ماهنامه مثلث شماره 3

‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮبﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮک ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮبﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮبﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮک ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴـﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘـﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﭼﻨـﺪﻱ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻔـﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭ ‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺎﻳﻲﺍﻻﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﻣﺒـﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔـﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻭﻣﺤﻔﻞﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱﻣﺪﺍﻣﺶﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻫﻤﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﻣﻠﻲﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﺗﺎﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 4‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ‪20 ......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪22 ...............................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪26 ........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪28.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 6‬ﻧﻔﺮ‪30 ...............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪31 ..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ‪32 .....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ‪34 ....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪35 ........................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 200‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪68 ......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 17/5‬ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ‪69 .........................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪50 ............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪52 ................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‪36 ...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪37 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪38 ............................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ‪54 ..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩﺭﻓﺘﻪ ‪55 ......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪56.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺁﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ ‪40............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ‪42.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ‪44 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪46 ................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ‪48 .........................................................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‪58 ......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ‪60 ....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﭘﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ‪62 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪64 ................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪66 ............................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ‪67 .........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪72 ...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ‪74......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﻟﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪75 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 64‬ﺗﺎ ‪76 ................................................................. 88‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻭﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎﺵ‪77 .............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪78 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ‪80 .......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﺪ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺷـﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ‪82.................................................................... .....‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ‪84 .................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ‪86..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪88...............................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻚ ﺻﻤﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺯﻗﻚ ﺍﻓﻄﺮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﯽ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮی‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪ /‬ﺳﺎل اول‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎره ﺳﻮم ‪/‬اول ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮر ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪90 .....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪92................................................. .....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﯽﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎىﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯى ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎى ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎى ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎى ﺯﻳﺎﺩى ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى ﺯﻳﺎﺩى ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭى ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎى ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎى ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮی‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪ /‬ﺳﺎل اول‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎره اول‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮداد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮی‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪ /‬ﺳﺎل اول‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎره دوم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮداد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪهﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋه ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‬‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‬‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪5/‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/13‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪5/‬‬ ‫‪00/‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪/13‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪1000/‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Z¿ Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪^y‬‬ ‫‪^y‬‬ ‫€‪É‬‬ ‫€‪É‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä »Z‬‬ ‫‪-ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‪ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‪µÁY‬‬ ‫‪µÁY‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪94 .............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪96 .....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪98 .....................................................................‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹‬ ‫‹ ¼‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯه ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪Ã‬‬ ‫¼‪à Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫‹¼‬ ‫{‪¹ Á‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺳﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫{‪¹ Á‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫اﻋﺘﺮاضﺗﺸﮑﻞ ﻫﺎیاﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاو ﺑﺮﺧﯽﺣﺎﻣﯿﺎن دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫»‬ ‫»‬ ‫€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﻧﮋاد ﻫﺰار دﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫‪:‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم ﺗﻴﻢﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﯿﺮازیﺗﺼﺪی‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫اﷲ ﻣﮑﺎرم‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﯿﺖ ﻧﺪارد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺳﻼمﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫رﻫﺒﺮی ﻣﺒﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎر‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺟﻤﻬﻮر‬ ‫اﺑﻮﺗﺮاﺑﯽ رﺋﯿﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬاﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫€»‪à Z‬‬ ‫¨‬ ‫‪vÂe10ZÄ»/‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪0/ÄvÂe1Z»0‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫»‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪-ɀ^y¸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪/Ê‬‬ ‫¸€‪Ìv-É‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪/ʸÌ‬‬ ‫‡‪µÁYZ/‬‬ ‫‹¼‬ ‫‪Ìa/µÁYZ‬‬ ‫Š‬ ‫Š‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫‹‪Ìe/µÁYÃZ‬‬ ‫¼‬ ‫‪€{Y‬‬ ‫»‪5/¹Á{ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪€Z‬‬ ‫‪8/1Ã43‬‬ ‫¨‬ ‫‪1/380‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ZnÀˆ§ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä·Z‡ µY|m‬‬ ‫¿„‪4 {Y‬‬ ‫‪- É|¼uY‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫¿‪f¨ÅZÄ‬‬ ‫‪^y‬‬ ‫¿‪¨ÅÄ»Zf‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÉYÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ºm ¹Zm¡Y{ ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫‪µZ‡½Y€¯Y ¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ـﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳـ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫»‪YZ] ½Y|¬fÀ» h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪d·Á{ÁYZ‬‬ ‫]‪ÁYZ‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³ Äq‬‬ ‫‪Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫{{»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫‹\‪ºm ¹Zm ¡Y{ ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‡ ½Y€¯Y ¾Ë€eʇZÌ‬‬ ‫¨‪0/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Âe‬‬ ‫»‪½Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰار دﻟﯿﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﻋﺘﺮاض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎی اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮا و ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺣﺎﻣﯿﺎن دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮبﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»‪YZ] ½Y|¬fÀ» h¸j‬‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉY Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋه ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﻮﺗﺮاﺑﯽ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎم ﻣﻌﻈﻢ رﻫﺒﺮی ﻣﺒﻨﯽ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎر ﮔﺬاﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ ﺑﻪ رﺋﯿﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮر اﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﯾﺖ اﷲﻣﮑﺎرم ﺷﯿﺮازی‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪی ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﯿﺖ ﻧﺪارد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮی‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪ /‬ﺳﺎل اول‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎره اول‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮداد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯه ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe100‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯه ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫اﺑﻮﺗﺮاﺑﯽ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎم ﻣﻌﻈﻢ رﻫﺒﺮی ﻣﺒﻨﯽ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎر ﮔﺬاﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ ﺑﻪ رﺋﯿﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮر اﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﯾﺖاﷲﻣﮑﺎرم ﺷﯿﺮازی‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪی ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ ﻣﺸﺮوﻋﯿﺖ ﻧﺪارد‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰار دﻟﯿﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮبﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»€‪Ä·Z‡ 4 µY|m €] ÉÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ZnÀˆ§ ʼ‹ZÅ - {Y„¿ É|¼uY‬‬ ‫اﻋﺘﺮاض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎی اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮا و ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺣﺎﻣﯿﺎن دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪ« ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗــﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﻳﻘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﻢ« ﻛﺬﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻗﺪﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺑﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃــﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺛــﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥﺩﺭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ)‪(Egalitarianism‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﺎﺱ )‪ (Gorgias‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫)‪ (Proportionality‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳــﺖﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺳــﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ‪/‬ﻏﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪/‬ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻥ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ )ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ( ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺘﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻧﻜﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻃﻔﺮﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﭗ‪ /‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪/‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪/‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﻻﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ »ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ« ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺤﺜﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ« ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌــﻲ ﻓﺮﺿــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ« ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﭗﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ /‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﭘﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﭗ‪ /‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،76‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﭼﭗ‪ /‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻰ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻳﻮﻧــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ )ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻞﺷﻲء ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ(‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻄﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ )ﺍﻋﻄﺎء ﻛﻞ ﺫﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻘﻪ(‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ؛ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴــﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓــﺎﺫﺍ ﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﻴــﻪ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻟــﻲ ﺣﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻟــﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻫــﺞ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ«‬ ‫»ﭘــﺲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺭﻋﻴــﺖ ﺣــﻖ ﻭﺍﻟــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣــﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺑﺮﺟــﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ـﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ـ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺻﺺ ‪1-30‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺭژﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺖﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺕ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺻﺺ ‪20-219‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﭼﻬــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ »ﻇﻞﺍﷲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲ »ﻇﻞ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪348‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻍﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪54‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼــﺮﺥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﻴﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪،4‬ﺹ ‪182‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪] ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ[ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻧﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺹ ‪181‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﺶ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺶ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻫــﺐ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪419‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪223‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ E‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺑﺮ ‪ 18‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ 26‬ﺑﺮ ‪ 12‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ‪ 18‬ﺑﺮ ‪ 18‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 13‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ 82‬ﺑﺮ ‪ 66‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻦﺗﺎﻳﭙﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖﺷــﺪﻩ »ﺍﻟﺨﻀﺮﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻀﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺨﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﻋﻄﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳــﺎﺽ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻣﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ 14‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻃﻰ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳــﻖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻗﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺩﻩﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻰﺑﺎﻭﻯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪﻃﻰﺁﻥﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﺪﻗﺪﺭﺍﺯﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺗﻮﺳﻂﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺣﺘﻰﺩﺭﺝﻧﺎﻡﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱﺩﺭﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻭﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﻣﺮﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺯﺷﻴﻮﻉﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪ 25 3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨــﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 800‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 300‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺻﻨﻔــﻲ ﻣﺮﻏﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣــﺮﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻏﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻴــﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻏﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻴــﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻟﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 13‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﺸﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺖﻭﺷــﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺿﻴﺎء ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ« ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﺩﺭﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﭼﻪﻫﺪﻓﻰﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻜﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ«ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺟﻨﺒﺶﺣﻤﺎﺱﺑﺎﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺪ ﺍﷲ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ »ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺣﻤﺎﺱﺑﺎﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﺟﻨﺪﺍﷲ«ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‪ 24‬ﻧﻔﺮﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ«ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯﺍﺯﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ‪»،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﻉ«‪،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻤــﺎﺱ ﻃﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ »ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺪ ﺍﷲ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺣﻤﺎﺱﺑﻪﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺪ ﺍﷲ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ »ﺍﺑﻦﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ« ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲﺍﺯﺍﺳﻼﻡﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺩﺭﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻓﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻔﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﻨﺜﺶ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ! ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺸﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼءﻋﺎﻡ‪ ...‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻝ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،84‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 217‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫‪ 51‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1335‬ﺩﺭ ﺍژﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 54‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻏﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭﻱﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺲ ﻓﻴﺸﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﺪﻳﻌﻮﺕ ﺍﺣﺮﻭﻧﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻟﺰﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳــﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﻤﻮﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺿﺪ ﺯﺭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1967‬ﻭ ‪ 2006‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67- 73‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،2006‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭژﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ «.‬ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵﻭﺑﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﺷﺘﻲﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟــﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻣﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﻠﻚ ﻧﺰﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﻣﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺎﻧﮕﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ »ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ‪ »:‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤــﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻈﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫»ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳــﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫*ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻟﻮ ‪:‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬‫ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬‫‪-‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺗﻰﺳﺎﺯ‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬‫ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪-‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺗﻘﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬‫ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬‫‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯﺭﺍﻩﻭﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ‬‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟـﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻰ ﻋﻤـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ‬‫ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬‫‪-‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻓﺘﺮﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬‫ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥﻭﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬‫‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﻊ‬‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻭﻝﻭﻫﻔﺘﻢﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴـﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﻣﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬‫‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠﺎﺭ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺍﺭﺷﺪﺩﺭﺭﺷﺘﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬‫ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺸـﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ‬‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩﻣﺮﺩﻡﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬‫ ﻋﻀـﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻭﻋﻀﻮﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬‫ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﺍﺗﻜﺎ‬‫ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬‫‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬‫‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺘﺎﺩﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯﻭﻳﮋﻩﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻭﻳﮋﻩﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬‫ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ‪13‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬‫‪-‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‬‫ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‬‫ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‬‫ ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻴﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬‫ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬‫‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝﻓﻘﻪﻭﺍﺻﻮﻝﻭﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪4‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ »ﺟﻨﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷـﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺭﻓﻮﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳـﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻈـﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃــﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 4- 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻔﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴــﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻗـﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣـﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﻫـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨـﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﻨﺜﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ »ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ« ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﭽﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ 6 ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ؛ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﭼﭗﮔــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﭗ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷــﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ‪ 15/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 94/38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ 3/85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ‪ 22‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪(1)«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪(2)«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑــﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ‪ 138‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ 22‬ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﻫﺎﺟﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻮﺟﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ )ﺟﻨﺎﺝ ﭼﭗ( ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(3)«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻣﻨﺠﺮﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﻮﺍﺏﺭﺍﺩﺭﭘﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 72‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭﻫﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫)ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﻠــﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪(4)«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪(5)«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳــﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻤــﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻮﺟﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﭘﺴﺖﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1376‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭙﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ!«)‪(6‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﭼﻨــﺪﻱ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ )ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻛﻪﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪﻭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ‪ 140‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼــﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻻﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪(7)«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﭼﭗ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺗﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(8)«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪(9)«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺸــﺘﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ( ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ« ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 96‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ‪ 89‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 81‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 84‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ )ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ( ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺮﻣﻴــﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼــﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 84‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 23‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1384‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 77‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ 139‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 38‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨــﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،1384‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ 254‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪172 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 53 ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 34‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﺎ ‪174‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 51‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 136‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 91‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪21‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺭ ‪18‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ‪ 18‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ 260‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻲﺭﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪ 191‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﺎﺩﻑ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‪ 178‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪ 51‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 172‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ‪ 53،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﻭ ‪ 34‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨــﻊ ‪ 20‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 182‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 214‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 153‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 216‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-1‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ‪-2 68/6/4‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ‪-3 68/6/5‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ‪68/6/7‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ -5 72/5/24‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪-6 72/3/27‬ﺳــﻼﻡ‪76/3/17‬‬ ‫‪-7‬ﺳﻼﻡ‪ -8 76/3/21‬ﺳﻼﻡ‪76/3/24-9 76/1/9‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫـﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳـﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ‪13‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻀــﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘــﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ‪9‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻫــﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪13‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪40‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪13‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﻌﻰﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﺑﺎﻣﺠﻠﺲﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻤﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻛﺜـﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺻـﺮﻑ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪13‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺼﻠــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ؛‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻫﺸـﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯﺩﺭﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘـﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴـﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳـﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌـﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼــﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟـﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰءﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠـﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣـﺪﻯ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺸﺖﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴـﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴــﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺎﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘــﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮔﻠﻪﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﭼﺎﻟﺶﺭﻛﻮﺩﺑﺨﺶﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 20-30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺜﻼﺭﻭﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻛﻞﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺸﺖﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻓﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 6‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ 14‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 6‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 6‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﻙﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺶ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﻛﭙﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻨﻨﺸﻨﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ »ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻒ« ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻀــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨــﻲ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗــﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻱﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻱﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻌــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﺰ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷــﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺥﺭﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1359‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﭼــﻮﻥ »ﺣﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ‪ «...‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻔﺴﺪ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻻﺭﺽ«‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪30 ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺷــﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻮﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟـﻮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻠـﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗــﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻌﻲﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻔﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴـﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻣﻠﻲﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷـﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ »ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ«‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻧﺠﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﺳـﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻣﺠـﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻳـﺎ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺁﻗﺎﻱﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﻢﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺭﺣﻴﻤـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸـﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜـﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤــﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜــﻪ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻋﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻧﻪﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺍﻃﺎﻋــﺖ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷـﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﻪﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬـﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻼﻑ ﺍﺻـﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﻴـﻒ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑــﻼ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲﻛﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻣﺎﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻣﻦﺑﺎﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﺭﻭﭘﺴﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻣﺖﺑﺎﺍﻣﺎﻡﻭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻃــﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻃﻴﻌﻮﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻴﻌﻮﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻻﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳــﻚ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺳﺮﻗﻀﻴﻪﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺷﺪﻩﻛﻪﺑﺎﻣﻮﺿﻊﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﺯﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫـﺮ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻟﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﻣﺎﺍﺻﻼﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻛـﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳـﺖ( ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣـﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄـﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ ﺗﻌـﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺖﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺩﻭﺭﻩﻧﻬﻢﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﻑﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻳﻚﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﻏﻠﺐﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻃﻴﻒﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻃﻴﻒﻣﺎﻫﻢﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮﻛﻢﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﭼﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﺭﺍﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑﻳﻚﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻳﺎﺣﺬﻑﻳﻚﻃﻴﻒﻋﻤﻠﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﺰﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺑﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤــﻊ ‪ 21‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ‪ 10 – 11‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻄﺒﻴــﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻢﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔــﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ« ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﻗــﻮﺕ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ 5 + 6 .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5 + 6‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱﻳﻚﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﺮﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺍﻟﻠﻬﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻴﺶﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﺶ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﮕﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﻊ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ؟ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 7‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕــﻪ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ؟!‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻓﺸﺎﺭﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶﺩﺭﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑـﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﭙﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺬﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺛﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷـﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳـﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻜﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻟﻜﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤـﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔـﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺮﻭﺑـﻲ ﺧﻄـﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋــﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋــﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺩ ﻧﺸـﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺼﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩﺩﻗﺖﻭﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢﺣﺘﻲﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺠﻤﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻭﺳﻴﻊﻭﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﻭﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﺩﺭﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﻣﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﺍﻣﺎﻭﻗﺘﻲﻛﻪﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺣﻘﻮﻕﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﻮﺭﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻫﻤﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﻭﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻲﺣﺎﻻﺩﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﻛﻪﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻳﻚﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﻗﺒﻮﻝﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﻧﺴـﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣـﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊﺣﻘﻮﻕﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻮﺩﻩﭼﻪﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻭﻗﺘﻲﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻧﺪﺑﺎﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻡﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻧﮕﺎﻩﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢﺟﺎﻥﻛﻼﻡﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﻭﺑﻪﻣﻦﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻭﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵﺭﺍﻧﻈﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻚﻧﻮﻉﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺍﺯﺁﻥﻋﺒﻮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﺑﺎﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻏﺪﻩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﻓﻲﻧﺒﻮﺩﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻲﺷﺪﻛﻪﺩﺍﻣﻦﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﺑﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻰﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ »ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1327‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻯ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺠﻒﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣــﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1974‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﭘــﻰ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺍﺷﺮﻑﺑﺎﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﺸﺪ؛ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ )ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪(1358‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 58‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 78‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺑﺎﺣﻜﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪ«ﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﮔﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺿﺎﺑﻂ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ ﺩﺭ‪ 14‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺍﺑﻮﻏﺮﻳﺐ« ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ »ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺵ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺟﺮﺍﺕﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺷﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﺑﻮﺩﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺽﺁﻟﻮﺩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 83‬ﺗﺎ ‪ (86‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻰﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱﺭﺩﺍﻱﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﺭﺍﺗﻦﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺰﻳﻤــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 78‬ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐﺭﺍﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺎﺣﺠﻢﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰﺍﺯﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ 41 ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺠﺎ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋــﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺠﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺣﻴـﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳـﺮﺍ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 24/365 ،1387‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 62‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 3207‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 61/985‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤــﺎﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ‪ 3207‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﺒﺪﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ‪ 3/582/184‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1378‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ‪ 83‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 142‬ﻓﻘــﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﻤﺪ‪ 101 ،‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ 34‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫‪ 1566‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪1373‬‬ ‫‪ 3100‬ﻓﻘــﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﺯ ‪ 149‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1378‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ‪ 57‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1386‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﻭ ‪ 1425‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺟﻤﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17982‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 32‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺒﺲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳـﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﻳـﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳـﺐ ﻃﺮﺡﻫـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺿﻤﺎﻧــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔــﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪:‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 32‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 237‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻳﻜﺼــﺪ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 222‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ )ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟــﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗــﻢ ‪ 401‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 314‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑــﻪ ‪ 180‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 276‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ‪ 156‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 844‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺮﻡﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﻩﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ‪5600‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 8200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻛﻪ ‪ 46/43‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 713‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 63‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 934‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ‪ 62‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﺩﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ‪ 37‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ - 87‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ‪4817‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 3‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ -‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12882‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 368‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺩﻛﺎﺭﻯ ‪ 77‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 25958‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 2/01‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 684‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 394‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀـﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 771‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻃﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ‪:‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬‫ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬‫ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬‫ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ‬‫ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺩﻳـﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟـﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1386‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺑﺎ ‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ‪44‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 38‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ 14‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬‫ﺟﺮﻡﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬‫ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬‫ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬‫ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ‬‫ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬‫ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ‪7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 301‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 86‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬‫‪ 1378‬ﺗﺎ ‪1387‬‬ ‫ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬‫‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬‫ﺑﺪﻫــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15898‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 23988‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪ 625‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 113‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 160‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 625‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﻭ‬ ‫ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫‪ 605‬ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪579‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 206‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 638‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 292‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫‪ 980‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ‪ 31‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ ﻣﻼﻗــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺷﺪﻩ ‪11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪268‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 243‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 439‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ‪ 1200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 265‬ﻓﻘــﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪750‬‬‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 394‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 164‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪64‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 720‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 18‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻞﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 14‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﻩ‬‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﺎﻯ ﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺼــﺎﺹ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‬ ‫ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬‫ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺪﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪1200‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ)ﻋﺠﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﷲ ﻓﺪﺍﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬‫ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻟﺬﻯ ﻳﻤﻸ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﻗﺴــﻄﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻻ‬‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﻤﻼ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﺩﻳﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺴــﻂ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺴﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﻻﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ( ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻔﻆ »ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻼﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘــﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻲ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗــﺎﺯ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧــﺐ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ )ﺁﻣﻠــﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1339‬‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ »ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳــﺮﻩ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺎﻇﻢ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺍﺷــﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫»ﻗﺪﺱﺳﺮﻩ«ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺍﺯﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥﺷﻬﺮﺍﺷﺮﻑ)ﺑﻬﺸﻬﺮ(ﺑﻮﺩﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺷﻬﺮﺳﻤﺖﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻭﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭﺍﺯﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻣﺒﺮﺯﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻲ »ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳﺮﻩ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1365‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ »ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫)ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ( ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻕ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿــﻮﺡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻬــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻲ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﻌﻠﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻲ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀــﺮ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1368‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞﺭﺍﺑﺮﺭﺍﻱﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ﺣﺘﻲﺩﺭﻣﺒﺤﺚﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ)ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻲﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ(‪،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢﺳﺮﻭﺵﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ »‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﻲ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﻧﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ؛ »ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻼﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫــﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻭﺁﻝ ﺍﻭ – ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ – ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪!...‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻦﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴــﺨﺮ ﺁﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺶﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻫﻨﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺟﻮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﻔﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗــﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﺖ ﻧﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻐﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻜﺸــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻤــﻼﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ )ﺳﺮﻭﺵ( ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﻔــﺎﻅ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺭﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺯﻣﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺑﻬﻤﻦﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎ ﺭﺍﺯﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻـﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻭﻛﻼﻱﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﺗـﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤـﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗـﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﺮﺳـﻨﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼـﺺ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟـﺰﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳـﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺘــﺎﺝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺤـﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﺠﺪﻩﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﺠﺪﻩﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺰﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؛ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴـﻦ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣــﻊ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻭﻛﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻜﺘﺴــﺒﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭘﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡﻛﻪﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺣﻔﻆﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﻓﻊﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﭼﻪﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻃﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺘﮕﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷـﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫـﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔــﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺠﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﭘﻲﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺠﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﺠﻒﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ -‬ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ‬‫ﺩﺭ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ )ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﻯﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻯﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻭﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ 444‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻗــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ 1919‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﺎﺭ ﺟﻼﻝﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1314‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1299‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺩﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪1851‬ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻱ )‪ 1267‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1856‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻦ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴــﻮﻟﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1300) 1883‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯﻗﻤﺮﻯ( ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺳــﻘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺴــﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ‪1303‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ (1306) 1888‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻘﻠﻰﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1301‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﺴــﭙﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺶﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﻧﺮﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻧﺼﺮﺕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻔﺎﺭ ﺟﻼﻝﻋﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ )ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1314‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻋﻀﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1907‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﻴﺘﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮ ﺍ ﻧﻜﻠﻴــﻦ ﺭ ﻭ ﺯ ﻭ ﻟــﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺭ ﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮ ﺭ ﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻻ ﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ‪14‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ (1939) 1317‬ﻭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻡ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1342‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻯﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑــﺎﻥ ‪ 1358‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 444‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺤــﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1330‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪ 1359‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒــﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮژﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ – ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻭ ﻭﻳﻨﺴــﻨﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‪ 655‬ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 300‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﻭﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﺪﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲﺍﺯﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﻮﺿﻊﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤـﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔـﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣـﺪﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈـﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓـﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳـﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺿﺎﻓـﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭼﻨﺪﻣـﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺏﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟــﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺏﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗـﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻇﺮﺍﻳﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﺑﺮﻭﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻧﺸﻴﻦﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﺍﺯﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯﻳﺎﺣﺘﻰﻓﺸﺎﺭﺑﻪﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﮔـﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 200‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﭙﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺍﻗــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢﺍﺯﺷﻤﺎﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯﺩﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 14‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭ ‪11‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻏﻨﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺎ‪،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ »ﻧﻔﺖ«‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﭗ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ– ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻧﻮﺳــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ – ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ« ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻻ – ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﭼﻬـﺮﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ– ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺌﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 230‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺑﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ )ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ( ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ »ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻟﻮﻥ« ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪:‬ﻗــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ »ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩﺧﻴﺰﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗـﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑــﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻟﻮﻥ« ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ؟« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﻮ »ﻣﻮﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺳﺴﻪﺳــﻜﻮ« ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺲ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ؟« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ...‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﮕﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺁﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﻭﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ‪ 20‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻫﺮﻃﺮﻳﻖﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥﺭﻭﻱﭘﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳــﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫» ﻫﻤﻔــــــﺮ ﻱ ﺑﻮ ﺁ ﻳــﻪ «‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﻭﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ » ﻗــﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻨﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻟﻘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ‪ 17‬ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻧﮕــﻮﻻ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﺍﻣﺒﻴﻚ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻻ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﺍﻣﺒﻴﻚ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﻧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺎ( ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ‪ 19‬ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫)ﮔﻨﮕﻮ( ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ )ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺒﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ »ﺭﻭﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﻭ »ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺭ« ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲﺁﻥﺍﺯﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﻢﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻛﺎﻓﻲﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺗﻜﺎﻥﺳﺨﺘﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺑﺎﻋﺚ»ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺳﺎﺯﻱ«ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺷﺪﻭﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻭﺟﻬﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻭﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ)ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ( ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻭﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺭﻭﺩﺑﻪﺑﺤﺚﻭﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻋﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2000‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ»ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ«ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻧﻪ»ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ«‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺩﺭﻳﻚﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ )‪(1885-86‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺐﺁﻥﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻏﺎﻳــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻳﺎ )ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ( ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ‬ ‫)ﺣﺒﺸﻪ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻟﻢﺳﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺘﻲ )‪ (Procy Wars‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻻ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1995‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪ (1998‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﻞﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ )ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻓﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻭﻟﻴﺰﺍ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ – ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ »ﺁﮔﻮﺍ« ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ »ﺁﮔﻮﺍ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ PSI‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﻧﺴــﺎﺋﻞ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2003– 2005‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 2005– 2010‬ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪15‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﻪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 2‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ« ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ »ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – 1‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 2‬ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 3‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﺘ‬ ‫ﺼ‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ﺩ‬ ‫ﺩ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫ﻪ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺑﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻴــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺝﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1297‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ« ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ« ﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻠﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻠــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻚﻭﺍﺳــﻠﻮﺍﻛﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﮕﺮﻯ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻤﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘــﺮﺱﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗﻮﻃﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﺲ ﻛﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﺱﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﺼﺮﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻗﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻮچ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﭙﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿــﺎ ﻛﺎﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻋﺮﺏﻣــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ‪15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺠﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ »ﻣﻴﻬﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻬــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ »ﮔﻠﺒﺎﻓــﺖ« ﻭ»ﺣﺼﻴﺮ« ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ »ﻣﻴﻬﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﻫﻪ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻯﺩﺭﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺮﺧﻰﻧﻴﺰﭘﺎﻯﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﺍﻭﺳﻂﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻣﺪﺭﻙﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﻢﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺭﺳــﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥﺟﻠﺴﻪﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻭﻫﺮﭼﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖﻭﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺏ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉﺛﺒﺖﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴــﺐ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺐ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ ﺯﺍﻟﻰ‪-‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥﻣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻢﺑﺪﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪﻭﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻣﺎﻟﻰﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻨﺪﻣﻲﻛﻪﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ‪ 12‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻟﺒﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﻤــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧــﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﻳــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴــﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﻫﻪ‪60‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸـﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘـﺮ ﭼﻬـﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻊﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ « ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻭﺟ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺭﺑ ﻴ ﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻼ ﻰ‬ ‫ﻥﻭﻭ ﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻑ ﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺭﻭﻭ ﻳ‬ ‫ﻰﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻳﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻔﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻐﻔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻳﺸ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﻭﺷــ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻬ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻣﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺗﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﭘﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳـﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗـﻰ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗـﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃـﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗـﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴـﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴـﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒـﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴـﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘــﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﭘﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻃﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻳﺶﺳــﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤــﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝﻃﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻣﺪﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﻝﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝﻃﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﭼﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺎﺝﻃﺮﺧﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻟﻰﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﻩﭘﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﭘﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺸــﺖﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﻫﻪ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻬــﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﭼﭙﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻐﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠــﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘــﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻧﻘﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﭼﭙﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﻫﻪ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐﺩﺭﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤــﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴــﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ »‪ «1‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 63‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟــﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﮔﻨــﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺸــﻮﺩﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠــﻖ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞﺳــﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﻫﻪ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴـﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯﺭﺍﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧـﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣـﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴـﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺳـﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴـﺐ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯﺩﺭﺍﺗﺎﻕﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝﻃﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺸﺖﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﻴﻦﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﻫﺸﺖﻧﻔﺮﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡﺍﻣﻀﺎﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻰﻣﻦﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﺩﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴـﺐ ﺻﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﭘﻮﻝﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻢﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﻗﺒﻠـﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧــﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻣﻦﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰﻫﻢﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﭘﺪﺭﺻﻨﻌﺖﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻯﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻫﻨﻮﺯﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐﻭﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻪﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻼ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻗﺼﺪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﻳﻦﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻭﻳﻼﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﮔﻔﺘﻢﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﻤﻴﻦﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨــﺶ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﻭﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐﻫﻢﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺑﻄــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪-‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻛﺴﻰﺍﺯﻳﻚﺣﺪﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺷﺎﻳﺪﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 17/5‬ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﺍﻫﻞﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﻢﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺑـﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕﺑﻬـﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ‪15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴـﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺰء ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤـﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳـﺮﻩ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗـﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤـﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻳـﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 17/5‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﻮﺭﺱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻣﺎﻟﻲﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1384‬ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺿﻌﻒﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺏﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻴﻴـﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺝ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 51‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ‪ 32‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻭﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺕﺑﻮﺭﺱﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﺗﺎﭼﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺑﺮﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﺷﺪﺁﻥﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 17/5‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬـﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬـﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬــﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 84‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣــﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻃﻼ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﺷــﻮﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ﻯ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻴ‬ ‫ﻤ‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺰﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗــﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕــﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ؛‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؛ »ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻋﻔﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ»ﺑﻪﻛﺠﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ »:‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫** *‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺑﻂ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 21‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ ،3‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﺎﺳﺎژ« ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ »ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ«‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺵﺑﻚ؛ »ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﺷــﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻋﻔﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻛﻴﻔﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺳﻂ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢﻟﻄﻔــﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺒــﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻧﻮﻉ ﻏﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫»ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ« ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻤــﻲ ﺳــﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛»ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣــﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺻــﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺫﺍﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﻳﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺩﺭﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻰ)ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺸــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ)ﻟﻴﻼ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻤﺴــﻪ )ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺎ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚﻣﻄﻴﻌــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻖﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻛﻲﻣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﺧﻨﻴﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻟﻴﻼ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺎژ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻋﻔﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﻛﻴﻔــﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﻮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ »ﭘﺎﺳﺎژ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻔﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ »ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷــﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ« ﻭ »ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﺑﻴﮕﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ »ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷــﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 29‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫»ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ »ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭘﺮﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫»ﺷﺐﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 26‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ »ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻱ« ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ« ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ 22‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ »ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ »ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ )ﻓﺮﺥ(‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺪﺍ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻲ)ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ)ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎﺗﻴﻨﻲ)ﻟﻌﻴﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ)ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺥ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ )ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺥ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ)ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺥ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ)ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ( ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﻲ)ﻗﺎﺿﻰ(‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓــﺮﺥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗــﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴــﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻢﻛــﻢ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺘﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺙ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺳــﻤﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺥ)ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ(ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺕ ﻟﻨﻜﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ؛ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳــﻚ ﺿﺪﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ »ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ؛ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻟﻌﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺗﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﻔﺸــﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻔﺸــﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺙ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ؛ »ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ؛ »ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﻤﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻤﻴﻚ ﺳــﻴﻨﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻤﻴــﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻀﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 64‬ﺗﺎ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ)ﻣﺤﺴﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻧﻲ)ﻫﻤﺎ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳــﻢ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻲ)ﻣﺮﻳﻢ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ)ﺍﻧــﻮﺵ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻲ)ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ)ﻫﻤﺎﻳــﻮﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮﻛﻦ)ﺍﻛﺮﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺴــﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﭘــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻓــﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺘﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﺘﻴﻘﻪ ‪23‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﭽﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﻪ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺵﺑﺮ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﮔﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺪﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ! ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻣﮕﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪) :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻼﻑ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺧــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻨﻤﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺷــﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ! ﻭﺍﺳﻪ ﭼﻲ ﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺳﻪﺷﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﺳــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺍﺯﺕ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺷــﻴﺖ ﻳﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳـﻮﻥ‪) :‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣــﺖ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﻱ ﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ! ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻮﻻﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﺳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻪ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﺭﺯﻩ!‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺁﺭﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴــﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻭ »ﺗﺐ ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻏﻤﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻓﺎ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ »ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ »:‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸــﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ؛ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ« ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺨﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﺶ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠــﻲ ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺗﺐ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ »ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ« ﻭ »ﺍﻏﻤﺎء«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧــﻲ ﻭ ژﺍﻧﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ »ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻘﻴــﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1967-68‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ »ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺴــﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻪﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟﻰﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻤﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ‪ -‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻰﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻣﻴﻨﻰﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ« ﻳﺎ »ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﻴﺮﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺰﺍﺯﻯ« ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ؛ ﺏ( ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ؛ ﺝ( ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩ(‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻳﺒﻪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻪ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺛــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ »ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑــﻮﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺷﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻢ ﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻢﻃﺎﻗﺘــﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﺁﺑﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ -‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺴــﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋــﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺴــﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ«‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ژﺍﻧــﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺟﺎ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺴــﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ« ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﮔــﺬﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 22‬ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺒﻚ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳـﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳـﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻡﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘـﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻫـﻢ ﺗـﺎ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓـﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺒﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺘـﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻙ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟــﺮﺩﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻙ ﺷـﺒﻴﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳـﺒﻚ ﺧﺎﺻـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻙ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻓﺖ‪-‬ﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎپ‪-‬ﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﺲ« ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ – ﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ »ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳـﺎﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺗـﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴـﺲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺒﻚ ﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺷـﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ‬‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ‬‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ‬‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻨـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﺶ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺳــﭙﺎﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ« ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻼء ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻡﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟــﻰﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭپ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻛﻠﻴﭗ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﺸــﺎﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪» ،‬ﺩﻟﺸﻮﺭﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺸــﺎﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﻴﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﭼﺎﻭﻭﺷﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭘﺎپ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘــﺎپ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪«.‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫)ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ( ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺯﻥﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷــﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷــﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ – ﻳﻌﻨﻰﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺘــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻯ – ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ )ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﺒﻘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻰ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ – ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻳﺎﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ!‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ!‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ! ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴــﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ! ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪] ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ [...‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ »ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻥ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ‪ 50‬ﺯﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪313‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ »ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺯﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ! ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ! ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻪﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﭘﺎﺗﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ)!( ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺿﺪ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ]‪ [...‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ (.‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ]ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ[ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣــﻦ! ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﺩﻓﺘﺮ« ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ 30 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﺢﺑﺎﺏ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫*ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ – ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ (.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‪ 10 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻼﻝﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1354‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1367‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻼﻝﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺧﺎﻧﻢﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺘﻪﻭﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ –ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ -‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﻴــﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ (.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﺘﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺩﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑــﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑــﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ »‪American society for Reproduction‬‬ ‫‪ ،«medicine‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺋﻴﻦﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮﺧﻂ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ – ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻡﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ« ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ )ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫– ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣــﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜــﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1345‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ – ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻭﺷﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒــﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪ ،www.ajorloo.ir‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ« ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ژﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺼــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪژﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﺤــﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦﺍﷲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳــﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟــﻮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤـﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟـﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻧـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻄــﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ 5/5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘــﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5/5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧـﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ )ﺱ(‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻫــﺮﺍ )ﺱ( ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻋﺸــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﻟﻲﻧﻌﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ 89 ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻳــﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﻭ ‪ 965‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ‪ 707‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 890‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 556‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﻭ ‪ 34‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ‪ 7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪358‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﻭ ‪ 44‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 577‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘــﻼ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮگ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ‪ 134‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 503‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 816‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮگ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺣﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﻋﻠﻰﻋﺒﺎﺱﭘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻓﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 105‬ﺗﺎ ‪245‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ« ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪ 525‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 225‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 105‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 245‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴــﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 135‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪700‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻠﻴﭙﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ »ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ »ﻣﺎﻫﺎﺭﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﭘﻮﻧﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺷﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪4000‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨــﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ« ﻛﺬﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ – ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪67‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ)‪(1359-1362‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1359‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1362‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ – ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ‪ N1H1‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﻣﺪﺕﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ – ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋ‬ ‫ﻴﺲﺟ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﺯ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻗﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻒ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺬﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺠﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻫﻘـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳـﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳـﺮﺩﺍﺭﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ 95 ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﺪﻳﺪﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳـﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤــﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣــﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻳــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻗﻄــﻊ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ – ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ – ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪16‬ﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺷــﺄﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻟﮋﻳﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﻢ‪،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭﻣﻮﺟﺐﺷﺪﺗﺎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧــﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺮﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﭼﭙﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻣﺎ‪38‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺼــﺺ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳـﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2005‬‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﻜﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷــﺼﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﺪﻳﺪﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﺳــﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ‪ 38‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘــﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺁﺻﻔﻰ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ‪10‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1331‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1353‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1357‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 23‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1384‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﺗﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻝ ﻧﻮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺭﺗﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﺤﻴــﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬