ماهنامه مثلث شماره 4

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎل ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ ﻌﻔ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺮﻐﻴﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫¿‪Ä» Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä f‬‬ ‫‪¨Å‬‬ ‫‪€^y‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬‫‪¸ve‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬‫‪¸Ìv‬‬ ‫‪ÁYµ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌ‬‬ ‫‪a/µ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Z‬‬ ‫‪{Ã‬‬ ‫‪/¹Á‬‬ ‫‪»€5‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪01/‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪010‬‬ ‫¨‬ ‫¨‬ ‫‪0‬‬ ‫‪Âe1‬‬ ‫»‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪e1 0‬‬ ‫‪0 /Äv‬‬ ‫‪»Âe‬‬ ‫‪10 0‬‬ ‫‪0 /Äv‬‬ ‫¨ ‪/Äv‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪4 1/‬‬ ‫‪3 8‬‬ ‫»‪à Z‬‬ ‫‪€ Ìe‬‬ ‫‪/µ YÁ‬‬ ‫‪à Z‬‬ ‫‹¼‬ ‫‪1/ 3‬‬ ‫{ ‪8‬‬ ‫€ ‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪»5 /‬‬ ‫{ ‪¹Á‬‬ ‫¼‪à Z‬‬ ‫Š ‹‬ ‫‪ŠÌ‬‬ ‫‪a/ Áµ‬‬ ‫‪Y µZ‬‬ ‫¸‪‡ /Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫‪µ/ Á‬‬ ‫‡‪Yµ Z‬‬ ‫‡‬ ‫‪Z /‬‬ ‫‪ʸÌ‬‬ ‫‪/Ê‬‬ ‫‪¸Ì ¸v‬‬ ‫ ‪e‬‬‫€ ‪É‬‬ ‫‪^y‬‬ ‫€‪É‬‬ ‫‪^ y‬‬ ‫‪Ä »Z‬‬ ‫‪¿Ä f‬‬ ‫‪¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Ä» ¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä ¨f‬‬ ‫‪Å‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪»Z Â‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫‪.ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS‬‬ ‫ﻣﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺗﮔﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ ﻛﺎ ﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫اﻣﺑﺤﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺸ ﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻣﺑﻮﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺪ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍض‬ ‫ﺍ ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻈ‪::‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎزﻳﻨ‬ ‫ﻣﺒ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺭﻣﺼﺮﺍﻣﻌ‬ ‫ﺗﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍد‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﮕﮋﺰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫ ﻳ‬ ‫دﻟﻫﻧ‬ ‫ﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺑ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﮑﻞ ﻣﺍﻳ ﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ف؛‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﺎم‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻧﮑﻟﺟ ﻮ‪:16‬‬ ‫اﺳﻣ ﺮگ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺗﺮﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪاﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ا ﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮ ﺗﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫اﺭ ﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﻦﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮد‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺬﺍﺷﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮ ﻧ‬ ‫ﮔ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥﻡﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑدﺎﻣﻼﻗ‬ ‫ﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺣﻣﻋﻛ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫‪¾Ë‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫‪Å‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ‪،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭدﻟﻴﻞﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍضﺗﺸﮑﻞ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼمﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎلﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫‪{ Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Â‬‬ ‫¿¼‪¼¿ ŠËZ‬‬ ‫»‪À› ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫»€‪É Á‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪-4‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿Z nÀ‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺗﺮﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮ ‪:‬‬ ‫اﻳﺖ ﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪½Â» Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪€a ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪ÁYZ‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫]{‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‹‪.d‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‪˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪~³‬‬ ‫‡‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪاﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥاﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗ ﺌ ﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑ ﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺢ‬ ‫ﺼ‬ ‫ﻞﻓ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳ ﻤﺎﻋ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍدﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍضﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥدﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫‹\‪ºm ¹Zm ¡Y{ ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪µZ‡ ½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪½Y€¯Y ¾Ë€e ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪:‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫»‪YZ] ½Y|¬fÀ» h¸j‬‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{»‪.d‹~³ ÄqÊ¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪Ä·Z‡ 4 µY|m€] ÉÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ZnÀˆ§ʼ‹ZÅ - {Y„¿É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫ﻝ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗ ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻ ﻮﻟﮕ ﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫اﺭ ﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫{ ‪ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎل ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝﺷﺪ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﺪﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﭘﻴﺮﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﺒﺮﻫ ﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺧ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔ ﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺭﻭﻳﻜﻧﮋ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ·k{ nHk²¼Q nHk pHn ,ÂThL{¼i pHn ,¬kºp pHn pHn kÅ JIT¨ IM .k@@ÃÀj ¾@@Äk@@À ·Ho@@«Äj » ·I@@Uj¼@i ¾@M Hn Â@T¶°@w pHn » Svú JIT¨ ¦Ä I¿¹U ÂzÄkºH SLX¶ Á¼w ¾M yÃQ JIT¨ .k¹¨ ¶ ϼdT¶ Hn ·ITìkºp ¾¨ SwH ¾Tÿ¿º ·A nj ÁpHn ·I«ÄHn ®Ä¼dU ¸ÿ±U ¦Ä IM I¿¹U n¼z¨ owHow nj (I{ nI¨ ®d¶ IÄ Ïq¹¶ Jnj) !!!kù¨ Âxº n»IM 021-22901392-93, 0912 120 75 66 .kù¨ ¾Mo\U Hn ·A ·I¶¼U 3500 IM ô£Î ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗـﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸـﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓـﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼـﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨـﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﺸـﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ‪ 21‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪20 ....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ‪22 .......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪23................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪24.........................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪26 .........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‪28 ..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪29 ............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪30 .........................................................................‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ‪32 ..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ‪58 ...................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﺖ ‪60 .............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﭘﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻗﻲ ‪48 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ‪62 ........................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ‪64 .............................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ‪65 ...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ‪66 ......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﺭ ‪67 .........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪68 .......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‪69 ...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ‪70 ...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪52 .................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪34..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪37 ..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪38 .........................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ‪54 .........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ‪40 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ 42 ..............................................................................‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ‪ 43 ......................................................‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ‪ 44 ..........................................................‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ‪ 45 ...................................................................‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪56 ................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪46 ....................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ‪50 ..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﻮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪72 .......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻖ ‪74 ..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﺪ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺑﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳـﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪76 .....................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪78 ........................................‬‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪82 ............................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ‪83 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ‪85 ...............................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ« ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪86 .......................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪88 ................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﯾﯽﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﯾﯽﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫¨‪f‬‬ ‫‪Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä» Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä f‬‬ ‫‪¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä» Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪€^y‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬‫‪¸ve‬‬ ‫€‪É‬‬ ‫‪^ y‬‬ ‫»‪Ä Z‬‬ ‫‪¿Ä f‬‬ ‫‪¨Å‬‬ ‫‪/Ê‬‬ ‫‪̸ ¸v‬‬ ‫ ‪e‬‬‫€ ‪É‬‬ ‫‪^y‬‬ ‫‪e-‬‬ ‫‪Z‡ /Ê‬‬ ‫‪¸Ì‬‬ ‫‪̸v‬‬ ‫‪ÁYµ‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫‪µ/ Á‬‬ ‫‡‪Yµ Z‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌ‬‬ ‫‪a/µ‬‬ ‫‹‪Z‬‬ ‫¼‬ ‫‪{Ã‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌ‬‬ ‫‪a/ Áµ‬‬ ‫‪Y Zµ‬‬ ‫¸‪‡ /Ê‬‬ ‫‪/¹Á‬‬ ‫‪»€5‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪01/‬‬ ‫‪1/ 3‬‬ ‫{ ‪8‬‬ ‫€ {‪Y‬‬ ‫‪»5 /‬‬ ‫{ ‪¹Á‬‬ ‫¼‪à Z‬‬ ‫Š‹‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪010‬‬ ‫¨‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪4 1/‬‬ ‫‪3 8‬‬ ‫»‪à Z‬‬ ‫‪€ eÌ‬‬ ‫‪/µ YÁ‬‬ ‫‪à Z‬‬ ‫‹¼‬ ‫¨ ‪/Äv‬‬ ‫‬ ‫¨‬ ‫‪0‬‬ ‫»‪Âe‬‬ ‫‪10 0‬‬ ‫‪0 /Äv‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Â‬‬ ‫‪e1‬‬ ‫‪e1 0‬‬ ‫‪0 /Äv‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Z»Â‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗ ﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪.MOS‬‬ ‫‪ri ALAS‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ‪،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺑﺎﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭدﻟﻴﻞﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍضﺗﺸﮑﻞ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪاﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫اﻳﺖ ﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼمﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺗﺮﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪1 00‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪/1‬‬ ‫‪388‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫{‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺎﻳ ﺑ ﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺢ‬ ‫ﻞ ﻓ ﺼﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳ ﻤﺎﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËZ¼¿½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌ ﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥاﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍدﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍضﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥدﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‹\‪ºm¹Zm ¡Y{ ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪µZ‡ ½Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪€¯Y¾Ë€e ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪:‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪاﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺗﺮﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»‪YZ] ½Y|¬fÀ» h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪d·Á{ ÁÁ YZ‬‬ ‫‪YZ] Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÉYÉY‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³ Äq‬‬ ‫‪ÄqÊ¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÉZÅÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫{{‬ ‫»€‪Ä·Z‡ 4 µY|m€] ÉÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ZnÀˆ§ʼ‹ZÅ - {Y„¿É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﺯﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻ ﻮﻟﮕ ﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗ ﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺭ ﺍﻳ ﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ŠËZ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝﺷﺪ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﺪﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﭘﻴﺮﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺟﻠﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺕﺯﺍ ‪90 ...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ‪92 .................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ؟ ‪94 ......................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ‪96 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪98 ................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪6‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻱ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻢ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗــﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺮﺽ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧــﻮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺬﻭﺭﻡ‪ .....‬ﺳــﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ »ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﺭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﺍﺯﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﻓﻘﻂﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻱ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷﻴﺦﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻏﻴﺒﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺘــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ]ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ[ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻠﺠــﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﺠﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﺠﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻼﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ! ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕــﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻃــﻮﺭ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻋﺬﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺬﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻠــﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻩﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻼﻱ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ )ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻰﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ 9 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ 11 ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ‪،‬ﺣﺴﻦﻓﺘﺤﻰ‪،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻰﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰﺯﻡ‪،‬ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﺋﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻫﻠﺶ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 87‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ )ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻨﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ‪ 44‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 88/5/18‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﮔﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺦﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻧﻮﺩﻩﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻬــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﺰﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺾﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏﺳﺮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﺒﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻟﻴﻼﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺯﻳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻼﻳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 188‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﻧﻄﻖ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺭ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺑﻮﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ‪83‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺳﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪18‬ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻭﻭﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫»ﺷﺴــﺘﺎ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳــﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺗﻴﺮﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻏﺒﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﮔﻮﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪41‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪ 41‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ‪ 28‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠــﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﻏﺒﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ »ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺮﻛــﻢ ﻧﻜﻦ«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺯﻭﺋﻮ ﺍﻳﺸــﻲ ﮔﻮﺭﻭ‪» ،‬ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ«ﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧــﻮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺘــﺎﺏ«‪» ،‬ﺗﭙﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻮﺭﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﻮﻟﻨﺴﻞ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺴﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻏﺒﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ »ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺗﺮﻛﻢ ﻧﻜﻦ« ﻛﺎﺯﻭﺋﻮ ﺍﻳﺸــﻲ ﮔﻮﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗــﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻤﻴــﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺟــﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮ ﺯﺍﻏﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ« ﻭﻳﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﻮﺍﺭپ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟــﺪﻩ ﻻﺋﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﻳﮕــﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﻨﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻜﻪ‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺴــﻮﺍﺱ« ﺍﺯ ﻭ‪ .‬ﺱ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻳﭙﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺴــﻴﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﺍ ﻧﺎﻳﭙﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﻌــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﮔﺎﺭﻱ‪» ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺳــﮓ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﻟﮕﺎﻛﻒ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﻮﺍﻭﺯﺍﻻ« ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﺱ ﻳﻮﺳﺎ ﻭ »ﺗﺎﻧﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻚ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ«‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧــﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﻴــﻦ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺒﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ 11317‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 11317 ،1357‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1380‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ« ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻃــﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺝ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2008‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺭﺍﻩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﭼﻬﺮﻩﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﺭﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﻠﻰ« ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ« ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟــﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫)ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ـ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ 54‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ـ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻯـﭘﺴﺮﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕـﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽﺭژﻳﻢﺻﺪﺍﻡﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫)ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ( ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﺳﭙﺮﻱﻛﺮﺩﻭﻧﺰﺩﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﺣﻜﻴﻢﻭﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺷﻬﻴﺪﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢﻭﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺑﻪﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﺶ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1986‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1424‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2003‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺒﺎﺏﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﻄﻢ )ﻗﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ( ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﻨﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺍﺯﺍﺯﺁﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﮕ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻚ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻚ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﻮﻕﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻰﺑﻮﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻭﺿﻌﺸﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻘﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺟﻤﻌﻰ ‪40‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺩﺭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﺗﻤﺎﻡﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯﺭﺍﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﭗ ﻭ ﮔﻌﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻮﺷﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻔﺮﺳــﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻚ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 40‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ‪ 160‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﻨﺠــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧــﺶ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭﺧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻮﺧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﭙﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺵ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺰ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺴــﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻻﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲﻭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺗﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ!‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﻭﺟﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻰ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺷﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻢﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ »ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻭ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺑﺸﻮﺩﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳــﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻋــﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻭﺍﺟﺪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺭﺍﺍﺯﺑﻴﻦﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮﻭﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻛﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺯﺑﻴﻦﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱﻛﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﻧﻴﺴﺖﺍﻣﺎﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺩﺭﭘﺴﺖﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺩﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺗﻠﻘﻲﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪﺭﺍﻱﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺶﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﻓﺎﻗﺪﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻓﺮﺩﻱﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪﻫﻤﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻛﻪﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪﺭﺍﻱﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺼﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺭﺟﺢﺍﺳﺖﻳﺎﺍﺯﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ‪ 21‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 4-5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 21‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻬـﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴـﺮﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷـﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻼﺟﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺑﺎﻗــﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﻓــﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 4‬ﻳـﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴـﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻣﺎﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ‪ 4‬ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﻀﻴـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﻴــﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫‪ 5-6‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ …‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 5-6‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺟﺰﻭﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖﺩﺭﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﮔﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺻﻠــﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔـﻪﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪﺍﻳﻦﻗﻀﻴﻪﺩﺭﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥﺑﻪﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳــﻠﻴﻢ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻲ ﺷـﺶ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡﻛﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻭﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢﻣﻬﻢﻭﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱﺍﺯﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻠﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‬‫ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‬‫ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬‫ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬‫ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬‫ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.1338‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﺘﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1373 - 79‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1372-75‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤــﻦ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1373-80‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1375-79‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1373-75‬‬ ‫‪ - 8‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1371-78‬‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1373-79‬‬ ‫‪ -11‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳــﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1373-77‬‬ ‫‪ - 12‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓــﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺶ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟـﺎﻡ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ؟ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳـﻄﺤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﻟﻨﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻭﻟﻨﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤــﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﻦﭘﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻚﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬـﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻧﻬـﻢ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﺑﻴـﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﺷـﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺸﺖﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﺸﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ CD ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺑﺮﻭﺯﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﻛﻪﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ‪ 20 ،10‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂﻣﺸــﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳـﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻤــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫» ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳـﻔﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻓﻌﻠﻲﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻭﻣﺠﺮﺏﺗﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖﺧﻮﺑﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢﺍﺯﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻧﻬﻢﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ 7 .‬ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 8‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺪﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻫـﺮﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗـﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 11‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ 7 .‬ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 8‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒــﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﺖ ﺑـﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍ ﺳـﺎ ﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺴــﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 290‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒــﻊ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻗــﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺰء ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻉ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﭼﻪﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ؟ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪NGO‬ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻴــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺵﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺮﻑﺷﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﺷﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘــﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺑﻬــﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ« ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌــﺰﻭﻝ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺵﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ؛ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴــﺖ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻣﭙﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺶ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﺋــﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﮔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴــﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥﮔﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 188‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ »ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 6‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 7‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ‪ 4‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤـــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ‪ 4‬ﻳــﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺁژﻳﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺭﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ ،60‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 7‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 115‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ‪ 32،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﻭ ‪ 48‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﭘﺴﺖﻭﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ ،‬ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎء‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷــﻬﺎﺏ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ( ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻭﺿﻊﻛﺎﺭﻱﻣﺮﺩﻡﺭﺍﻣﺸﺨﺺﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻳــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪1360‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ« ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ‪ 106‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1362‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ )ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ(‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓــﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺴــﺖﻭﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻖﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﺠﻮﻱ ﺗﻼﺷﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ )ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ؟ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻳــﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 64/8/2‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ، 62‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ )ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،(62‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ‪ 22‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ‪ 138‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ 22‬ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼــﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭﻫﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼــﭗ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻗــﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘــﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻮﺟﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﺎﻫﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱﻭﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻣﻌﻴﻦﻭﺯﻳﺮﻋﻠﻮﻡﻭﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﻭﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻲﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺴﻜﻦﻧﻴﺰﺟﺰﻭﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺭﺍﺍﻣﺮﻱﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺭﺍﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲﻛﻪﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻘﻄﻊﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪﻭﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﻣﻴﻞﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲﺧﻮﺩﻧﻈﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖﻭﺁﻥﻛﺎﺭﻱﺭﺍﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺍﺯﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺣﺬﻑﻛﺮﺩﻭﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡﺭﺍﺳﺖﺭﺍﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺣﺘﻲﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺯﺟﻨﺎﺡﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﺩﻭﺣﺰﺏﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲﺍﺯﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩﻋﻀﻮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﻳﺎﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺑﺎﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻋﻀﻮﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺟﻨﺎﺡﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﺭﺍﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﻫﺎﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻪﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲﻛﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻂﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻧﺸﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺭﺍﻱﺭﺍﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴــﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﭘﺴﺖﻭﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻱ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ )ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﻱﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺘﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧــﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 23‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1384‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،1384‬ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪-‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺁﺑــﺎﻥ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ‪ 260‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻔﺖﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻲﻧﻴﺰ‪77‬ﺭﺍﻱﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪139‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 38‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ 254‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪172 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 53 ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 34‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏــﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪ 13‬ﻭ ‪60/8/10‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪62‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪62/5/11‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪64/7/12‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪64/7/18‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪15‬ﻭ‪64/7/14‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ‪64/6/24‬‬ ‫‪ - 8‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ‪68/6/4‬‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ‪68/6/5‬‬ ‫‪ - 10‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ - 11‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ‪72/5/24‬‬ ‫‪-12‬ﺳﻼﻡ ‪76/5/27‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑـﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑـﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨـﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺸـﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪ 63‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 67‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤــﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ )ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ( ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 24‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺶ ‪ 14‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠــﻖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻖﭘﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﺷﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﺷﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺁﻏﺎﺯﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲﻭﺯﺭﺍﺭﺍﺩﺭﭼﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳـﻼﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏـﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏــﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ‪ -‬ﭼﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ‪ 41‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ‪ 39‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ »ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ«ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻮﺩﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪ‪10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ »ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ » ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ (88‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪ 2009‬؛ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻮﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2004‬؛ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﻮﻳــﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ«‪»،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ« ﻭ »ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 18‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ – ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـــــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘـﺨــﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳــﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ »ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﻧــﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – 1‬ﺣـﻀــﻮﺭ ﮔﺴـﺘـﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻡ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 6200‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 2‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ‪ 106‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺰﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻲ ﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﻴﻨﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ(‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 34‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﺯﻱ« ‪ -‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎ – ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫‪ 170‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺻﻠــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ« ‪ -‬ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ – ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻠــﻮﻥ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳــﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ‪ 55/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ( ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻜﺘﻴﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪2537‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪2779‬‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪158009‬‬ ‫‪63089‬‬ ‫‪442‬‬ ‫‪7367‬‬ ‫‪497‬‬ ‫‪255‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪4633‬‬ ‫‪234299‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏــﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺮﺧــﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫)‪ 29‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ( ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺟﻮ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻓــﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻣﻠﻲﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺣﻔﻆﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺷـﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ )ﻋﺒـﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ( ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴـﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ )ﺍﺯﺑﻚ( ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻫﺮﺍﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦﻛﻪﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺁﺭﺍﻱﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﻭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﻢﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻢﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻣﺪﻋﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺤﺜﻲﻛﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺁﻳﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﻱﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺭﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢﻫﺴﺖﻭﺁﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱﺑﺎﺳﻪﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻣﻬﻢﺍﺯﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ)ﺍﺯﺑﻚ(ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺧﺎﻥﻛﻪﺩﺭﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺩﺍﺭﺩﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﺁﺭﺍﺟﺎﻱﺑﺤﺚﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫﺮﻳﻚﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖﻭﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱﺩﺭﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻭﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ( ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺯﺑﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒـﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ )ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻـﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ»ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫـﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣـﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﻫﺎ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ( ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻛﻪﺩﺭﭼﻪﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺧﻮﺩﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺩﺍﺧﻞﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﺎﻋﺚﺧﺮﻭﺝﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﻳﺎﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺑﺮﺧﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺍﺯﻣﻨﻈﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﺍﻣﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷـﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻨﺸـﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛـﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2004‬ﻭ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻳﺎ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 140‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨـﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀــﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻭ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ‪ - 1 :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ - 2 .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺁﺗﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ -3 .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ - 4 .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ - 5 .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫»‪ «Af-Pak‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨـﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ )ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ( ﺑﺮﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ »ﻣﻘﺮﻳـﻦ ﺑﻦﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛـﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻴــﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺍ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﻮﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐـﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻈـﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣـﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﺘﻰ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺷـﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋـﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳـﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳـﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺷـﺮﻑ ﻏﻨـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴـﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛـﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑﻏﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛـﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﭘﻮﻛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮﺍ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺷﻜﺴـﭙﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺧﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺷﻜﺴﭙﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﻴﻨﮕﺰ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷـﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻛـﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒـﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻟﺒﺮﻭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮچ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻐﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻮچ ﺩﺳﺖﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﻃﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﺎﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺟﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﻪ ﺁﻫﻜﻰ ﺍﻫــﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﻨــﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﻋﻤــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻠــﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸـﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻜﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺑﺎﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﺪﺍﻡﺍﺯﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺩﺭﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﺧﺒﺮﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺧﻮﺑﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕﺍﻭ‪،‬ﻓﺘﺎﺡﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻴﺮﻭﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﺘﺎﺡﺑﻴﺎﻥﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺯﺑﺮﻕﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﺑﺮﻕﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻣــﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﻄﻠﺐﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺍﺻﻠﻲﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸــﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳــﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪10‬ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 1404‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻛﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢﻛﻼﻥﻭﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻛﻤﻲﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯﺟﻬﺖﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺩﻗﻴﻖﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﺍﺯﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪.‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﻧﮕﺮﺩﺭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻭﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺟﺰﻭﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝﺍﺧﻴﺮﺑﺎﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰﭼﻮﻥﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﺗــﺎﻕﺑﺎﻳﺪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯﺁﻧﭽﻪﻛﻪﻫﺴﺖﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﺑﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺍﺗﺎﻕﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯﻛﻒﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒــﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺲ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 156‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪ 47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ 230‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪-‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺸــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛـﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺎﻣﻲﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟـﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴـﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﺸﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺑﻖﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷـﺪﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﻛﺎﻓــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳـﻊ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻰ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﮔﺰﻳﻨـﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺑﺎﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﺑﺎﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 85‬ﺑﺎﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ‪ 38‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ ،13‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 24‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 174‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫‪ 49‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 24‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 174‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ‪ 49‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪-‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‪-‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔــﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﺨﺶﺻﻨﻌﺖﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﭼﺎﺭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‪-‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱﺍﺯﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫـﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴـﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﻲ ﻓﻌـﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑــﺎﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺒﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺪﺑﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔــﺮﻩ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ »ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ« ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻨﺨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﻠﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻟــﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﻓﻘﻬﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻜﻨﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻧﻰﺭﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻚ ﺗﻚ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺰﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺒــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜــﺰﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 21‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒــﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﻫــﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺻﺎﺣﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1340‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﻜﻮﻳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻘــﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‬ ‫‪ ،3‬ﺧﻴﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻯ ‪ 4‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ« ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻘــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 73‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪» ،‬ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣــﻰ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻴﺎﻥ« )ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ(ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ»ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ« ﻭ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪» ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ(‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻋﻄﺎﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺘــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻃﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫)ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ( ﻟﺤــﻦ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳــﺞ ﺑﻰﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﻭ ‪ ،(...‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫)ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ )ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻼﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺣــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪﺗﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻛﺎﺗﺎﮔﺎﻟﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺍﻧﻔﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻜﺘﻪ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬ﺭﻗﺺ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻛﺎﺗﺎﮔﺎﻟﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻠﻜﺘﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ»ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ( ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ )ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟــﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ( ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﺪﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻭﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ )ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺒﺐﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺮﻧﺠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ )ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ )ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ( ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ »ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﻋﻼﻡﻧﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰﺍﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﺍﻣﺎﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﻭﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺷــﺘﻰﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ »ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑــﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺰﺍﻋﻲ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺰﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴـﺖ ﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻛﻪﺑﻨﺪﻩﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻛﺎﺭﺩﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻡﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺗﻼﺵﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺪﻭﻥﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻣﻬﻢﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰﺗﻬﻴﻪﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠـﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺣــﺞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻥﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﺤـﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻢﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴـﻢ ﻗـﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴـﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺗـﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻨﻮﻉﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﺭﺍﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ؛ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰﻛﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻳﻚﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎﺍﺗﻜﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﻣﻴﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻣﻬﻢﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺩﻭﻧﻜﺘﻪﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﻨﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﻨﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺒﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺑﺮﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﻨﺮﺑﺎﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﻫﻤﺴﻮﻭﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ » :‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱﺍﺯﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻧﺒﻮﺩﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻲﺑﺎﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱﻣﺪﺭﻥﻭﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮﺍﺯﻗﺒﻞﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼــﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻖﺧﺎﻃﺮﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﻮﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﻫﻨﺮﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺣﻮﺯﻩﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﺍﺷﺎﻣﻞﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺧﻮﺑﻲﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺍﺯﭼﻨﻴﻦﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻫﻢﺑﺎﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﻭﻭﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻯﺍﻏﻠﺐﻣﺜﺒﺖﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻔﺖﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﻔﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺸــﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﻼﺣﺖﭘﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻼﺣﺖﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻜﻰ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ(‬ ‫‪ 1‬ـﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻭﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲﺍﺯﺣﻘﻮﻕﻣﺎﺩﻱﻭﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱﺁﺛﺎﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪:‬ﺳﺮﻗﺖﺁﺛﺎﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻭﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲﺍﺯﺁﺛﺎﺭﻭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﻋﺚﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻱﺑﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻭﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1348‬ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻧﺒﻮﺩﻭﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒﺣﻘﻮﻕﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱﺁﺛﺎﺭﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﻣﻴﺴﺮﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-2‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺑﻴﻤﻪﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱﻭﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‪:‬ﺑﺎﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖﺑﻪﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻲﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﭘﻨﺞﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱﺑﻴﻤﻪﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﻭﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺁﺗﻴﻪ‬ ‫) ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ(ﺁﻧﺎﻥﺍﻟﻮﻳﺖﻧﺨﺴﺖﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻧﻴﺰﻣﺼﻮﺏﺷﺪﻩﻭﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻮﮔﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱﻫﻨﺮﻱﻭﻧﻪﺣﺘﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻭﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺮﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊﺩﺭﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺷﻔﺎﻑﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲﻭﻧﺤﻮﻩﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕﻭﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﻫﺮﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻭﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﮕﺮ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩﺩﺭﻣﻠﺤﻔﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ(ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻭﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺑﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺯﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻚﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿــﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫــﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺟﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪100‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪﺳﻄﺢﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﺕﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳــﺘﺶ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺗﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺞﺭﺍﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻧﻜﺘﻪﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻭﺳﺎﺧﺖﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﺯﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻫﻢﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯﻓﺎﺧﺮﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺟﺰﭼﻨﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰﺍﺯﺁﺛﺎﺭﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝﻭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺣﺎﻟﺖﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﭘﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥﺷﺎﺧﺺﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪﻳﺎﺍﮔﺮﻫﻢﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻛﻤﻰﺍﻓﺖﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻧﺸﻮﺩﻭﻟﻰﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯﺩﺭﺟﻪﭼﻨﺪﻡﺭﺍﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯﺭﺩﻩ‪) A‬ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻏﻠﺐﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﺪﺗﻰﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ( ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷﻤﺎﺭﻓﺮﻭﺵﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺑﻘﻴﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ)ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺁﺛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﺷﺪﻩ(ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﺎﻓﺮﻭﺵﮔﻴﺸﻪﺣﺘﻰﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺭﺍﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻭﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﻛﻪﺩﺭﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰﭘﺮﺍﺯﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﺗﻨﻔﺲﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻛﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺭﺍﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﺑﺪﺗﺮﻯﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﻳﻬﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻭﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ»ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ«ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻛﺰﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪.‬‬‫ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪.‬‬‫ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬‫ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬‫‪ -5‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻩﻭﻧﺎﺳــﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻼﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﻼﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﻛﻪﻧﺎﻡﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰﻫﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻫﻞﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺑﻪﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰﺗﺎﺯﻩﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻫﻦﺍﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻼ ﺯﺭﻟﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦﺁﻗﺎﻯﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯﺭﺍﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺣﻮﺯﻩﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦﻳﺎﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﮔﺮﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻰﻭﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻼ ﺯﺭﻟﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﭼﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢﻛﻪﻫﺮﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﺵﺑﻬﺘﺮﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻓﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢﻛﻪﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﻬﺘﺮﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰﻛﻪﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻣﺪﺩﺁﻥﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻯﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﻌﺪﻯﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳﺪﻳﺎﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻗﻀﻴﻪﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﻓﻜﺮﻛﻨﻴﻢﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺟﺪﺍﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺧﻮﺏﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻭﺑﻪﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻪﻛﻤﻚﺁﻥﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺭﺍﺑﻬﺘﺮﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢﻭﻓﻘﻂﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﮕﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ﺣﺘﻲﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﺎﻫﻢﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪﻭﻣﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺣﺎﻻﭼﻪﺑﺮﺳﺪﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰﺍﺯﺷﺎﻥﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩﻛﻪﺣﺎﻻﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻭﻝﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐــﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻦﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥﺍﻣﺎﺩﺳﺖﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪﺑﺮﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺧﻮﻳﺶﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﻳﺶﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺎﺩﺭﺳﻜﻮﺕﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺑﻪﺗﻮﻗﻒﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻧﻪﺩﺭﺟﺬﺏﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱﻭﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡﺧﻮﻳﺶﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻔﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ » :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻭﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺧﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﻧﮓﻭﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺰ »ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻭﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿــﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩﺧﺴــﺮﻭ ﺷــﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺑﺎﺑــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀــﻞ ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﺏ ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺗﻬﻤﻮﺭﺙ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺷــﻨﮕﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻧﺼﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻤــﺎ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺘــﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫــﺪﺍ ﻧﺎﺻﺢ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﻃﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ – ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ– ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗــﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠــﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺰﻭﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺻﺤــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺵﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﻮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ‪،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 120‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ ‪ 700‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐــﻮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻄﺮﺏ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ _ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ »ﻣﺎﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩﻭﺑﻲﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 26-27‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ 130‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺨﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ »ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﻱ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﻛﻮﻛﻮﻱ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ »ﻧﻪ« ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ »ﻛﻮﻛﻮﻱ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ »ﻛﻮﻛﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﻮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻜﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ»ﻣﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻝ ﻣﻚﻟﻮﻫﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ‬ ‫‪ 1500‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﻧﮕﻮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﺗﻔﺴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻲﭼﻴﺰ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﺛﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑــﻮﺱﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺛﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺨﻜﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺻــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻮﻟﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑــﻮﺱﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ )ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻡ( ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ »ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑــﻮﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ(‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻂﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﭼﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭽﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ«ﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﻭﺧﻄﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ»ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﺁﺫﺭﻧﮓ« ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻚﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻫﻨﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳــﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺵ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﺶ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪» :‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ»ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ« ﺳﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ »ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ« ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮔﺮﻳﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﺧﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪» :‬ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ«‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻛﻪﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥﺩﺷﻤﻦﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻗﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺧﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻫﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﻭﺧﻄﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ژﺳــﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻲﺣﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻗﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺑﻼﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ« ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺑﻼﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ )ﻭﺑﻼﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ژﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﻤﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ » ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﭼﺎپ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑــﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺯﻫﻢﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺘــﺮﺍ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪ« ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺘــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺵﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺥﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ« ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺁﺭﺵ« ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ »ﺁﻻ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺮﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﻪ ﻣﻨﻮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ «... ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﺷــﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﺁﺭﺵ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻣﺰﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﺸﻜﺴــﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﺷــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑــﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﺍﺯﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﺛﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪﺩﻭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲﻛﻪﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱﺷﺎﻥﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦﺯﺩﮔﻲﻳﻚﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻮﺳــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺒﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻤﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ )ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ( ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻮﻥ« ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﺍﺕﺑﺮﺍﻯﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺷﺪﻥﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖﺧﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷــﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺍﻧﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ )ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ( ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺭﻛــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺫﺍﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻋﺘــﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ! ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺷﻲ ﻭﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺪﻋﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ)!( ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺯﻧﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﺍﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ژﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢﺗﺮﻱﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﻣﺎﻓﻘﻂﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻧﻜﻪژﺳﺖﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺻﺎﻟــﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﻨــﺐ)ﺱ( ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺑﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﻫﻢﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺩﻭﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﺑﺎﻻﻯﺳﺮﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﺴــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨــﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻛﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﺑﺎﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮﺟﺪﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﻛﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻭﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﭼﻨﺪﻯﭘﻴﺶﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻰﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻏﻠﻂﺍﺯﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺁﻧﺎﻥﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻭﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲﻓﺮﺩﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲﻭﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲﻛﺎﻣﻞﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻭﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻋﻠﻮﻡﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﻳﻜﺴﻮﺑﺎﺑﺎﻓﺖﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻴﺖﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻓﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺗﺎﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﻫﻢﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭﻫﻢﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺭﺍﻓﺮﺩﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺑﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﺗﺨﺼﺺﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲﻛﻪﻭﻱﺍﺯﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻭﻱﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸـﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻮﺷـﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﻨـﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳـﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳـﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟـﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛـﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳـﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 29‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻘﺮﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 29‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺸـﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻐﻞﺷـﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 29‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﺷـﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺷـﺶ ﺑﻴﻤـﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛـﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺳـﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄــﻮﻑ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ 90.‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳـﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 2500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴــﻢ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 2500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴـﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼـﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟــﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 89‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻻ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠـﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴـﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺩﻭﺭﻩﺩﻫﻢﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺑــﺎﻥ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳـﻤﻰ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳـﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫـﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻮ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭﻟـﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴـﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳـﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳـﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻫـﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋــﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺺﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘــﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻓﺮﺩ*‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕﻭﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ*‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺯﻭﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻤﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ »ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﻄﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺮﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺩﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ*‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ*‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﺒــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢﻭﺍﻧﻀﺒــﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺶﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﺧﻮﺏﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﻫﻢﺧﻮﺏﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﺯﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﺨﺒﻪﺍﺵﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﺸـﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳـﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 57‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻼﻣﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻠـﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺧﺎﻧﻢﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯﺍﺯﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﻧﻈﺮﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺟﺪﺍﺍﺯﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺗﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘــﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒـﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺳـﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘـﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫـﺎ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺴــﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪ ICU‬ﻭ‪ CCU‬ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳــﺮ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺣﻮﺯﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈـﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃـﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﻤـﻚ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷـﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛـﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11‬ﻭ‪ 33‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 24‬ﺗﻴﺮ؛ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ 168 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﭙﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪168 .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻼﻯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ » :‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪168‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛـﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ 11 :‬ﻭ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ ﺻﺒــﺢ ‪ 18‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻮﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳــﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ »ﻧﻴﻢﺗﺎﻯ ﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﻚ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ‪ 19‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ »ﺗﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ« ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ )ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ( ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ‪ 19‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫– ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮ ‪ -‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻮپ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺼﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫»ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ« ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪19‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪-‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪20‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪21‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪22‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ؛ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ – ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ -‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪28‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ -‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ‬ ‫‪30‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ -‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪12‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻃﻦﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪19‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ – ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ!‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ‪:‬‬ ‫‪25‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪-‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ‪ 168‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﻛﺎﺳﭙﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﺼﺮﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺣﻔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 4/5‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻔﺮﻩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﻂ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻒ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺧﺴــﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫»ﺗﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ«ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻚﺧﺒﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭼﺎپ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻃﻦﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!« ﻭ »ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﻣﻮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ!« ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻃﻦﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻙ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ!« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ‪22‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ‪25‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺘــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ« ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳﭙﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﺲ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ‪ 28‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 700‬ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ‪ 270‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 6‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻛــﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 70‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ‪ 37‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ 31 ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ‪ 6‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ )ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ( ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ‪ 25‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻃﻦﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷــﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 168‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ )ﻋﺞ( ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎ ﺷـﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳـﻰ ﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻯﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺸـﻜﺮﻯ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓـﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻰﺁﺭﺗـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷـﻬﺮ ﺑـﺎ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻰﺁﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳـﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﻠﻴـﺲ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳـﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗــﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻛﻤــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺪﻩﺭﺍﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﻃﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻌﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝﻫﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻓﻘﻂ‪ 5‬ﻣﺘﺮﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ 5‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺴﺒﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰﺑﻜﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‪ 5‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﺩﺍﺧﻞﺷﻬﺮﻯﻓﻘﻂﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﻮﻗﻒﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬ﭘﺲﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﻫﺮﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﺮﺷﻬﺮﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺗﺎﺣﺪﻯﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻣﺎﻫﻤﻪﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥﺭﺍﺭﻭﻯﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢﻭﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭽﺴﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻛﻪﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺑﺰﺭگﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﻢﻛﻪﭘﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥﺍﺯﻣﺎﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯﻻﻏﺮﻯﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪﻭﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺍﺻﻼﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯﻣﻌﻨﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁﻭﻳﮋﻩﻭﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﻣﺪﻝﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻛﻪﺧﻄﻮﻁﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻗﻄﻌﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ« ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؛ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1307‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻍ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ )ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻯ(‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﻣﺮﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻛﻪﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯﺷﺎﻥﺍﺯﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮﺑﻮﺩﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 27‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑــﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﺭ‪ .‬ﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺑــﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪ 50‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻌﻀــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻮﻟﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ؛» ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻟﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻋــﺮﺽ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ‪ HOV‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻂ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻂ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﻄﺢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﺁﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻫﺮﻃﺮﺣﻰﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻭﻣﻀﺮﺍﺗﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ «.‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ »:‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﺭ‪ .‬ﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ‪ 1/5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 36‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﺭ‪ .‬ﺗﻰ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ‪ »:‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻛﻮﻟﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟!‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺍﻭﻝﻣﺰﻳﺪﺑﺮﻋﻠﺖﺑﻮﺩﺗﺎﺑﺮﺧﻰﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﺮﻃﺒﻞﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺑﻜﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )‪ ،(1888‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪ 50‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻳﻚﻣﻮﺭﺩﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻮﻟﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻮﻟﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟! ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻭﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻤﺎﺱﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﻛﺰﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ»ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﺗﻰ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﺸﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺯﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺷﺪﻩﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ )ﻋﺞ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻕ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻜﻠﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺩﺭﺣﻴﻄﻪﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚﺁﻥﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﭘﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺻﻞﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩﺷﻜﻴﺐﻛﻪﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺗﻨﺪﻋﻠﻴﻪﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻣﻨﻔﻰﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮﻛﺮﺩﺗﺎﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺭﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼـﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓـﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳــﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﻳــﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰﻣﺜﻞﻃﺮﺡﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎﻯﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻭﭘﻤﭗﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺍﮔﺮﺁﻥﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﻓﻴﻠﺪﻫﻢﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖﺩﺍﺩﻩﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻛﻤﺘﺮﭘﻴﺶﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﻏﺎﺯﻃﺮﺡﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﻫﻢﻣﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻫﻢﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺑﻬﺘﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺤـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘـﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸـﻰ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼـﺮ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺕﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ« ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻬﻤﻦ« ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ« ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ »ﭘﻮﻝ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ »ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺎﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 35‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻨﮓ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺴــﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 47‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻨﮓﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﺳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2005‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ »ﭘﻮﻝ«‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ؛ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺝﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺝﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻠﻰﺁﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻔﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻧﭽﻪﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺍﻧﺼــﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻔﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ؛ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﻞﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗــﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻔﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺶ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮﺗﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻔﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ »ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻻﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻔﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﺮﺍﻱﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﺑﻪﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺭﻭﺑﻦﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﺯﺧﺎﻃﺮﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﭘﺎﻙﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻦ ﺑﺘﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﻭﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻠﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺧﻮﺩﭘﺎﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻭﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ‪) V.P.N‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﻢﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﻜﺮﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﻠﺐﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﻩﺳﻮﺩﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲﻛﺴﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻭ‪ 80‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﺴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻋﺮﺻﻪﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩﺗﻠﻘﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣـﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺼـﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫـﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻧﺼـﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﻞﺳـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳـﻮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳـﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳـﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳـﺎﺯ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻲ ﺍﻧﺼـﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳـﺪ ﻳـﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳـﻮﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺕ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺳـﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ 12.‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋــﻆ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻔﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺎﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻـﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘـﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ«؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻢ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺰﺣﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 739‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 98 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫــﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺎﻟﻮﺍﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﺪﻧﺪﺗﺎﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺧﻮﺩﻡﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﺷﻮﻡﻛﻪﭼﺮﺍﭘﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﭘﻮﻟﻢﺭﺍﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡﺍﻣﺎﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭﻱﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﻣﻦﺭﺍﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎﺑﻪﻫﺪﻓﻢﭘﺸﺖﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻟﻴﺰﻳﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﺸﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻦﻫﻢﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻛﻤﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻼﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺳـﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﺭﺯﻣﺮﻩﻫﻤﺎﻥﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺭﺍﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻡﻫـﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺑــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﺳﻨﺪﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺭﺍﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪80،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺭﺍﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡﻭ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺧﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻼﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻳﻚﻛﺎﺭﺧﻴﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢﺑﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ 22 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﮕﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺧــﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵﺭﻭﺯﻯﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺵﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴـﺐ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻﻛﻪﻧﺸﺪﻩﻭﻣﻦﺩﺭﺧﺪﻣﺖﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦﺭﺍﻫﻢﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡﻭﻟﻲﺣﺎﻻﻭﺭﻕﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺫﻫﻨﻢﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺑﺎﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭﻏﺮﻳﺐﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻳﺎﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﻝﺯﻧﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺮ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖﻭﭘﺎﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻟﺨﺮﺟﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲﮔﺎﻟﻜﺴﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺑﺮﺧﻲﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﻮ‪،‬ﻫﺎﻓﺒﻚﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 1/24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻛﺸــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻜﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ! ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻓﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﻧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻛﺶ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﭼﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻓﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ! ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺰﻳﻨﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ؟ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩ؟ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﺍﺻﻼ!« ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ »ﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺎﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﭗ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧــﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 3‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻻﻫﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺨﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺰﻳﻨﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺘﺮﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺎژﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻟﮋﻳﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺎﺳﻮﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺳﺎﺳﻮﻧﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻢﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﻱﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲﻫﺎ؛ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻲ ﻋﻠــﺖ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌــﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻱ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺰﻳﻨﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳــﻚ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻠﻪﭘﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺒﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺦﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺶﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﭼﺮﺍﺗﺎﺣﺎﻻﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺭﺥﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻭﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺑﺮﺍﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺁﻥﺑﺤﺚﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹﺍﺯﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻓﻮﻻﺩﺭﺍ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻓﻰﺍﺳﺖﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ‪ 50‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺧﺮﺝﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﺧﻴﻠﻰﺯﻭﺩﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝﺍﻭﻭﺷﻔﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﺷﻮﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊﻭﺭﺯﺵﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 8‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬