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﻭﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﺭﺍﻣﺎﻧﻊﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺩﺷﻤﻦﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪﻭﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺩﻳﻨﻰﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﺎﻣﺴﺠﺪﺿﺮﺍﺭﻭﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﺍﺯﺍﻣﺎﻡﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯﻛﻪﺍﺯﻋﻤﻖﺩﻝﻭﺟﺎﻥﻏﺮﻕﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ 9 ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ‪ 25‬ـ ‪ 20‬ﻭ ‪ 25‬ـ ‪ 22‬ﻭ ‪25‬ـ ‪ 18‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ 11 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺰ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪28‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺖﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»»ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻬﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ‪11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ 13 ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ 63،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ‪ 63 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﻩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 335‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺒﺪﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 32‬ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪6508‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 69‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 327‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪1305‬ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1297‬ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1043‬ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎ ‪ 749‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻚﻗﻠﺐ ﺭﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 568‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻭﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﻭﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻭﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺁﮔﺎﻩﺍﺯﻗﻄﻌﻰﺷــﺪﻥﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺍﻭﻟــﻰﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩﻧﻘﺶﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺟﻬﺖﺗﺼﺪﻯﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻳﻦﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻧﺸﺪﻩﺣﺎﻛﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺭﻓﺘﻦﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﻳﻜﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺑﻌﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻣﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﺍﺭﺷﺪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺯﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﻣﺘﻜﻰﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻣﺘﻜﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﻣﺘﻜﻰﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﻌﻴﺪﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰﻛﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻼﻗﻪﺧﺎﺹﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺁﻥﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻣﻬﻢﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﻔﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪﻳﻌﻨﻰﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺭﺍﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲﺍﺯﭘﺴﺖﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻭﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﻔﺘﻢﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺣﺘﻰﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻭﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯﺍﺯﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺧﻮﺩﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﺯﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰﻭﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞﻣﻜﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩﺗﺎﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰﺁﻥﺭﺍﻫﻢﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﻳﻚﻣﻘﺎﻡﺍﺭﺷﺪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﻭﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺳﻤﺖﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﺑﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺧﺪﻣﺖﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻤﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻤﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﺭﺑﻨﺎ« ﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﻓــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺘﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺩﻋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1374‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﻼ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻼ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻼ ﺟﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻻﻟﻪ ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻼﺟﺎﻫﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻡ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻻﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻡ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟــﺬﺍﺏ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔــﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻩ »ﺑﻼﻥ«!‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﻓﺴﻜﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺧﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘــﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ« ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗــﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺩﻭﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 1525‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺳﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺑﻪﺳﻮژﻩﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﻮﺩ؛ﭼﻪﺩﺭﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺻﻨﻌﺖﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﮔﺮﻡﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 124‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 173‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11:30‬ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 12:45‬ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 272‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪ 88/5/2‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 13:37‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ 14:30‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﺋــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯﺧﻮﻛﻰﺑﻪﻭﻃﻦﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺩﺭﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﮕﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﻨﻮﺭژﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮ ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻰ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﺍﺑﻞ ﻭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ‪56 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ )‪ 67‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺭژﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭژﻥ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭژﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍچﺁﻱﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺭﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 80 1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺣﺠﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪65‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺳﻮﺩﺳﻬﺎﻡﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺳﻮﺩﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺳﻮﺩﺳﻬﺎﻡﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺑﺎﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪﻳﺎﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﻠﺐﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ« ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‪ 25‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﻳﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ‪ 29/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰﻣﻴﺮﻗﺎﺋﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1333‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻪﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 1360‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1376‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ »ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« )ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺸــﻖ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ« ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﻣــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎ ِﺭﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺛﺛﺒﻮ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺟ‬ ‫ﺘﻮﺍﺗﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻣﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻔﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﻔﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺑﺎﺷــﺪ(‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺯﺧﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺯﺧﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺳﻔﻴﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!!! ﺧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﻘﻼ ﻝ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺯ ﺍ ﺳــﺘﻘ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫ﻧﻜ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩﻭﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳــﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺹ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻣﻴﻨﻮﻓﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺹ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺹﻫــﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎ ﻧــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺮ ﻓﺘــﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁ ﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺹﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺬ ﺭ ﺧﻮ ﺍ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺹﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺟﻮ ﻳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1344‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 23‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1384‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1371‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ( ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻡ‪ «.‬ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1331‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1353‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1357‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 23‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1384‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﺗﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻝ ﻧﻮﻳﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﺗﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻰﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺭﺍ ﺭﻳ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺮ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴــﻔﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪4‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻭﻭ‪ 88‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ »ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺗﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ )ﻋﺞ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ‪22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧــﻮﺍﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖﺑﻪﻫﻤﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﺗﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭﺧﺎﺩﻡﺁﻧﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢﻭﻫﻤﻪ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺗﻮﺳﻂﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺭﺍﺍﺻﻞﺛﺎﺑﺖﻭﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﺻﻠﻲﻫﻤﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻫﻴﭻﻓﺮﺩﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺣﻞﻣﺸﻜﻞﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﻭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺑﺮﺍﻱﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﻠﻲﻭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺛﺮﻭﺕﻣﻠﻲﺭﺍﺍﺯﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻭﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻁﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻭﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﻣﻠﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻫﻞﻣﻨﻄﻖﻭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻲﺻﺪﺍﻗﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺪﺗﺎﺩﺭﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺧﻴﺮﺭﺍﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺴــﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖﻭﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡﺣﻔﻆﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕــﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﻮﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺸﻜﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺛﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻛﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻢ‪ .....‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻫﺮﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﺮ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ (.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫــﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 110‬ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﻜــﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀــﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﺍﺫﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳــﻦ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ_ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻇﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺫﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲﻣﺜﻞﺁﻥﺟﻤﻊﺷﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲﺑﻪﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﺮﺍﻱﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﺭﺍﻓﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺷﻮﺭﻭﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﺷﻮﺩ؛ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﻭﺯﺍﺧﺬﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪).‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺴﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ!( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧــﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺸــﻨﺞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺟﻮﺍﺏﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺭﺍﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉﻛﺮﺩ!ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻣﺮﺩﻡﺭﺍﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ﻭﻟﻰﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺑﻌﻀﻲﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﺣﻜﻢﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﺍﺯﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1360‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻤــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 110‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪ 1360‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪1358‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1364‬ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 30 ،1388‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 110‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 58‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻠــﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭﻗــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻧﻴــﺰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺟــﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﻲ ﺭ ﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺭ ﺋﻴــﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ ﺟــﺰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﻴﻖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 68‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1372‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄــﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴــﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧــﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1376‬ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1380‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1376‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﺪﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1384‬ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺨــﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺒﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺸــﺘﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ‬‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺿﺒﻂﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻰﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ )ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ( ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ )ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟــﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳــﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺒﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 22‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ 1368 ،‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 1376‬ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﺒﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ -‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 12‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀــﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻙ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻗﺼﺪﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﺶ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1360‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1368‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﻬﺪﻯﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻫﻢﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ( ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺪﻡﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﭘﺨﺶﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗــﺎﺝ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢﻋﻼء‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺒﺢﺑﺨﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﺯﻭﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ »ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭِﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘــﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔــﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪ «12‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻴﺲ »ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﻯ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻓﺘﺮﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪ ،12‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 350‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻦﺍﻳﭻ ﺟﺸﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺳــﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﺶ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻓﻰﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻰﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼــﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 48‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ‪ 29‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳــﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻌﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﻳﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮگ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟« ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 119‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫‪21‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺮﺳﻨﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻜﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺻﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺘــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺴﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ :‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻞﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ :‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻭﻓﺎ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳـﻰ‪ :‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺣﻠﻘﻪﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ‪ 29‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴـﺘﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴـﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻌﺰﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺁﮔﻬﻰﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪:‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼﮔﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎﺍﻋﻼﻡﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﻗﺼﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺳـﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻋﻤﻞﻫﻢﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺁﮔﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨـﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺴـﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋـﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻗﻄﻊﺁﮔﻬﻰﻫﺎﻯﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻨﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸـﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸـﺎﻯ ﭘﺸـﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﻗــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪...» :‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺩﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﺪﻫــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻣﺪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤــﺮﻩ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇــﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴـﭻ ﻭﻋـﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪:‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺯ ﻧﺎ ﻣﺰ ﺩ ﻫــﺎ ﻯ ﺍ ﻧﺘﺨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗــﻰ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁ ﻳﺖ ﺍ ﷲ ﺍ ﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﻣـﻜﺎ ﺭ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪:‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻬﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴــﺐ ﻭ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺰﺍء ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳـﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪:‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ‪ 31‬ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ‪ 31‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ« ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ »ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ« ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ »ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺒﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺜــﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ »ﻓﺼﻞ«ﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﮔﺴﺴﺖ«ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ»ﻭﺻﻞ«ﻫﺎ ﻭ»ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ«ﻫﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ»ﺟﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻨﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳــﺰﺵ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﻓﻲﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻨﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ »ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ « ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻧﻬﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ« ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱﺩﺭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﻧﻪﻧﻘﺸﻲﺩﺭﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺁﻧﻬﺎ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ! ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻓﻊ« ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮓ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﭘﺮﺍﻛــﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺿﺪﺗﺤﺰﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟«ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ»ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺵ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺒﺮﻩ ﺑﻲﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ‪30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ ‪24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ«‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱﺍﺯﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﭘﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳــﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﺭﻓــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﺮﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻋﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰﻛــﻪﺩﻳــﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟــﺢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﺣﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ‪4‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬـﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻓﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﺪﺍﺯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺣﻜﻢﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺩﺭﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯﻫﻢﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕﺗﻮﺳﻂﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕﺧﻮﺩﺵﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﺰﻝﻭﻧﺼﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ )ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﻳﻘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟـﻰ( ﻧﻈـﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺣﺠـﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴـﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻘــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ )ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺸـﻖ« ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻨـﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺛﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺯﺷﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﺑﺤﺚﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻘـﺪﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺑﻌﻀﺎﺩﻭﺭﺍﺯﺷﺄﻥﻳﻚﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺩﻧﻴﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﺍﺿﻰﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺑﺎﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩﻛﻪﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ‪،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﺧـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪).‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣـﺎﺩ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭘــﺪﺭﻯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﺮﻏﻨﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳــﺒﺰ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠــﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻬــﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺷــﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﻦﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﻛﺎﻣﻞﺍﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤـﻮ ﻩ ﺍ ﻧﺘﺨـﺎ ﺏ ﺍ ﻋﻀـﺎ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺣــﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻠــﻊ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰﺭﺍﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﺼــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﻘﻄـﻪ ﺍﻓﺘـﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻧــﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫـﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟـﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻬــﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﻰﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﻰﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻏﺘﺸــﺎﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬــﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤــﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳــﺎﺭ ﺑﻬــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻛﻴﺎﻥﺗﺎﺟﺒﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻬﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﺸﺖﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪28‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢﻗﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ؛ »ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻣﺰ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓــﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭼﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛» ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻬﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻭﻥﻭﺑﺮﻭﻥﻳﻜﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻧﻔﺎﻕﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﻢﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﺧﺒﺮﻯﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺁﻧﭽﻪﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﺁﺷﻮﺏﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪﻭﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻭﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﺩﺭﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻳﺎﺩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻫﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﺎﺧﺪﺍﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻳﺎﺍﻭﺭﺍﺑﺒﺨﺸﺎﻳﺪﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺁﻏﻮﺵﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩﻳﺎﺍﻭﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥﺗﺎﺟﺒﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺸــﺖﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺑﻪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﭘﺨﺶﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﺖﻧﻴﻮﺯﻭﻳﻚﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻫﺪﻑﺍﺯﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﺒﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻛﻔﻠﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰﻭﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻧﺮﻡﻫﻢﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻭﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﺣﻀﻮﺭﺭﺳﻤﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺧﻰﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﺒﺨﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻣﻮﻓﻖﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺳﺴﺖﺑﺎﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺑﺎﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷــﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﻠﻰﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﻪﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻭﻝﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﭘﺨﺶﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﺑﻪﭘﻴﺶﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﻭﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕﺍﺧﻴﺮﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰﻛﻪﺑﻪﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻭﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺳﻪﭼﻬﺮﻩﺩﺭﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺁﺷﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻰﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ»ﻃﺮﺍﺣــﺎﻥﻭﺁﻣﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﻱﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻧﻈﻴﺮﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻠــﻢﻭﺍﻃﻼﻉﺍﺯﺑﺮﺧﻲﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺫﻱﻧﻔﻮﺫﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻭﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﻴﺮﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱﺍﺯﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﻛﺮﺩﻭﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪﺑﻐﺾﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺑﺎﮔﺮﻳﻪﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺭﺍﺁﺯﺍﺩﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﺑﻲﻏﺶ‪،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲﺩﺭﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺧﻮﺩﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﺯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺍﻳﻦﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦﻛﻪﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺶﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﺭﺟﻪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺭﻭﺯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﺷﺪﻭﺍﺯﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﭘﺨﺶﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺍﺻﻼﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺩﻫﻴﻢﻣﺮﺩﻡﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺭﺍﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪﻭﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎﺍﮔﺮﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺍﻱﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻳﻦﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺯﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻮﺩﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﻴﻊﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻭﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻭﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥﭘﺨﺶﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﺑﻮﺩﻩﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲﺍﺯﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰﻛﻪﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﻗﺒﻠﻰﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻭﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﻓﺎﻉﺑﻬﺘﺮﺑﺮﺍﻯﺣﻔﻆﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻓﺮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﭘﺨﺶﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺩﺭﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺏﻭﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭﻭﻧﺪﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻯﻃﻰﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺍﺧﻴﺮﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﺪﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪ؛ﻳﻚﮔﺮﻭﻩﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩﺩﻭﻡﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍﺩﻭﻧﻮﻉﻣﺘﻬﻢﻭﺩﻭﻧﻮﻉﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎﺑﻪﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﻉﺍﻭﻝﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻄﺮﺡﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟« ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﻪﻛﻮﻯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻭﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥﺿﺮﺏﻭﺷﺘﻢﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺿﺮﺏﻭﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺻﻮﺭﺕﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭﺣﺎﻝﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻘﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻭﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺬﺏﻣﺤﺾ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﻧﻴﺴﺖﺩﺭﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 88/3/19‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 88/4/26‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢﻭﻛﻴﻒ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻨﺎء ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 27‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 1374‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻀــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻦﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺟﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1387‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧــﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .....‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1374‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪15‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 77‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ( ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ،78‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1379‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪1384‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ .87‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺛﻘﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﻨﮓﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ – ﺍﺷــﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗــﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻭ ﺷــﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪ ،1977‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ )ﻣﺎﻫﺎﭘﺎﺥ( ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﻜﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﭘﺴﺖﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ« ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﻬــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ )ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1949‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻳﻪ ﮔﻴﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ )ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 80‬ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ – ﺍﺷــﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷــﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺭﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ )ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺸــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ‪ 1981‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ – ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻳﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﻬــﻮﺩﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻡﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻪ ﻛﺎﺗﺴــﺎﻭ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱﺷﺮﻗﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺑﺎﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣــﺰﺏ »ﺷــﺎﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺴﺮﺕﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷــﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺿﺪﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪1999‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻬــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﻨﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1998‬ﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻋﻤﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﺧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻟﻴــﺰﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻣﻦ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻣﻴﭽﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺷــﻠﻴﻢ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ« ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺟﻮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻔﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻴــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻴﺘﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭽﻞ – ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ« ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﭽﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣــــــﻘﺎ ﻡ ﻫــﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻬــﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﻡﺗــﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﻚﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺩ ﻭ ﻟــﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭽــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺲ ‪ 24‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻡﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﭽــﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﭽﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﭽــﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﻋﺮﻳﻘﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﺮﻳﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ« ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻳﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺷــﻠﻴﻢ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﺻﺤــﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﻤــﺎﺱ ﻧﻴــﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧــﻮﺍﺭ ﻏــﺰﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﻳــﻪ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋــﺮﺏ ﺭﻭﻳــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻫﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻩﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧــﻊ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻀﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻣــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻳﺎ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑــﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﻞ ﺷﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻙ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻱﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝﺑﻮﺵ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺶﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1967‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻳﮕﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻳﮕﻒ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻣﻴﭽﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻚﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫» ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ »ﻣﻨﺤﻞ«‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻼﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻍﻭﺣﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻤﭗﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻪ )‪ 60‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ(‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 3500‬ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻀﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ‪ 23‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺪﺍﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ‪ 3500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺴــﻤﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1360‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻉ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻌﺜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﺑﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ )ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺟﺎﻭﻳــﺪﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻔــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺑﺎﻍ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺤــﻮ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻚ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡژﻧﻮﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ، 87‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ )ﺍﻭﻝ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ (2009‬ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻭﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 88‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼــﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻌــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳــﻂ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ )ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪88‬؛ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻯ« ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﺪﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﻴﺐﺳــﺮﺥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ‪ 260‬ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳــﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 7‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ‪ 11‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ؛ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻـﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳـﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ! ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (1363) 1984‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﺠﺴﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﺯﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫‪80‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ »ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1991‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴـﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓــﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷـﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﮔﻴـﺮﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1723 ،1537 ،1546‬ﻭ ‪1790‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪28‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺮگ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ؛ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻟﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻼﻟﻪ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗــﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﻚﺁﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺩﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ‪ 25‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ‪ 7‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ‪ 31‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻟﺠﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 32‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪687‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 3‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪ 1991‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ‪1816 ،1373 ،1368‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻼﺣﻰﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱﺟــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻼﺣﻰﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻟﺠﺴﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻣﺮگ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2003‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺿﻴﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﻴﺐﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻔﻮﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻴﺐﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭼﻪﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 912‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 3416 ،2009‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫـﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 900‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻣﻮﺭﺩﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻫﺮﭼﻪﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮﺑﺎﻳﺪﺧﺎﻙﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗـﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﻣﺸﺨﺺﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﻋﺮﺍﻕﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺎﻛﻰﺗﺤﻤﻞﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎﷲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﻰ ﺑﺮگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺮﻣــﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺮﻣــﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺮﻣــﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻳﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻬﺮﻣــﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟« ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟«ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﻯ »ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺙ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻬﻤﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺴــﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺩﻯ ﻳﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 11/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ ‪ 12/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﻃﺮﺡﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻣﺮﻛﺰﺁﻣﺎﺭﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 84-86‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ژﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲﺍﺯﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻭﺍﻋﻼﻡﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺴﻨﺪﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘــﻰ‬ ‫‪ 23/29‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻧﻔﺮﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1384‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪ 23/48‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻛﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‪ 23/58‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪1386‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 84-86‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 285‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 140‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧــﺺ ﺻﺮﻳــﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‬ ‫»ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓــﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺠﻰ ﺧﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃــﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻮچ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ‪ 120‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 120‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣــﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﺴــﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪96‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 33-34‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 96‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ‪7/5‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ 1/1 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‪ 1/2 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺗﻰ‪ 4/5 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ‪ 1/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺷــﻜﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻗﻤﻲﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗــﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 43‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻛﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 1400‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻛﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻪ ‪ 2013‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﻟــﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫‪ 67‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪67‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 33-34‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣــﺮﺝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨــﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 85-86‬ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84-85‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﭘﻨﺞﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 10/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻗﻠﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨــﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺁﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺫﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺷــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺑﻖﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪100‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻫﻤﻪﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻜﻰﺑﻪﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻣﻨﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯﺳﻜﺎﻥﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺭﺍﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻡﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫـﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘـﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ–ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺭﺷﺪﻱﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻳﺎﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪83‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺕﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲﻫﻢﻛﻪﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺷﺪﻩﺍﻏﻠﺐﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﺍﻩﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 28‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ‪ 39‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 34‬ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪173‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 250 ،87‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ‪ 100‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪ 53‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 72‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ MD90‬ﻭ ‪ MD82،MD81،MD80‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫‪ MD90‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 16‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 7-8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪400‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ؛ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﺶ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 65‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 66‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷــﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1280 ،83‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ‪ 1980‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺼﻴــﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 1782‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﻖ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1000‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 3500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 3500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ‪ 5000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 6000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‪ 33 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺭﺍ ‪ 126‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺪﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﮔــﺬﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻊ ﻛﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ 18 .‬ﻛﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻤﻊﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ‪18‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﻮﻥﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻤﻊﻫﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 160‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 121‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 83‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 90‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1000‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﻖ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 1000‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ‪ 5000‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1000‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ‪ 162‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 580‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 90‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ 580‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2000‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2000‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼـﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 90‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷــﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ 50 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎﺑﻘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 83‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺴــﺖ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 6‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕﻭﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ – ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 6‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ –ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺧﻴـﺮ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻮ‪.‬ﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 46 ،80‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﻭ ‪ 82‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 528‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 21‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 23‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 83‬ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ؛ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 43‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﭼﺎﻩﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 122‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴــﺰﻭﺩ ﺗﺒﺼــﺮﻩ ‪ :13‬ﻧﻘﻄﻌﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ؛»ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼــﺮﻩ ‪ «.13‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ‪13‬ﻧــﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 82/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‪59/5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 4/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ ،86‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 86‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 174‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪49‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟــﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﻪﻗﻔﻠﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻪﻗﻔﻠﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳــﻪ ﻗﻔﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﺯﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ »ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﺯﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺞﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺸﺖﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺛﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ( ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘــﺮﺍﻉ »ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ« ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪83‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺛﺒﺖﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1384‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1382‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪1383‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺶﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 25/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ 12/5‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ‪ 11/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖﻛﻔﺶ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺎﺷــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋــﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺻــﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﺻﻨﻌﺖﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﺻﻨﻌﺖﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺯﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪1/57‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 86‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪16557‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 30/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 33/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫‪ 3277‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ‪46/6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪ 14/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 1/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪ 58192‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 86‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪ 14/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪41847‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺑﺎﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 97/3‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ 82‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﺑﺎﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻰﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﻪﺟﻮﺍﺯﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ 1/46‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﻣﺤﻘﻖﻧﺸﺪﻩﺭﺍﺩﺭﺟﻤﻊﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‪ 310‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻮء ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﻭ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪62‬ﺑﺎﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﺐﻃﻴﻒﭼﭗ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻨﮕﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶﻭﭘﺲﺍﺯﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ، 80‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺫﻭﻕﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ »ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ »ﺷــﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﮓﻛﺸﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ« ﻭ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﻭ »ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺗــﺶ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ »ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ« ﻭ »ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺮ ﻳﺎﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ »ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺭﻧﮓ ﺧــﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻮﻣــﺮﺙ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺷﺐ ﻳﻠﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ(‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 79‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠــﻒ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽــﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔــﻰ ﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺨﻠــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﻟــﺢ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﺑﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠــﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻼﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣــﺬﻑ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ 70-80‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،77‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺪﻭﻝﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،76‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻰﺷــﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪76‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 80‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻦﺳﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻦﺳﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﻤﺎﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻲ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺭﻣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦﺧﺎﻧﻲﺑﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜــﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂﮔﺮﺍﻣﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﭘﺎژ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﻍﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺳــﺒﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻓﻼﺵﺑﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗــﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻢﺭﻣﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺑﻠﻨﺪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻋﺰﻡﺭﺍﺳﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺸــﻨﺶ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﻮﭘﺎژ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴــﻦ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ »ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ« ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺳــﺎﺧﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﻴﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺸﻦﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺷــﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧــﮕﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻫﻴﺠــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖﻣﺜﻞﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﺯﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﺩﺭﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪژﺍﻧﺮﺑﺴﻨﺠﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺛﺮﻱﻏﻨﺎﻳﻲﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﺎﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂﺩﻫﻪ‪،70‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﻔﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻏﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻂ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﺯﺷﻌﺎﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﺩﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖﻳﻚﻣﻠﺖﺭﺍﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪﻭﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﭙﻴﻜﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻲﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪﻋﻤﻞﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻋﻠﻴﻪﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ )ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺁﺑﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺻﻔﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻳــﻲ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺟﻠﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ« ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 78‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 79‬ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪ‪» .‬ﺷــﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪ -‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ )ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ‪(...‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺸﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﺶ »ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ« ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺩﺍﻛﺸــﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧــﮕﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏﺑﻨــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻟــﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ‪ 10-12‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻼﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻣــﻮﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻦ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻡ!‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪.‬ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤــﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ! ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑــﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﭙﻲ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺸــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﻳﻜﻮ ﻓﻠﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ! ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺳــﻮژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻱﻧﺴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻛﻮﭘﺎژ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳــﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻢ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻮﻣﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺴــﺒﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻗﺼــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 10-15 ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 4000‬ﻧﻮﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 500‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ‪ 50‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭘﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﭘﻦ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻄﺶ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻳﻜﺠﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‪20 ،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 20‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺑﻨﺠﻞﺳﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻨﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺿﺪﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻒﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ )!( ﻭ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﺒﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺟﻮﺍﻥﻣﺎ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻲﺍﺯﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺻﻔﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢﺍﻟﺸﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﻠﻚﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﻳﻦﺩﺳــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 13‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺗــﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ‪ -‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﭘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ »ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻴـﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺸـﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﭽﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ »ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫـﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻔـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻻﺑﻲ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺲ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺻﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ‪ 1‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 32‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 1‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ، 36‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 6‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ «2‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺐﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩﺗﻨﻬﺎﺳﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﻛﺮﺩﻭﻟﻲﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﭼﻮﻥﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‪،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻭﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲﻧﻴﺰﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،70‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﺑﻪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﻥ«‪.‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺳﻴﻨﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢﻭﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺩﺍﺩﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺭﺍﭼﻄﻮﺭﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻧﺴﺐ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛـﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺾ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ »ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺳــﻢﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴـﺨﻪﭘﻴﭽﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴـﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ« ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ« ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﻧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،76‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻔﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧـﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻔﺎﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،70‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫـﻢ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗـﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴــﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛــﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮء ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻠﺶ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺸﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱﺑﺮﭼﻨﺪﻛﺘﺎﺏﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺍﺵ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻮﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ! ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﺮﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺬﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺴــﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﭘــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯﺍﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯﺗﺮﻧﺪ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺰﺭﻋــﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1945‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1950‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯﺗﺮﻧﺪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻛﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﻗﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪77‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪25‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻗﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺘﺎﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻚﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻼﻧﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮔﻼﻭﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﺗﻘﻰﺧــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴــﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ‪» :‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘــﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،40‬ﻛﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‪ 10-12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ،1984‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1984‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ )‪) (Big Brother‬ﻧﺎﻇــﺮ ﻛﺒﻴــﺮ( ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥِ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺣﺰﺏ« ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻪﺍﺳﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺴــﺘﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺭﺱ ﺗﻠﻪﺍﺳﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ 1984‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺞﻫﺎﻯﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻊﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ‪ 120‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ‪ 150‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ »ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ]ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ[« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 9‬ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱ )ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠــﻲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳــﻤﻴﻊﺁﺫﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ – ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺷﺎﻩﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪758‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 258‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶﻭﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 118‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ 118‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺯﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ «3‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﻳﻠﻢﺩﻛﻮﻧﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻛﻮﻧﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1352‬ﺗﺎ ‪1356‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩﻟﻮﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1870‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺳﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﻨﻲﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻟﻮﺳﻲﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻧﮕﻮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻤﻴﻊﺁﺫﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﻤﻄﺮﺍﻕ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷﻠﻮ )ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷــﻠﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ« ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻛﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻤﻴﻊﺁﺫﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻤﻴﻊﺁﺫﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷﻠﻮ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺎﺧﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻓﻀﺎﻱﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱﻭﻣﺼﻮﺭﻣﻮﺯﻩ‪،‬ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺷــﻨﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱﺗــﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ 80‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﺎﺗﻲ ‪ 5‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺛﺮ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪﻱﻭﺍﺭﻫﻮﻝﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭﺁﺛﺎﺭﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﺯﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ»ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﻛﻨﻮﻙﺩﺭﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ«‬ ‫)ﻛﺎﻣﻴــﻞ ﭘﻴﺴــﺎﺭﻭ‪» ،(1894 -‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼــﺎپ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ«‬ ‫)ﭘﻞﮔﻮﮔﻦ‪ (1889 -‬ﻭ »ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ژﻳﻮﺭﻧﻲ« )ﻛﻠﻮﺩﻣﻮﻧﻪ‪(1883 -‬‬ ‫]ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ[ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺳﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻟﻴﺘﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭ« )ﻟﻮﺗﺮﻙ‪» ،(1899 -‬ﺳﻪ ﺩﻟﻘﻚ« )ژﺭژ ﺭﻭﺋﻮ‪،(1928 -‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1937‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺭﺍﻱﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﭼﻴﻨﮓ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ (1955) «2‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧــﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻋﻨﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﭽــﻪﺍﺵ« )‪ ،(1951‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺭﻧﮓﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ«ﻭﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺑﺮﻧﺰﻱ»ﺟﻨﻮﻥﻣﺎﻩ«ﺍﺯﻣﺎﻛﺲﺍﺭﻧﺴﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‪ 1923‬ﻭ‪ 1944‬ﺧﻠﻖﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ»ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ«‬ ‫)ﺭﻧﻪﻣﮕﺮﻳﺖ‪(1967-‬ﻛﻪﻳﻚﺩﺭﺧﺖﺭﺍﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﺑﺮگﻛﺮﻡﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻳﻪﮔﻮ ﺭﻳﻮﺭﺍ« ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺯﺍﭘﺎﺗﺎ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺶ »ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻟﻔﺎﺭﻭ ﺳــﻴﻜﻪﺍﻳﺮﻭﺱ« ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ»ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥﻏﺎﺭ«ﻭ»ﮔﺎﻭﺑﺎﺯ«ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻟﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ« ﺍﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻧﺌﻮﺍﻛﺴﭙﺮﺳﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ژﺭژ ﺑﺮﺍﻙ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎ«ﻯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺳﻪﻟﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻟﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ »ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺭﻧﻪ ﻣﮕﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫)ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﺮﺳﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭ« ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﻮﺯ ﻟﻮﺗﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺘﻲ« ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﺍﺭﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ »ﺟﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻻﻙ« ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ« ﻭ »ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺷــﺎﮔﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻫﻨﺮﻯﭘﺲﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺩﻭﻡﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻛﺴﭙﺮﺳﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻻﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻭﺗﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﻢ ﺩﻛﻮﻧﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟـﺮﻯ ﺳـﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺳﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺩﻳﮕﻮ ﺭﻳــﻮﺭﺍ« ﻭ »ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻟﻔﺎﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻜﻪﺍﻳﺮﻭﺱ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎپﺁﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﭘﺎﺗﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳــﭙﺮ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﻫﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕــﻰ« ﻣﺎﺭﺳــﻞ ﺩﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻫﺎ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﺭ« ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪ »ﻧﻘﻮﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ«‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ‪» .‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻧﺎﺱ« ﺍﺯ ژﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﻮﻓﻪ‪» .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ؛ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ‪ :‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻛﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﮕــﻮﻙ )‪ .(1882‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻟﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔــﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺴــﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻛﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻻﺗﺰﻭﻟﻮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﺑﻜﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺘﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻻﺥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻮﻳﺘﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ :‬ﺟﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻻﻙ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑــﺎﺭﻻﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺘﻲ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﻧﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻻﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ »ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ« )‪ (1946‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟـﺮﻯ ﺷـﺶ‪ 10 :‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧــﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﻫﻮﻝ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻪﺗﻮﻧﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1972‬ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 10‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟـﺮﻯ ﻫﻔـﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﭽــﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ‪ ،3‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﻳﭽــﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﻫﺸﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺯﺍﺭﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳــﻢ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴــﻚ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳــﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭ ﺣﻠﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪ ﺁﻭﻳ ِﺰ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ »ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏــﻦ« ﻧﻮﺭﻳﻮﻛﻲ ﻫﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﭼﻲ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻞﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻈﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻟﻨﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ« ‪» ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﻭ »ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ« ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻟﻨﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻰء ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺼــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻦ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻲﻣﺎﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﭼﺴــﺒﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺿﺒــﻂ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻫﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻫﻴ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﺠﻬﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻨﻌــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻼﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻰﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺨﻔﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﻓﺎژﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺒﻂﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻘﻨﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 14‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻔﻴــﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛــﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 1200‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ‪ 14‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻬــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟« ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﭻ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻇــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺼــﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﭘﺴــﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻣﺒﻨـﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ؛ﺑﻠﻜﻪﻣﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳـﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻭﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﻗﺒﻞﻛﻪﻫﻢﻣﺎﻭﻫﻢﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌـﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰﻫﻢﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﮕﺮﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﭼﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻇﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﺑﺎﻻﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻛﺴﻰﻓﻜﺮﺵﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻭﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮﻯﻫﻢﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﻫـﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴـﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴـﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟـﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺭﻭﺯﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣـﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺣﺘﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻰﺍﺯﻃﺮﻓﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻓﻌﻠﻰﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻫﻢﻛﻔﺎﻑﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﺁﻥﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗــﻊ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺸــﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﻭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥﻭﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﻧﺼﺐﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻭﮔﻴﺖﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87-88‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ » :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‪ «...‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫــﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﮔﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 30»:‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﮔﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻣﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻧﺼــﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺨﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺟــﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺼﺐ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻏﺬﺍﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺼــﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ_ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻮﻳــﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻯﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻋﺪﻩﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺼــﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼــﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ‪ 1984‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺘﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺷﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﺧــﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ؛ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ »ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻛﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺛﺮ »ژﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺭﺍﻣﺎﮔﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻳﻜﻰﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺯ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺎﻗﭽــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﻰ ﺍﻓﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺲ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻳﺪﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻚ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻄــﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﻨــﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻗــﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄــﺮﺍﺏ ﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻄــﻰ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻜــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺣــﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻘﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔــﺎﻉ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗــﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣــﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕــﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻓﻀﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫــﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺼــﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻰ ﻛﻢﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﭼﻴﺪﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻀــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻨﺎﺻــﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺼــﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻰ« ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃـﺮﺡ ﻧﺼـﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷـﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺍﺯ ﺍﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﻼﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺟﺮﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃـﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺟـﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 96‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳــﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫»‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﻳــﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴــﺮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ »ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ« ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﻴــﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻏﻠﺘﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴــﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ( ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻰﺩﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‪...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ »‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ« ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨــﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻴﺪﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻴﺪﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻼﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺷﺎﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 65‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ » :‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﻄﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺴــﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣــﺞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻭﺣﺞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣــﺞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺟــﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫــﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻴــﺪﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻬــﺮ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻈــﺖ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﻧــﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ )ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ( ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸـﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻨـﺪ »ﺏ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿـﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻟـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳـﺮﻩ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ! ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻼﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺐ‪،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺁﻗﺎﻱﺻﻨﻌﺖﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺸﺘﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺑﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱﻛﺸﺘﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺣﺘﻲﺩﺭﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻢﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ!ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺻﻨﻌﺖﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥﻛﺎﺭﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻚﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪﻫﻤﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺒﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ 10 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧــﺮﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥﺭﺍﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﻫﺮﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﻓﺮﺩﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪).‬ﺍﺯﺍﻭﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢﺩﺍﺩﭘﺎﺳﺦﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﻢﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﺷﻤﺎﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻪﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﻛﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻭﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ‪...‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧــﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﻛﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧـﺮﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷـﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺏ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺏ« ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 58‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻌﻪﻗﺒﻞﻛﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻩﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻭﺁﻣﺪﺑﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻓﻌﻪﻫﻢﺗﺎﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉﺩﺍﺭﻡﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱﺍﺻﻠﻲﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﺑﺮﻭﺯﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﻋﻼﻡﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻭﺑﻨﺪﻩﻫﻢﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺧﻮﺩﻡﺭﺍﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺣﻘﻮﻕﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺴﺘﻢﻭﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺧﻮﺑﻲﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﺭﺍﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬ﺣﺎﻻﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺭﺍﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﻫﻨﺪﻳﻚﻓﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ‪...‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﻢﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪-‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈــﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ‪ 26‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﻼﻝ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑـﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫـﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴـﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲﮔﺎﻡﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻛﻢﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﭙﻮﺭ! ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫــﺎ ﻳﻚﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨـﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺳـﭙﻮ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍ ﺳـﺘﻘﻼ ﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘــﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑــﺪﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻨــﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫـﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳــﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﻣﻮﻓﻖﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﻛﻪﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻲﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻝﺯﺑﺎﻥﻳﺎﺩﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪﻛﻪﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦﻫﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻭﺭﻭﺩﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﻌﺪﺩﺭﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻭﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﻛﻪﻧﻜﺎﺕﺭﻭﺯﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻭﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ؛ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺁﺗﺸــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻀــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 8‬ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳــﻪﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢﺗﻴﻤﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ »ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 8‬ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﻞﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻓﺮﻳــﺪﻭﻥ ﺯﻧــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝﻛﺮﺩﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧــﻲ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﻞﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ »ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﺎﻱ« ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﻠﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﭘﻴﭻﻭﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱﻓﺼﻞ‪،‬ﻳﻚﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﻢﺑﻪﺁﻥﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦﻫﻔﺘﻪﻗﺒﻞﺑﺎﺷﺮﻛﺖﺩﺭﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﻛﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﻫﻴﭻﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﻞﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺛﺒﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺭﺍﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻣﺎﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻣﻮﺭﺩﻗﺒﻮﻝﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﻭﺑﺎﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺗﺮﺍﺯﭼﻴﺰﻱﻛﻪﺗﺼﻮﺭﻣﻲﺷﺪﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺭﺳﻴﺪﺗﺎﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺑﺎﻗﻲﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺑﻪﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱﻛﻪﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻰﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﻴــﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ –‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓـﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺟﺴـﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻨﻲﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺑــﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 122‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺯﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻥﺩﺍﺩﻭﺣﺎﻻﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍ‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪90‬ﺑﺎﻋﺎﺩﻝﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭﭘﺨﺶﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺿﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨــﺶ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﺳﺎﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻟﺪ ﺳــﺎﻛﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ«‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﻨﺸﺎﻝﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ »ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭژﻩ ﻣﻴﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻟﻴﮓﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺨﻨﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،90 .‬ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 70‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﺍﻛﺘــﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴــﻦ ‪ 90‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 90‬ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ‪ 70‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ‪ 90‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 90‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ‪ 90‬ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 90‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠــﺮﻱ ‪ 90‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟«ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ 90‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢﻋﻼ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻬــﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻋﺎﺩﻝﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ‪ 90‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺨﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 90‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 90‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺠﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 19‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 19‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 19‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 90‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻠــﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺱ ﻛﺎﺯﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻛﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 90‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺧﺠﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﻟﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ‪-‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻫﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ‪ 90‬ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫)ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ‪ ( . . .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺑﺎﺑﻲﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥﺑﺎﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ!‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻟﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺳﻬﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺱﭘﺮﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻟﻒ ﺭﻣﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﻮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﺴــﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻴﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺴــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 1990‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻧﻴﻮﻛﺎﺳــﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺶ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺖﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻓﻮﻻﻡ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﭙﺴﻮﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻣﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1963‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﭙﺴﻮﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1986‬ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﭙﺴــﻮﻳﭻ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺩﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺐﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧــﻮﺍﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻟﻜﺲ ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮﺍﻟﻒ ﺭﻣﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1962‬ﺍﻳﭙﺴﻮﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ‪ 19‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1966‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻪﺷــﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﺣﺲ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺴــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1962‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺁﻥﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺣﻀﻮﺭﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ‪ 257‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ‪ 61‬ﮔﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺳﺖﺑﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﻚ ﺣﺲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﻃﻲ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻤﻦﺭﻭﺩ )ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﻡ( ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 14‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻮﻻﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬