ماهنامه مثلث شماره 2

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗ‬‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻝ‪/‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪000/‬‬ ‫‪1‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮک ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷـﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒـﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯﻱﺍﺳﺖﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ»ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲﻭﺩﺭﻭﻍ«ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻭﻛﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲﺩﺭﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮﺭﻭﻱﺻﺤﻨﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻳﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻴﺨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ‪22 ...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ‪24......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ‪26............................................................................‬‬ ‫‪ 69‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ‪27 ......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪42.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪43 .....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪44 .......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺮ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪2003‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ‪46 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ‪48 ...........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻣﺰﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ‪68 ................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ‪70 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ‪52 ..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ‪54 ....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ‪57 ...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺷﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ‪115‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ‪72 ................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺗﻪﺩﻝ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ‪73 ...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ‪58 .......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪60 ...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪62 .............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪63 ..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ‪64 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ‪66 .................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪28 ................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪30 .......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪32 ............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ‪33 ............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ‪34 ..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﻢ‪36 ....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ ‪38 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ‪40 ...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻢﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪74 ..........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﻳﻲ ‪76 ..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﺯﻭﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺸﻬﺪﺑﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ؟؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ؟؟‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟــﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 80‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ‪78........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ‪80 ...........................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﻩ ‪82 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟ ‪84 ..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ‪86 .....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠ‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ل‪/‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎر ه‬ ‫او‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪/ 1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﻳﻦ اﻛﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉY Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪88 ............................................................................. 17‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪90 ......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪92 ................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﻣﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪96 ................................................................................ 7908‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ‪98 ...................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ ‪94 ..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻜﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻭﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﮔﺬﺷــﺖﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻭﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺣــﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳــﻠﺒﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ )ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻱﻣﺤﻮﺭ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪/‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻜــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ »ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ »ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗــﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻈﻠﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1379‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﻱﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺠﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬـﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃــﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻠــﺦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﺷــﻪ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺑﻪﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺴﻰ ‪ 500‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 500‬ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 80‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺱﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﭙﺮﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ 9 ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺷﺖﺍﺭﭼﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ‪ 20‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 24‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ 13 ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺪﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺁﺻﻔﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺁﺻﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺼﺪﻯﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﺑﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺻﻔﻰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺁﺻﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1331‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺻﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،1384‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺳﻔﻴﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﻫﻰﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺻﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻪﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦﺭﺍﺷﺪﺁﻝﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬــﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﻼﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﻚ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﺮگ‬ ‫‪ 177 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ‪ 53‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺮگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ‪177‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﻢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻧﺠﻢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺐﻭﺗﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺑﻞﭘﺮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳــﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻟﻮﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺁﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺍﺣﻤــﺪﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﺗﻤﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺟﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺟﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺷﺶﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪« .‬‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﻤﻮﺳﻦﺭﻳﭙﻮﺭﺗﺲﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﻛﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﺮﻭﺝﺍﺯﻋﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺟﺪﻭﻝﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪41 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺩﺷﻤﻦﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‪ 64 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ » :‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪40 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ 28 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‪39،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﺼﺮﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺭﺗﺒﻪﺩﻭﻡﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﻯﺑﻰﺳﻰﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻯﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺒﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘــﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﮔﻮﺗﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﮔﻮﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬــﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺤﺒــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﻃﻨــﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺴــﻰﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮﻭﻟﻲﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﻚﺑﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻮﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﺴــﻴﻤﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﺎﻃﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﺧﺘﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﻴــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 14‬ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧــﻮﻉ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺁﻗﺎﺑﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺁﻗﺎﺑﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎﻯ ‪ 48‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 1986‬ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻧــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﻢ ‪ 20‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜــﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﭘــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕــﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﻟﻴــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﻴﻨﮓ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰﭘﻮﺵ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 55‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫‪ 55‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻰﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 2‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 4‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻧﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻡﺍﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺻﻠﻴﺐﺳﺮﺥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﻯ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﻴﺐﺳﺮﺥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪1377‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﻃﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺕ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺗــﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﻂﻣــﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻤﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ )ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ( ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ)!( ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺸ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺯﺧﻢﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻋﺼﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪27‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1357‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﺞﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 1360‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ )ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺭﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺭﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ »ﺷﻬﻴﺪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪ ،1386‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻔﻈﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﺪﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ــﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻭﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻂﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺴــﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺻﺪﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺶ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ـﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺣﻜــﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ـﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺳــﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ »ﺍﻭﻳﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻳﺎﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲﺩﺭﻣﺘﻦﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻭﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ »ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ« ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻲ ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ« ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1380‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺰﻳــﺮﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻙﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬــﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺯ ﺩ ﺍ ﺷﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﮔﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮ ﺡ ﺍ ﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺍ ﺟﺘﻤﺎ ﻋــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ« ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1380‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻙﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋــﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫــﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺸــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺎﻳــﻪ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴــﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﻲﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﺮﻣﻰﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 44‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ »ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ« ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰﭘﺨـﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪20:30‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟـﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔـﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳـﻰ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺳـﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 12‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷـﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳـﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ »ﻭﺍﻭ« ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ »ﻭﺍﻭ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻧﻴــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ‪ 150‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ‪ 40‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺯﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻨﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻃﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻮﻯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ »:‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘــﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻤﺼــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺠﺎﻳــﻊ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﺧﺎﻟﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 69‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺟــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ »ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺒﻴــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ‪ 69‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﺷﺄﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ »ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺑــﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ« ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻭﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ« ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﻼﺵ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻤــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ‪» :‬ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﻋﻬــﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﻧﺒﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟــﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﺷــﻨﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟــﺰﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳﻨﺘﻲﺳﻬﻤﻲﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇــﻒ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻯﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻈﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﺝ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺛــﻮﻕ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺛﻤــﺮﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴــﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺰﺏﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔــﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1384‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀــﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔــﺬﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻬــﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫــﺮﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ »ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪ 211‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻــﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ‪ 220‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 290‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻣﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛــﻪ ‪ 220‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺏﻭﻟﻲﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺣﺘﻲﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻭﻟﻲﺭﻭﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲﺷﻤﺎﻳﻚﺯﻣﻴﻦﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻛﻪﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺭﻭﺯﻩﺷﻚﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻗﺒﻮﻝﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻳﺎﺁﻥﻓﺮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﭘﺴﺖﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻩﻭﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﻤﻪﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﻤﻪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﭘــﻰ ﻣﺮگ ﺟﻤــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻰﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚﺻــﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻯ« ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺸــﻘﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ(« ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃــﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭ ﺋﻴــﺲ ﺍ ﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮ ﺍ ﻛﺴــﻴﻮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴــﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪:‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ‪:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻴﻼ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻠﻰﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‪:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‪:‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﺬﻑﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺯﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ؛ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﻗﺪﻭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻟــﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻟﺰﻭﻣــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡﺧﻄﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺟﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠــﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋــﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ 44‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ« ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻐﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1338‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺯﻓــﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭﻯ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ » ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ« ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻏﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ » :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺣﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ )ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ( ﻣﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ 37 ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﺴﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧـﺪﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺩﻫﻢﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗـﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻫﻢﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧـﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺗـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗـﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤـﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘـﻂ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻮﺟـﺐ ﺍﻧﺼـﺮﺍﻑ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗـﻮﺭﻯ ﺷـﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ )ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﺷــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻻﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺪﻡﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﺷﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺐ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻋـﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻋﺸـﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺩﺭﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺮﻫﺮﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺎﺧﻨﺪﻩ(‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫـﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ »ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧـﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺳـﻨﺠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪3-4‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻭﻫﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺄﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑـﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥﺩﺭﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺣﺰﺑﻲﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﺰﺑــﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺩﺭﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﺵ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻼﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪﻭﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ »ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺰﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 14‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1387‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 247‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 188‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 45 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ ﺗﻮﻟــﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ – 1336‬ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ :1355‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫– ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1358‬‬ ‫ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1359‬‬ ‫ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1362‬‬‫ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ‪ 81‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ(‬ ‫ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1375‬ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ‬‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ«‬ ‫ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ )ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭ ﭘﻮچ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺘﻞ‬‫ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪) .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ(‬ ‫ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ(‬ ‫ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‬‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷــﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ(‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﺯﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﻰﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤــﺎﻥ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﻰﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤــﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜــﻰ ﺧﻄــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺣﺬﻑﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ژﻧــﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺲﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣــﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳــﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﭘﻨﺞﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﺁﻱ‪.‬ﺍﺱ‪.‬ﺁﻱ( ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ‪ 17‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺧﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 65‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﻠﺞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻣﺮگﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻋﻤــﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ) ‪ (ISI‬ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ISI‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ‪ ISI‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ‪ ISI‬ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ‪ (ISI‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻼﻋﻤــﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ISI ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ‪ ISI‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺑﺤﺚﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ CIA‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ‪ CIA‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩﺷﺪﻭﺣﺘﻲﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥﻫﻢﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻘﺶﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ»ﺭﻫﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻲﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺭﻫﺒﺮﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ISI .‬ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ »ﺍﻳﻞ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ »ﻓﺮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻤﺤــﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻴــﻢﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻣﻴﺎﻥﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﺎﻏﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺿﻤﻦﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪﻭﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥﻣﺎﻟﻚ‪،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻳﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻛﻪﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﻭﻭﻟﻰﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥﻛﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﻠﻴﻚﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﷲﻣﺤﺴﻮﺩﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪﻣﺴﻠﻢﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺍﺧﻴﺮﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺿﻌﻒﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ – 2003‬ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ - 1382‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﺴﻔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺍﺩ« ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪400‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺟﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻼﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻮﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ، 59‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻻﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1991‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﺎﻥﻋﺮﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻴﺶﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺒﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺸــﻜﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻋﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻓﺎﻭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1991‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢﺑﻌﺚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﺎﻫﺎﻭﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﺐ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪40‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺗﺎﻣﺎﻫﺎﻭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻠﻴﻚﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﻳﻞ ﺷــﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﮔﺒــﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﺪﻫــﺎ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪120‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳــﻌﻴﺪﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣــﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪2006‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪100‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻮﺟﻪ‪ -‬ﺭﻣﺎﺩﻯ –ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺸــﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘــﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ‪ 2006‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ‪ 400‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﺠــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺍﻫــﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺼﻌﺐ ﺯﺭﻗﺎﻭﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻨﺪﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺮگ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻮﻗــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻣﻠﻲﻓﺘﺢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪2000‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﺘﺢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻠﺤﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1991‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳــﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ؛ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﺸــﻤﮕﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 65‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘــﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﻋﺮﻳﻘﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ‪» :‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻓــﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﻘﺎﺕ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮﺍﻣﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫــﻮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﻞ ﺷﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤــﺎﺱ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫــﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1967‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻳﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﻟﺸﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪21‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ 120‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻠﺦﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻃﺎﻏــﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 1350‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 32‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 33‬ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 33‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪«.‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻮﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻧــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1336‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﭙﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 154‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪2 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮ ﺿﻰ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﮔﻨﺎﻭﻩ)ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪45‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﭘﺎﺩ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺍژ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪14‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪110‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﺍﻏﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ‪15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ‪20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 700‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﻩﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖﻭﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1363‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ...،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪ 50 ، 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 20‬ﻭ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻔﺖﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻳﺪﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺳــﻜﻮﻝ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ‪ 69‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﺲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺷــﺮﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ )ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﺮﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺝ( ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺒﺢﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﻰ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺳـﺎ ﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃــﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺟﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻨــﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﻗﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳـﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﻣﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯﻫﻢﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﻒ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﻗﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪﺣﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻋﺮﺿﻪﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡﻭﻗﺖﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﻤﻲﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺘــﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺒﺪﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺩﻻﻳﻞﺣﻀﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘــﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧــﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻯﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﭼﻨﺪﻯﺑﻌﺪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰﺑﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﺣــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 851‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ‪187‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ GSM‬ﻭ ‪ UMTS‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻭﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻡ‪.‬ﺗﻰ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻻﻳﻨﺴﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺳﺮﮔﻲ ﺳﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻨﻜﻮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﻲ ﺳــﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻨﻜﻮﻑ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺳــﻲ‪-‬ﻓﻨﻼﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ - ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻪﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻮﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﻲﺗﻲﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻴﺎ‪ -‬ﺳﻮﻧﺮﺍ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻨﻼﻧﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﻳــﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻠﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳــﻮﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﻲ ﺳﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻨﻜﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻲﺍﺱﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻛﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫‪ 900‬ﻭ ‪ 1800‬ﻣﮕﺎﻫﺮﺗﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 2002‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪143‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﻲ ﺳﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻨﻜﻮﻑ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲ ‪2002‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻨﻼﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﻲﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪ 180‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ »ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﻠﻪﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻪﻛﺎﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻳﻤﻨﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1993‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺑﻲﻻﻳﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﻳﻤﭙﻞ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺮﻭژﻱ »ﺗﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﮕﺎﻓــﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ‪ RNS‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،87‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕﻭﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ‪ ICT‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻜﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﻴﭙﻮﺭﻧﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺸــﻨﺎﻝ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ »ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ« ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺁﻥﺭﺍﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻭﺑﺎﺣﺬﻑﺷﺮﻁﺣﻀﻮﺭﺣﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺷﺎﻣﻞﺣﺬﻑﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﻛﻪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺍﻳﻦﺟﻤﻊﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺳﺖﻭﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱﻛﻪﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﺎﻝﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺑﺮﺁﻥﺷﺪﻛﻪﭘﺎﻛﺖﺳﻮﻡﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﭘﺲ ﻧﻜﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 87‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﺪﻓﻲﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺗﺼــﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻪﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﻢﭘﺲﺍﺯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻭﻣﻔﺎﺩﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻦﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥﺗﻞﻫﻢﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺑﻪﻋﺮﺽﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪﺣﺎﻻﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﻪﺷﺮﻛﺖﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥﺭﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻭﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻌﺖﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻣﻦﺯﺩﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺱﺗﻰﻭﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳـﻤﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺳـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷـﻌﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴـﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗـﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻔـﻦ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﮕﺎﻓـﻮﻥ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺷـﻌﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺼـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕﻭﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠـﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺻﺤـﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣــﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﻞﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻞﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔــﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻬـﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﺭﻛﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ »ﻣﮕﺎﻓــﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ« ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ »ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ »ﺳــﺮﮔﻰ ﺳــﺎﻟﺪﺗﻨﻜﻮﻑ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪36/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻨﺎ ﺑﻼﺷﻴﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺳﺎﻧﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪ GSM‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2008‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ GSM‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﺯﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 36‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ؛ »ﺯﻳﻦ« ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ »ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﺗﺮﻛﺴﻞﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫| ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺍﺯﺑﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ RNS‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓــﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗــﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺎﻓــﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪ 851‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 445‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮچ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﻞ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻏﺸــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﺴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ »ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ« ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ »ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻱﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﺴــﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ« ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳــﻮﻡﺳــﺨﻦﮔﻔﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁژﻳﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻏﺼﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺧﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 36‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ‪ 3500‬ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺳــﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻕﺁﺑﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﻕ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻘﻒ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1300‬ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺟﺪﻳﺪﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﻛﻪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻪﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻕﺁﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻕﺁﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑــﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 88‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﻕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻚ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻟﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻳــﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﻳﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻟﻜﻮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪15‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪55‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 38‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴــﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻱ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪﻛــﻪﺩﺭﺫﻳــﻞﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ «‪.‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻼءﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 23/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 2500‬ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،88‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻲﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﮔــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ )ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ (85‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱﻣﻘﺪﻡ )ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴــﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻙ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﻣﻮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ )ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ( ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻣﻮﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻭﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﻣﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ)‪ (1376‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷــﺶ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ »ﺍﻟﻒ« ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻓﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻓﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺑﺸــﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﻰ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷــﻴﻮ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫)ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ( ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﻰ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﻳﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷــﺮﺡ )ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻓﻦﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ )‪ -1383‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏﭽﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ )‪ (1382‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ »ﺑ َﺪﻣﻦ«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻢﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ )ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺷــﻜﺮﺭﻳﺰ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ )ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻃﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ )ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ( ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ )ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ)‪(1386‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ )ﻣﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺷــﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎ )ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﻣﻬﻴﻦﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳــﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺁﺋﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳــﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻗﺎﺳــﻢﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻟﻮﻻﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺷــﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﻜــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﺧﻮﻧﻪ )ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ‪ (1386-‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺵ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻣﺰﺩﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻜﺴـﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ‪ «.‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﻧﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷـﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﭼﻴﺴﻤﻮ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ »ﻣﺎﭼﻴﺴﻤﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﭼﻴﺴﻤﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﭼﻴﺴﻤﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ »ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻯﺍﺯﻳﻚﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰﺑﺎﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻣﺰﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸـﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸــﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ»ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻌﺪﺍﻧﻲ« ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻠﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻗﺸﺮﻱﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻤﺸﺎﻥﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗـﺮ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻢﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗــﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺗﺮ )ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ( ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻨﺰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﺷــﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ »ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪» ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﻃﻨﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺩﺍﺑﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺗﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺫﻫﻨﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺳﭙﺎﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ »ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻟــﺬﺕ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻠﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻨﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘـﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺳﻮﺳـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑـﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼﻫﻤﻴﻦﭘﻴﻨﺘﺮﻛﻪﺑﻪﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫»ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ«ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺳﭙﺎﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﻨﺘﺮ« ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ »ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ« ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔـﻪﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﺍﻡ ﺷﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐﺑﺎﺷﻢﺩﺭﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺵﻣﻦﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰﺩﺭﺑﻪﺻﺤﻨﻪﺑﺮﺩﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺑﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﻧﺎﻡ»ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺷﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ« ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻴﺨﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ » :‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ »ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﭼﻴﺴﻤﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺬﻑﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻟﺐﺯﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺐ ﺯﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻧﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻄﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺸــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﺐ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴـﺘﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻴـﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧـﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔـﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺑﻬـﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻕﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻴﺨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺸﻜﺴـﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑـﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﭼﻴﺴﻤﻮ« ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳـﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤــﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ« ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻟــﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻕﻧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳـﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪﺗﺎﺳﺎﻳﺮﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺢﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭﻱﻭﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺮﻧﮓﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻥﻧﻴﺰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﻭﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺭﺍﺑﺎﺍﻭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺍﻱﺑﻪﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺪﺍ ﻛﻴﺨﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ »ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ« ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻦﺍﺵ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻻﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳـﻮﻧﺎژ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻧﻴــﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﭼﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻓﻤﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬـﺪﻯ ﭘﺎﻛـﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬـﺪﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻴﺨﺎﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺨــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻭﻝﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯﺳﺎﻟﻦﺷﻠﻮﻍﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﻳﻜﻪﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻡﻭﻣﺪﺗﻰﺍﺯ»ﺁﺭﺵ«ﺭﻫﺎﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻫﻤﻴﻦﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ »ﺁﺭﺵ« ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳـﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻴﺨﺎﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺁپ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻟﻨﺰ ‪ 85‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳـﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻴﺨﺎﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻬﻴﻤﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ« ﺑﺮ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﻢﻭﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺬﺗﺒﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻘﻼ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣــﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻴﺨﺎﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 88‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑــﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﻮﻻﻧــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺷــﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1352‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﺍﻳﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺭﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 145‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﭼﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺯﺭﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺠﻢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻧﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳــﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺣﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻟــﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤــﺮﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ«ﻯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻦ« ﺍﻭ ﻭ »ﻣﻦ« ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ؛ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﻦ« ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ »ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮ« ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ » .‬ﻣﻦ« ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ »ﺑﻮﻃﻴﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ«ﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻃﻴﻘﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻃﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪» .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﺰﻝ« ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻟﻤــﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻘﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ »ﺗﺮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺳﺎﺯﻯ«ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ »ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻔﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺳــﺖﻣﺮﻳﺰﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﻣﻰﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ‪ /‬ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ‪ /‬ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺕ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺗﻪﺩﻝ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻀﺮﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ »ﮔﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﻧﺴﻴﻢ« ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻬﺎﺩ«ﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﻛﻮﭼﻪﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻫﻮﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺷــﻌﺮ« ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫــﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻠﻮﻙ« ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴــﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ »ﺻﻮﺭﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﻝ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ‪70‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ – ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ – ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﻔﻴــﻌﻲﻛـﺪﻛـﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻬــﻲ ﺍﺟﺘــﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻧﻲ »ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﻲ«ﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺯﺍﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ« ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ« ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 40‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻊ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪».‬ﺻﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻣــﺰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ »ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ« ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻚﺗﻚﺷــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻮﺕ« ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻦ ﺧﺮﻗﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺞ ﭘﺮﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳــﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻛﻢﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺗﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻡﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ؛ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺗﻪﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﭘــﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﭘــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘــﺶ »ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﻚﺗﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻜﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﺤﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻋــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖﻭﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺏﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺣﺎﻝﻭﺭﻭﺯﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﺮﻳﻮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺷــﻜﺎﻧﺪﺵ ﺗــﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸــﻜﺎﻓﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ – ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ – ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ »ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪» 72‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧــﻮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ« – ﭘﺮﻳﺴــﺎ – ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ »ﭘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜــﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺷــﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 76‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗــﺮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ)ﺱ(‪» ،‬ﻳﺎﺱ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ »ﻳﺎﺱ« ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪﻭﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺭﻛﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺧﻨﻴﺎ‪» .‬ﭘﺮﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ« ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻻﻻﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻏﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻋﺸﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﻥﺁﻟﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺞ ﻣﻄﺒﺨﻰ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻨﻴﺎﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻤﺴــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻨﺠﻮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ -‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ – ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ« ﭘﻴﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻳﺎﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗــﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭﻣﻌﺎﺵﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺩﺍﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ« ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂﻛﺸــﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﺤﻨﻪﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺠــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ – ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ »ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲﺍﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ » ﺧﻨﻴﺎ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻨﻴـﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳـﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳـﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﭘـﺮﻱ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫‪» :‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻀﺐ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺩﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‪...‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺳﻮﺯﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ »ﺭﻭﺡ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻣﺎﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱﻧﻴﺎ« ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻋـﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ‪ 9‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱﻧﻴﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ« ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ »ﺑﻬﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯﻝ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫»ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ »ﺭﻭﺡ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻣﺎﻩ« ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮ ﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﭘﻮﺭﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻨﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺧﻨﻴــﺎ« ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻨﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ »ﺧﻨﻴﺎ« ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣــﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻨﻴﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧـﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻨﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺧﻨﻴﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﺯﻱ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ »ﺧﻨﻴﺎ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﺯﻱ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻱ »ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﺯﻱ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻨﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ« ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺧﻨﻴﺎ« ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﺯﻱ« ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ؟ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ »ﺭﺍﻩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺴـﺠﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻦﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ »ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ« ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‪ 80‬ﺍﺯ‪ 100‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 80‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟــﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣــﻪ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺸــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺠﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺎﻉ ‪ 120‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 85/7/2‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 85/11/3‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ ﻭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﭼــﺎپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕــﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ‪ 13‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ﻣــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ‪ 60 ،74 ،85‬ﻭ ‪ 138‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﺪ ﺳﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻼﻣﻴﻨﮕﻮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻓﻼﻣﻴﻨﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﺂﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﺂﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳــﺐ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮕﻞ ﺍﺑــﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ– ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻛﺎﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 154‬ﺩﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳــﺖ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳــﺢ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻴﺮﻙ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻳﺦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺑﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﻠﻔــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻯ ‪ 2600‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﭘﺎﻛﺘﺮﺍﺷﻰ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ »ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﭘﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ« ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻍﭘﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 4‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 69‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺑﺮ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪ -1380‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 5‬ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻟﻮﻟــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 7500‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺠﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻖﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ )ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑــﺮ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺟــﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻴﭗﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 7500‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺧﻪ ﺣﺼــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺠﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﻫﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ‪ 300‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﻠﺒﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻯﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺁﺑﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻛﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻮﺽ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨــﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻤﻌﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻋﺘﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺷـﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳـﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 26‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧـﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴـﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳـﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺎﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ )ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻜﺎﻟﻪ( ﺍﻛﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺳــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻩﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷـﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺟﺮﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،80‬ﺧﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ‪ 48‬ﺍﻳﻨﭻ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،84‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻜﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،76‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺴــﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،77‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺠﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺧﻪ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،77‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻴﺒﺮﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،82‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﺭژﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،83‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،84‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﺷﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺎﺭﻙ ﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻟﻮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻻﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻟﻮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ‪ 30 .‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﻣﻮﺗﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻡﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻟﻐﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻮﺯﻥ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 152‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺠﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺧﻪﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻨﺪﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣـﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﻗﺮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻙ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻮﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺳﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﻗﺮﭼﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷـﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﭼﻐﺎﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪28‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺟﻠــﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﻞ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ! ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺪ ﺳﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺪ ﺳﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺰﻭﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺁﺏ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺁﺏ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳــﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻮﺿﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴـﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺯﻳﺴـﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؛ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺴـﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴـﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﺗـﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﻰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻜﻮﺳــﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻛﺠﻮﺭﻯ_ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﺮﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ‪ ......‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺘﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪-1 :‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻰﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -2‬ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ) ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻰﭘﻮﺭ – ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ – ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 50‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤـﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺷـﺮﻓﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 50‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻛﻮﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺎﻫﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 50‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ )ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻢﻛﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺘﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺭﺩﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻛﻼﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻢﻛﻮﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻨــﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢﻛﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳﺮﺩﺁﺏ ﺭﻭﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻼﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻛﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﻼﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ »ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻼﺭﺩﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﻮﺱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻜﺎﺑﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪﻫﻨﻮﺯﺣﻞﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﻦﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻦﺭﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺳــﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺠﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ »ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤــﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺠﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨــﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ »ﻛﻼﺭﺩﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻴﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺲﻗﻠﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢﻛﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺁﺳــﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺲﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟــﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺲﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ژﺋﻮﻓﻮﺭﻣﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺲﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺲﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻳﻼﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺷــﻴﺐ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄــﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺲﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﻮﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﻮﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻪﺳﻴﮋ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‪10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ – ﺣﺘﻲ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﻡﮔﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1344‬ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺒﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪23‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1384‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ «.‬ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻛﻪ»ﺟﺰﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻭﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ«ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ )ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ( ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ -‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻟﻨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ( ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ »ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ« ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ«ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ )ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ(‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺷﺪﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿــﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 85‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺷﻴﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﻚ ﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩﻭﺑﻴﮕﺎﻫﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ‪ 53‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﺶ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﻤﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺼﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ‪ «...‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﻤﻊﻭﺟﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻰﺑﻌﺪﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﺗﻴﺘﺮﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﻓﺎﻩﺧﻂﺑﻘــﺎﻭﺧــﻂﻓﻘــﺮﺭﺍﻳﻜــﻰﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂﻓﻘﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ –ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‪ -‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻰ – ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻗﻔﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﺒﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ »ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ »ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﻃﺒﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﻔﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ»ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺨﺸﻲﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺯﻧﺎﻥ«ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲﻗﻮﻱﺟﻬﺖﺍﺟﺮﺍﺷﺪﻥﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻛﺎﻓﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﺍﺯﺣﺎﻟﺖﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺭﻛﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺯﻧﺎﻥﻭﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥﺣﻖﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻭﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻬﻴﻦﺩﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﻻﻭﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠــﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺯﻧﺎﻥﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻭﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻫــﺮﻩ ﻃﺒﻴــﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪-‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻇﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪،2010‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻲﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻗﺺﺑﻮﺩﻥ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺖﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴــﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ‪ 38‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺒــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﺪﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﻴــﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪10‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴــﻦﺍﺵ ﺟﻬﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺯﺩ؛ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻐﺮﺳــﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻓﻜﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈــﻰ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺸﻤﻐﻮﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋــﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ‪ 70-80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻪﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ 17‬ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪46 ،1380‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ؛ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ 1387‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺎﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2500‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 160‬ﻭ ‪ 220‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﻣــﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ‪90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ 1377‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻨﮓﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻒ ﻛﻠﻨﮓﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻳــﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻡ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺒﻘﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕــﻲ ﭼﻤﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻤــﻦ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋــﻲ ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻤﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻤﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ!« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﻦﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﭼﻤﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻩﻛﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫــﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨــﺪﺱ‬ ‫»‪ 90‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﻦ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺯﻩﻛﺸﻲ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺺ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻤــﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻩﻛﺸﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﻛﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻟﻮﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻤﻦﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑــﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲﺑﺎﻛﻼﺱﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﻴﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ ،17‬ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤــﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎ ﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؟ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ‬‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠـﻲ ﻛﻪﺁﻗـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺴـﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳـﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ‪ ....‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﺪﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪2000‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﻪﭘﺎﻱﺳﺎﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺟﻬﺎﻥﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ‪15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻠﻨﮓﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳـﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻛــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮔﻤـﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻳﻴـﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄــﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 117‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 117‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺏ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺰء ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺰء‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 0/7‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 0/3‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺰء ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻴﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﺴــﺒﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﻧﻜ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻚﻣﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺲ ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳــﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﭽﺴــﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻃﻲﻳﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺣﺬﻑﻋﺎﺩﻝﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺧﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﭽﺴــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻠﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩﺍﺍﻳﻦﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕﺭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭﺑﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪،‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﻭﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﻣﺰﺩﻙﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱﻳﻌﻨﻲﺑﺎﺯﻱﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﺎﺯﻱﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻋﺎﺩﻝﺑﺎﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺩﭼﺎﺭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺷﺮﻳﻒﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‪130‬ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲﺭﺍﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻤﺎﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻲﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﻬﻤﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ 2010‬ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ 90‬ﺭﻭﻱﺁﻧﺘﻦﺑﺮﻭﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋــﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴــﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳـﻲﭘﻮﺭ! ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﻲﺧﻨــﺪﺩ( ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣـﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳـﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴــﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻲ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪7908‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 7908‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻇﻬﺮ ‪ 24‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺱ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻠﻰﭘﻮﺵ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﻛﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 26‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻇﻬﺮ ‪ 27‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣــﺮگ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰﭘــﻮﺵ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻤﻠﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﮕﺮﻣﻰﺷﺪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺳﻪﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥﻛﻢﺳﻦﻭﺳﺎﻝﺭﺍﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻯ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻞﻛﺮﺩﻭﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺳﻪﺗﻦﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﺍﺑﻪﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑــﺮﻭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊﺍﺯﺳﺎﻝ‪،1383‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻟﻬﻰﺑﺎﻫﻮﻳﺖﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺐ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ -90‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﭘــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ - 81‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺴــﺮﺩﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﻨﻲﻭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫‪ -55‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻋﻤﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺯﺷــﺖ ﺳــﺮﭘﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﻨﻲﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻠﻚﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1384‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﻨﻲﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﻯ ﻣﺼﻴﺐ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ +66‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠــﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻮﺑــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳــﺰﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﻴــﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 81‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ +90‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1385‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪81‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺐ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ +90‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1386‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﻨﻰﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 46‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺐ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻟﻬــﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ +100‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺢ ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺴﺒﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻜﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻐﺮﺳــﻨﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺴــﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷــﻨﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻲ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﻐﺮ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻘﺎﻳــﻖ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪30‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟــﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻲﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﻴﺘﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻤﻜﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻪﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻲ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻐﺮﺳــﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﺷــﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﻛﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺻﻐﺮﺳـﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﻌــﻜﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀــﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﻚﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﻰﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ‪ 20-30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺍﺯﻧﻮﻉﻭﺣﺠﻢﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻳﻚﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰﻗﻴﺎﺱﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰﻛﻪﭼﻬﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﺰء ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰء‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻚ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻧﺪﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺑﻰﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﻰﭘﻮﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻮﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺣﺘﻰﺑﻪﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﻴﺰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺁﻥﺭﺍﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻐﺮﺳــﻨﻲ ﭼﺴــﺒﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ 16 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ )ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻡﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰﺧﻮﺩﻧﻴﺰﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ! ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻰﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬