ماهنامه مثلث شماره 5
ماهنامه مثلث شماره 5
ماهنامه مثلث شماره 5
مژگان شجریان :درکنار
پدر ساز زدن برایم
یک رویا بود
صد سال مبارزه
نگاهی به زندگی خاندان حکیم
منتجب نیا :به جای تحریف
وقایع پاسخگو باشید
هفته نامه خبری،تحلیلی /سال اول /شماره پنجم 15 /شهریور 116 /1388صفحه1000 /تومان
بازنده بزرگ
گمانه زنی پیرامون سرنوشت علی ابادی
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حجت االسالم علیپور و مهدی فضایلی
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48
ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﺩ ﺭ ﮔﺬ ﺷـﺖ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍ ﻻ ﺳـﻼ ﻡ
ﺳـﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍ ﻟﻌﺰ ﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴـﻢ ﺑـﺮ ﺍ ﻱ
ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﺎﺳـﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻧـﺪﻭﻩ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ .ﭼﻪ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ
ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ.
68
92
ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ
ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ 30ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﻍ
ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ.
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ
ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ
ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ
ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ 286ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ 18ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ
ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ،ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ .ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ 44 ..........................................................................
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ46 ...................................
ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ 48 ...........................................................................
ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ 49 ..........................................
ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ 50 ....................................................................
ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ52 .............................................................
ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻱﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ،
ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ 14ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
14ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ! 72 ..........................................
ﺩﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ 74 .......................................................................................
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ.
ﭘﺴﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ 28 ..................................................................................
ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ 30 ............................................................
ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ 32 .....................................................................
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ34 .............................................................
ﺷﺠﺮﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻫﺎ37 ............................................................................
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﺑﻪ 54 ............................................................ NPT
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ 56 ..........................................................................
ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ 58 ..........................................................
ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ 60 .............................................................................
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ
ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺖ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ76 .........................................................................
ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ 78 ...........................................................................
ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ 79 ....................................................................
»ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ 80 ................................
ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ
»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺍﻱ 82 ..............................
ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ84 ............................................................
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ
ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ.
ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ38 ...................................
ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ39 ....................................
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ41.......................................
ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ42 .................................................
4
ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ
ﺳﺎﻝ 2009ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ 85 ......................................................
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻛﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ 62 .........................................................
ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ
ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ68 ..........................................................................
ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ 70 ................................
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ 90 ........................................................
ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ92 ...............................................
ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ 94 ...............................................
ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ :ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ
ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ
ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ :ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ،ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ
ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ
ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ:
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ :ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ :ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ :ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ :ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ :ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ :ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ :ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ :ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ :ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ :ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ
ﻓﻨﻲ:
ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ :ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ
ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ :ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ -ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ
ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ :ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ
ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ :ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ -ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﭘﻮﺭ
ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ :ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ
ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ :ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ -ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ :ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ
ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ :ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﺪ -ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺑﻰ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ
ﭼﺎپ :ﺭﻭﺍﻕ
ﭼﺎپ
ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ :ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ
ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ
84
ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ
ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ
»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ
ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳـﺖ .ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ
ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ :ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ ،ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ،ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ ،ﭘﻼﻙ ،121ﻭﺍﺣﺪ 11
ﺗﻠﻔﻦ88140548 :
ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﻴﺾ ﻗﺪﺭ ،ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ
ﻣﻮﻟﻲﺍﻟﻤﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ ،ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ
ﻋﻠﻲﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ،ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ96 ...............................
ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻚ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ98 ...................................
ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ 100 ......................
ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ.
ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ،ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ 101 .............................................
ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ 102 ......................................................................
ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ :ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ
ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ
ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ
ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ :ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ
ﻒ
ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ
ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ
ﺑﺤﺚ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ104 ...................................
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ 15 /ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 116 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ:
ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ
ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ 18ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
14ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ
ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ
ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ-ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ-ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ -ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ
ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ -ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ -ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ -ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ -ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺎﻭﺭ
ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ
ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ :ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ
168ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ
ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ
ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ
ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ
ﻫﺎﻱ
ﺟﻼﻟﻲ :ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻱ
ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ
ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ
ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ
ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ:
ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ44
44
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ
ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺖ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ:
ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ88
8
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ 17
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ 38
ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ:
ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ -ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ
ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ -ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ
ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ -ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ
ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ -ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ
ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ -ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ
ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ
ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ -ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ
4ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ ،ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ 20ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ؛ 17ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ .ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ
ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ54
54
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ /ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ 8 /ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ:
ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ
ﺷﺪﻳﻢ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ:
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ
ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ
ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟
ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ:
ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ -ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ
ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ -ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ
ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ -ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ
ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ -ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ
ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ -ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ -ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ -ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ
ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ -ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ
ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ:
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛
ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ
ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ -ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ
ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ -ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ
ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ -ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ
ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ -ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ
ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ -ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ
4ﻳﺎ 5ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ
ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ:
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ-ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ -ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ -ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ:
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ-ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ -ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ
ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ -ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ
ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ -ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ
ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ -ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ
ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ -ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ
ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ -ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ 25 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ
ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ
ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ:
ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ،ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ،ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ
ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ
ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ
ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺧﺒﺮﻱ -
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ/
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ ،ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ 20ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ؛ 17ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ .ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ
ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ ،ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ 20ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ؛ 17ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ .ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ
ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ44
44
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ88
8
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ 38
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
4ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ54
54
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ 38
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
4ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ54
54
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ
ﺍﻭﻝ/ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﺩﻭﻡ5/
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ 18 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ 18 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ
/1388
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛
4ﻳﺎ 5ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ
ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ:
100
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ /ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ:
ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ
ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ -ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ
ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ -ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ
ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ -ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ
ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ -ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ
ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ -ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ-ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ -ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ -ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ 25 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ
ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ 25 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ
ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ:
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ:
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ،ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ
ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ،ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ،ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ
ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ
ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ
ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ
ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ:
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ،ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﺩﺭ
ﻭﺍﻗﻊ
ﭘﻴﺮ
ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ
ﻫﺎﻯ
ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ
ﺍﺳﺖ.ﻛﺸﺘﻰ
ﺑﺎ
ﭼﺎﻟﺶ
ﻫﺎﻯ
ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ
ﺭﻭﺑﻪ
ﺭﻭ
ﺷﺪ
ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ
ﺁﻥ
ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ
ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ
ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ
ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ
ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ
ﻭﻯ
ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ
ﺧﺮﻡ
ﺭﻭﺯﻯ
ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺟﻬﺎﻥ
ﺷﻮﺩ،
ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﺍﻭ
ﺭﺍ
ﻳﻜﻰ
ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻮﻓﻖ
ﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ
ﻫﺎﻯ
ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ
ﻣﻰ
ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺍﻭ
ﺩﺭ
ﺍﺳﺖ؛
17
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺩﺭ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ
ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ
ﻭ
ﺳﻪ
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺸﺘﻰ.
ﺍﻭ
ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ
ﻭﺍﺭﺩ
ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ
ﺷﺪ
ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ
ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ
ﺗﺼﻮﺭ
ﻧﻤﻰ
ﻛﺮﺩ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ
ﺭﺿﺎ
ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ
ﺧﺮﻡ،
ﺟﺰﻭ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ
ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ
ﺗﻤﺎﻡ
ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ
20ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
4
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺑﺎ
ﻋﻠﻲ
ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﺧﺒﺮﻱ -
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ/
ﺳ
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺎﻝ
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺍﻭﻝ/ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﺍﻭﻝ/ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺩﻭﻡ
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ
ﺍﻭﻝ/ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ
100
100
84
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000/ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000/ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000/ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
/1388
/1388
/1388
ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ
5/
ﺩﻭﻡ5/
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﺍﻭﻝ/ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ/
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ/
ﺧﺒﺮﻱ -
ﺧﺒﺮﻱ -
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ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان
ﺑﺎزارﻣﺜﻠﺚ
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ﺑﺎزار
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ﻋﻜﺲ :ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ/ﻓﺎﺭﺱ
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ﺟﻢ
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ÊZÌ
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ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺍﻭﻝ/
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﺍﻭﻝ/
18
ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ/1388
100ﺻﻔﺤﻪ/
1000ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
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-
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ/
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺍﻭﻝ/ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﺍﻭﻝ/ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ
/1388
84
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000/ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺧﺒﺮﻱ
-
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ/
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺍﻭﻝ/ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﺩﻭﻡ5/
ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ
/1388
100
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000/ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
Äf¨Å
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É^y
-
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µZ
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84
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ﺯﻧﻲ
ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ
ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ
ﻭ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ
ﺯﻧﻲ
ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ
ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ
ﻭ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ
ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
ﺑﺎ:
ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ
ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
ﺑﺎ:
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ
ﻫﺎ،
ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ
ﻭ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﻫﺎ
ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ
ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ
ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ
ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ
ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ
ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ
ﺍژﻩ
ﺍﻱ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ
ﻋﻴﺴﻲ
ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ،
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ
ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ
ﻋﻴﺴﻲ
ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ،
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ
ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ
ﻭ
ﻣﻬﺪﻱ
ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ،
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ
ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ
ﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ
ﻭ
ﻣﻬﺪﻱ
ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ،
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ
ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ
ﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ
ﻫﺎ،
ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ
ﻭ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﻫﺎ
ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ
ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ
ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ
ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ
ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ
ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ
ﺍژﻩ
ﺍﻱ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻋﻜﺲ :ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ/ﻓﺎﺭﺱ
Ã|¿Áa
ÉY
½Â»YÌa
Ä]Y
]YZ
Á
{d·Á
Ã|¿Áa
ÉY
½Â»YÌa
Ä]Y
]YZ
Á
{d·Á
»h¸j
»½Y|¬fÀ
]h¸j»YZ
»½Y|¬fÀ
]YZ
ﻓﺎﺭﺱ
/ﻓﺎﺭﺱ
ﺋﺪﻱ /
ﺋﺪﻱ
ﺣﺴﻦﺎﻗﺎ
ﻋﻜﺲﺣﺴﻦﻗ
ﻋﻜﺲ:
:
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ
ﻫﺎ،
ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ
ﻭ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﻫﺎ
ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ
ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ
ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ
ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ
ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ
ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ
ﺍژﻩ
ﺍﻱ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ
ﻫﺎ،
ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ
ﻭ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﻫﺎ
ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ
ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ
ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ
ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ
ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ
ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ
ﺍژﻩ
ﺍﻱ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ
ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ
ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ
ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ
ﺧﺮﻡ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ
ﻋﻠﻲ
ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ،
ﻣﺤﺴﻦ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ،
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ
ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ
ﻋﻠﻲ
ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ،
ﻣﺤﺴﻦ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ،
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ
ﺧﺮﻡ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ
ﺗﺸﻜﻞ
ﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ
ﻭ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﻧﮋﺍﺩ:
ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺰﺍﺭ
ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻋﻼﻗﻪ
ﻣﻨﺪﻡ
ﺁﻳﺖ
ﺍﷲ
ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ
ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ:
ﺗﺼﺪﻱ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺑﻪ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ
ﺍﺑﻼﻍ
ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ:
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡ
ﻣﻌﻈﻢ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ
ﻣﺒﻨﻲ
ﺑﺮ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ
ﺗﺸﻜﻞ
ﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ
ﻭ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﻧﮋﺍﺩ:
ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺰﺍﺭ
ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻋﻼﻗﻪ
ﻣﻨﺪﻡ
ﺁﻳﺖ
ﺍﷲ
ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ
ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ:
ﺗﺼﺪﻱ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺑﻪ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ
ﺍﺑﻼﻍ
ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ:
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡ
ﻣﻌﻈﻢ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ
ﻣﺒﻨﻲ
ﺑﺮ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ
ﺗﺸﻜﻞ
ﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ
ﻭ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﻧﮋﺍﺩ:
ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺰﺍﺭ
ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻋﻼﻗﻪ
ﻣﻨﺪﻡ
ﺁﻳﺖ
ﺍﷲ
ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ
ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ:
ﺗﺼﺪﻱ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺑﻪ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ
ﺍﺑﻼﻍ
ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ:
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡ
ﻣﻌﻈﻢ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ
ﻣﺒﻨﻲ
ﺑﺮ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ
ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ
ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ
ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝ
ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ
ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ
ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝ
ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ
ﻧﻴﺎ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ
ﺗﺸﻜﻞ
ﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ
ﻭ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﻧﮋﺍﺩ:
ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺰﺍﺭ
ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻋﻼﻗﻪ
ﻣﻨﺪﻡ
ﺁﻳﺖ
ﺍﷲ
ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ
ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ:
ﺗﺼﺪﻱ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺑﻪ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ
ﺍﺑﻼﻍ
ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ:
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡ
ﻣﻌﻈﻢ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ
ﻣﺒﻨﻲ
ﺑﺮ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﻳﺤﻴﻲ
ﺁﻝ
ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ،
ﺍﻣﻴﺮ
ﺣﺎﺝ
ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ
ﺁﻝ
ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ،
ﺍﻣﻴﺮ
ﺣﺎﺝ
ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ
ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ:
ﺗﻴﻢ
ﺩﺍﻳﻲ
ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ
ﺗﺮ
ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛﻪ
ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻤﻲ
ﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛
16
ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ
ﺗﺎ
ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﻣﻮﺿﻊ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ
ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ،
ﺳﻼﻡ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ
ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ:
ﺗﻴﻢ
ﺩﺍﻳﻲ
ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ
ﺗﺮ
ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛﻪ
ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻤﻲ
ﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛
16
ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ
ﺗﺎ
ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﻣﻮﺿﻊ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ
ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ،
ﺳﻼﻡ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ
ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ:
ﺗﻴﻢ
ﺩﺍﻳﻲ
ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ
ﺗﺮ
ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛﻪ
ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻤﻲ
ﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛
16
ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ
ﺗﺎ
ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﻣﻮﺿﻊ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ
ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ،
ﺳﻼﻡ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ
ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ44
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ
ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ
ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ
ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ
ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ:
ﺗﻴﻢ
ﺩﺍﻳﻲ
ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ
ﺗﺮ
ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛﻪ
ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻤﻲ
ﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛
16
ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ
ﺗﺎ
ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﻣﻮﺿﻊ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ
ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ
ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ،
ﺳﻼﻡ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ
ﺳﮓ
،
ﺳﻜﻮﺕﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ
ﺳﮓ
،
ﺳﻜﻮﺕﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ
ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ
ﺳﮓ
،
ﺳﻜﻮﺕﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ
ﺳﮓ
،
ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ
ﺳﮓ
،
ﺳﻜﻮﺕﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ
ﺳﮓ
،
ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ
ﺳﮓ
،
ﺳﻜﻮﺕﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ
ﺳﮓ
،
ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺳﻴﻒ
ﺍﷲ
ﺩﺍﺩ
ﺩﺭ
ﺳﻪ
ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ
ﺍﷲ
ﺩﺍﺩ
ﺩﺭ
ﺳﻪ
ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ
ﺍﻱ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ
ﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ
ﺍﻱ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ
ﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ
ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛
ﺷﻬﺮﻙ
ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ
ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛
ﺷﻬﺮﻙ
ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ
اﺣﻤﺪی
ﻧﮋاد
-
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ
رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ
ﻣﺮوری
ﺑﺮ
ﺟﺪال
4
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ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻧﺠﻒ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻧﺠﻒ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
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ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
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ﻧﺠﻒ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻧﺠﻒ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻧﺠﻒ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ
ﻭﮔﻮ
ﺑﺎ
ﻧﺠﻒ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
ﭘﺸﺖ
ﭘﺮﺩﻩ
ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ
ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ
ﺍﺯ
ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ
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ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ4ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ
ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ
ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺷﻬﺮﻙ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ
ﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﻔﻲ
ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ
ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ
ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ
ﺳﻴﻒ
ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ
ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ
ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ
ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ
ﭘﺸﺖ
MOSALAS .ir
ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ :ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ :ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ،ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ 16ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ :ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ :ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
MOSALAS.IR
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﻋﺼﺮ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍ ﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺑﺎ
ﺑﺎﺯﻱ
ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ
ﺳﺎﻳــ ﻪ
ﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ
ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000/
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
M OSAL AS . ir
MOSALAS.IR
ﺍﺯ؛
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ :ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ :ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ،ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ 16ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ
MOSALAS.IR
]:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z
ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝ
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ
ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺝ
ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ،ﺍﻣﻴﺮ
ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ،
ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ
ﻳﺤﻴﻲ
{ |Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼ ¾ËY
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ4ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ
ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ
ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺷﻬﺮﻙ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ
ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ
ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ
ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ
ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ
ﺳﻴﻒ
ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ
ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ
ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ
ﭘﺸﺖ
MOSALAS .ir
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ :ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ :ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ
Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ËZ¼¿ ½Â»YÌa
½Z»Â
1e
MOSALAS.IR
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
{ |Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼ ¾ËY
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ
MOSALAS.IR
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ
ﺑﺎ
ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ:
ﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ
ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ
ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ،
ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ،ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ
ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ،
ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ،ﻣﺤﺴﻦ
ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ،
ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ
ﺍﺯ؛
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ
ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ :ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ :ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ،ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ 16ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ
\ºm ¹Zm ¡Y{ ÉZÅ
µZ ½Y¯Y ¾ËeÊZÌ
»Ä·Z 4 µY|m ] ÉÁ
Ê¿ZnÀ§ ʼZÅ - {Y¿É|¼uY
MOSALAS.ir
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار
d·Á{ Á YZ] Ä]Y ½Â»YÌa ÉYÃ|¿Áa
{ ».d~³ Äq Ê¿ÂË˸e ÉZÅ ÃZÀ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ :ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ :ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ :ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ،ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ 16ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ :ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ
ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ
ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال 4ﺳﺎﻟﻪ
اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد -ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ :ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ :ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ :ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ 4ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ
ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ
ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ
ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ:
ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ
ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ
]:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z
ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ
ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝ
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ
ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺝ
ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ،ﺍﻣﻴﺮ
ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ،
ﻳﺤﻴﻲ
ﺍﺯ؛
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ4ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ
ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ
ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ
MOSALAS .ir
Ê·Y ÃZ]{ ËZ¼¿ ½Â»YÌa
ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال 4ﺳﺎﻟﻪ
اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد -ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ 18 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﺩﻫﻢﺑﻌﺪ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ
ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ 12
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
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ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ
ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳﻨﺘﻲ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ
ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ
ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ
ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ،
ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ،ﺍﺣﻤﺪ
ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ،
ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ،ﻣﺤﺴﻦ
ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ،
ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ
ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
MOSALAS.IR
ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ:
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ،ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ
ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل
MOSALAS.IR
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ
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ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
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ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ 25 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ
ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ:
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ،ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ
ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ
ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار
d·Á{ Á YZ] Ä]Y ½Â»YÌa ÉYÃ|¿Áa
{ ».d~³ Äq Ê¿ÂË˸e ÉZÅ ÃZÀ
ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ
ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ:
ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ،ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ،ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ
ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ
ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ
ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ
]:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ،ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
MOSALAS.IR
ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ:
ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ،ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ
ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ
ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ،ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ38
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ54
54
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ 18 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ 12
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ:
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ 4ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ
ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ
ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ:
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ،ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ،ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ 4ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ
ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ
ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ
ﻋﻜﺲ :ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ/ﻓﺎﺭﺱ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ:
ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ 17
ﻭﺭﺯ ﺵ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ:
ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ
ﺷﺪﻳﻢ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ 18 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ 12
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ
ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ 12
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ
ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ 12
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ:
ﻋﻜﺲ :ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ/ﻓﺎﺭﺱ
MOSALAS.IR
ISSN: 2008-5281
ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ:
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ-ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ
ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ -ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ -ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ
ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ -ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ
ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ -ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ
ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ -ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ
ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ -ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ
ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ -ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ
ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000/ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ
ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ
ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ
ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ
ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ
ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ
ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ:
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ
ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺖ
ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ:
ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ 17
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ:
ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ
ﺷﺪﻳﻢ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ:
ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ 17
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ:
ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ
ﺷﺪﻳﻢ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ /ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ /ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ 18 /ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ100 /1388ﺻﻔﺤﻪ1000 /ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ 12
ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
MOSALAS.ir
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ
ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ،ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ؛ 16ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ
ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ :ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﭼــﺸﻢ
ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ
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MOSALAS.IR
ISSN: 2008-5281
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ:
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ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ
ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ.
ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ112 .........................................................................
ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻢ114 ...............................
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ
ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ
»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ
30008312
SMSﻛﻨﻴﺪ
ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ
ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ
ﺷﻮﻳﺪ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﻋﻜﺲ ﺟﻠﺪ:ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ ،ﻓﺎﺭﺱ
ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ،ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ 106 .......................................................................
ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ107 ..................................................................
ﺷﻮﻙ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ 108 .........................................................
ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ 110 ........................
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ 111 ...................................
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ،ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ،ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ
ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ،ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ
5
ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟
ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ
ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ /ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ
ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ.
ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ،ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ
ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ 84ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ 88ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ.
ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ
ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ
ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ 16ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ.
ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ /ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ 84ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ.
ﻳﻜﻢ :ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ
ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ.
ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ
ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ
ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ
ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺻﺪﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ.ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ
ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ
ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ.
6
ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ
ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺰ
ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ
ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ
ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ/ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ.ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ
ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ.
ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ
ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ 84ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ
ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ.ﻭﺭﻭﺩ
ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ .ﭼﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ
ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ
ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ،84ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ،
ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ
ﺍﻭ ،ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ.
ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ
ﺿﻌﻔﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ .ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ ،ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ
ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؟
ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ،ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ
ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻭ
ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ.ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ،ﺷﻴﻮﻩ
ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻏﺮﻭﺭ
ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ؛» ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ « ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻔﺨﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ.ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ
ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ.
ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ
ﺣﻮﻝﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ /ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ 70ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ 80
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ
ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ
ﺑﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ،ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﻧﻪ
ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ .ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ
ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ
ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ.
ﺩﻭﻡ :ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ،
ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ .ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ.ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ،ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻲ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ،ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ،
ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ،ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ،ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ
ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ ،ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ.
ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ
ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؛ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ
ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ،ﻳﺎﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ
ﻣﺮﻋﺸــﻲ -ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻭﻱ -ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ
ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ.
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ
ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ
ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ 60ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ
ﭼﭗﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ -ﺩﻓﺘﺮ
ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ -ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ
ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ،ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ
ﺿﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ 1372ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ
ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌــﺪﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ
ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ 84ﺗﺎ 88ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ
ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ
ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ،ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ،88ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ 8ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﻱ
ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ.
ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ،ﺍﻭ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ.
ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ /ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ
ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ
ﺿﺪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ،ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ
ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ.ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺍﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ،ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ .ﻣﻬﻢ 84ﻭ 88ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ.
ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(
ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ،ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ )ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ
ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ
ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔــﻮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ .ﻭﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻣﺮ ،ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻓــﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ
ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ
ﻭ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ -ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ -ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ
ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﻓﻌﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ
ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ
ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ :ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﻯ ،ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ،
ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮﻯ ،ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻴﺎﻥ ]ﻭ[ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﻼﺡ ،ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺘــﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ،ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ.
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻰ
ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ
ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺗــﻮﻛﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ«.
ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ،
ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﺍﮔﺮ
ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻏﻴــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ،ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻮ
ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖﻛﺎﺭ ،ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻻ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ .ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ
ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ
ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ،ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ،ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ
ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺗﺎﻥ ،ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺘﺎﻥ .ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ
ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ،
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ
ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ،ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ
ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ«.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ،ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ 8ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ:
» ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ
ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦﺷﺮﻋﻴﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻛﻨﺪﻳﺎﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ،ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ
ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻛﻢﺑﺎﺷﺪ.ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻳﺎﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻒ،ﺟﺮﻡﺍﺳﺖﻭﻣﻮﺟﺐﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮ
ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻝِ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻪ
ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ
ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺮﻉ ،ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ
ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ.
ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣــﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ
ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺫﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ،
ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴــﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ،ﻳﺎ
ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ
ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﻮﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻒ
ﺟﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ
ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﺷــﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺴــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ]ﻭ[ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺒﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻖ
ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﺪ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ
ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻓﻰﺍﻻﺭﺽ
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ،ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ
ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﺎ
ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻟﻜﻦ
ﺗﺤﺖ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ،ﭼﺮﺍ
ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ،
ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﻪ،
ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ«.
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ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ
ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ
ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ 20ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ .ﺣﺠﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻼﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ،ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ
ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ
ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ «.ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﺩﻳﺪﻩ
ﺑﻨﺪﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷــﻮﻱ ﺑــﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ .ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷــﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷﻮﻱ
ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺟﺮﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﺪﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ
ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ «.ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺴﺖﻭ ﺷﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 400ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ
ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ 70ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ ،ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ 72ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ 23ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ،
ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
10
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
11
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ
ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﻋﺪﺩ ﭘﻰ ،ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ
ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ،ﻣﻨﺠﻢ ،ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﻋﺪﺩ ﭘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ
ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ
ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺪﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻭﻓﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ 3ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺯﻭ
ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ،ﺣﺴﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ،ﻣﺎﻩﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ،ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻧﻲ ،ﻭﻳﺸﻜﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
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ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
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ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ
1ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ
ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ،ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ
ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ
ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ،ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ:
»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«.ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ
ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ
ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻳﺎﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ
ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ
ﺍﺳــﺖ«.ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ
ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ
ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ
ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ
ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ«.ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ .ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ
ﮔﻔﺖﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ.
2ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ
ﻛﺎﺭ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ
ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﺮﺥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ.ﻭﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ
ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ» :ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ 87ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ 88ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«.ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ» :ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ
ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩ«.ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ،87ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ«.
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ
ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ 87ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ
ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ«.ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛــﺮﺩ» :ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ
ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
14
3ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ
ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ،ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ
ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ،ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ،
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ .ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ،ﺍﺯ
ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ
ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
4ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ 2ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
5ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ،ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ
ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ،
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ.ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ،
ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻋﺪﻡﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﮔﺎﺯﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ.ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ،
ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ
ﻛﻨﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻬﺎﻯﺣﺠﻤﻰﺭﺍﻛﻪﻣﺼﺮﻑﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ.ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻓﺎﺭﺱﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ»ﺯﻣﺎﻥ«ﭼﺎپﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ،ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺎﺯﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺩﺭ
ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ 75ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ 20ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ
ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 2008ﻧﻴﺰ
704ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ
ﻛﺮﺩ.ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ
ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻧﺪﻫﺪ.
ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ،ﻣﺒﻠــﻎ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻰ
ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ
ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ،
ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ
ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ 73ﺗﺎ 75ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ 40ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ
ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ
ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ
ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺳﻠﺴــﻮ ﺁﻣﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ
ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺒﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ.ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ
ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ
ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻲ
ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ «.ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺒﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 147/3ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ
ﺑﺮ ﺿــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻜﻨــﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺗﻮ ﺁﺯﻭﺩﻭ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ
ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 800ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ.ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ 2002ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ 2/5ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ
6ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ
ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ
ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ،ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ،
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ
ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ،ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ،ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍﺳــﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ
ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ» .ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ.
ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ،15
16ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ
ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ .ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻭﻋﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺘﻰ
ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ«.
ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑــﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ» :ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
15ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ 10ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ«.
ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻯ
ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﭙﻰ
ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻭ ،ﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯﻯ
ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«.
7ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷﻮﻳﻠﻲ
ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺳﺘﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ،ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻳﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺑــﺎ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ
ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻲﺍﻡ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻧﻤﻮﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺨﺎﺯﻳﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ
ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ
ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻔﺶ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ.
8ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﺪﻳﺮﺷﺒﻜﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺳﺎﺧﺖﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱﺍﻳﻦﺷﺒﻜﻪﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ»ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ«ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ.ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ:
»ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﻛﻪﺗﻮﺳﻂﺭﺿﺎﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻱﻭﺧﺸﺎﻳﺎﺭﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ«.ﻭﻱﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ»:ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ«.ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱﻧﻴﺰﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢﻛﺮﺩ»:ﺁﻗﺎﻱﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺑﺎﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ،ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ «.ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ،ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩ.ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ»ﺩﺍ«ﻛﻪﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ،ﮔﻔﺖ:
»ﻣﺎﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺷﻬﺪﺍﺭﺍﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢﻭﻟﻰﺣﺎﻻﺩﺭﺑﻌﻀﻰﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ«.ﻭﻯﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﮔﻔﺖ:
»ﺩﺭﺩﻟﻢﺑﻪﺑﻌﻀﻰﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻭﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺑﺪﻭﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ«.ﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﺩﺍ«ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕﺳﻴﺪﻩﺯﻫﺮﺍﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﺑﻪﻛﻮﺷﺶﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻋﻈﻢﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ
ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ.ﺯﻫﺮﺍﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰﺟﻨﮓﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰﻭﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻣﺮﺩﻡﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
9ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻰ ﻭﺳﻪﭘﻞ
10ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ TBMﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺧﻂ »ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ -ﺟﻨﻮﺏ«
ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ،ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﭘــﻲ ﺭﻣــﭗ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ
ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ
ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ:
»ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺧﻂ »ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ-ﺟﻨﻮﺏ« ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ،ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ DTAﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻲﻭﺳﻪ ﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 30ﺭﻳﻨﮓ )ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ 40ﻣﺘﺮ( ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ DTAﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ
ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ» :ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ TBMﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ،ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ EPBﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ
ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ،ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﻨﮓﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«.
ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ،ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ 15ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ
ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ 24ﺳﺎﻋﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ 24 ،EPBﺳﺎﻋﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ،ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ
ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻚ ،ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺖ
ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ .ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻚ
ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺷــﺪ .ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ 23ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ
ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥﺍﻃﻼﻉﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺑﻪﺗﺮﻙﻫﺘﻞﻣﺤﻞ
ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰﻛﺮﺩ.ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺗﻴﻢﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰﺑﻪﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﭼﻚ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ
ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ،ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ
ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ
ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻯ ﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ،ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥﻭﺯﻧﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﮔﻮﻥﺑﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ(
ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺗﻴﻢﺑﻪﻫﺘﻞﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﻗﻔﻞﺑﻮﺩﻥﺩﺭﺍﺗﺎﻕﻭﻯﻭﻏﻴﺒﺖﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﺶ
ﺷﺪﻳﻢ«.ﻭﻯﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺩ»:ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻃﻼﻉﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺍﻭﻭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﻪ
ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ
ﺩﺭﺍﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ
ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦﺩﺭﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺷﺪﻩﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎ
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵﻛﻪﻣﻘﻴﻢﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖﻋﺎﺯﻡﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ
ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩﺑﻪﻣﺎﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«.
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ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ
ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ،ﭼﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ،ﺷﻌﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ
ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻰﺭﻓــﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ،ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ،ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ
ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ،ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﺸــﻦ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ،
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ
ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺻﻠــﻮﺍﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ:
»ﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﺼﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«.
ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺛﻘﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ .ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻈﻮﻅ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ «.ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﺯ.
ﻣﺮﺩ ﻻﺑﻰ
ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻭﻃﻦ
ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ،ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ
ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ،
ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ
ﻧﺸــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ 84ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ
ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻬﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ .ﻛﻤــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ
ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ ،ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ
ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳــ
ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ،
ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ
ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــ
ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ
ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ،ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔــﺮ ﻯ
ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍ
ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ.
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺟﻤﻊ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻤ
ﻫﺎﻯ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ
ﺑﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ
ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﺍﺍﻛﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰﺩﺩﺭ
ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ
ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺟﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ
ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ .ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ
ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ،ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ،
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ« ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺶ! ﺑﺮﺧﻰ
ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟــﺮﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ،
ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺶ ،ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ
ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺑﻪ
ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻳ ﻮﻥ
ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﻳﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺑﻪ ﻮ
ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﮋﻭ ﻰ
ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﻳﻚ ﺮ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺑﻪ ﺮ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻰﻛﺪﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﺪﺭﺿــﺎ
ﺤﻤﺪﺪﺭ
ﻤ
ﺳﺎﻟﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﺎﻟﻪﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﻪ
ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﺗﺎ
ﺘﻪ
ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﻭ
ﺎﺟﺮﺕ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﻬ ﺟ
ﺑﺎﺭ ﮕﺮ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﻥ
16
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ
ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﻚ
ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ،
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ ،ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ:
»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ « .ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ،ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ
ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ »:ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ،ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ
ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺷﺪ «.ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ،ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ «.ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ «.ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ
ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ،ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ.
ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ
ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ،ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ
ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ 26ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﺪ .ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ،ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ» :ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ 43ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 18ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ «.ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﺷﻨﺒﻪ 10ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ 1388ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ
ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ 1388ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ.
ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ،1388ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ
ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ
ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ .ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﺭ
ﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈ
ﻴﺺ ﻣ ﻠ
ﺺ
ﺸﺨﺨ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸ
ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ
ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ
ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ««
ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺬ
ﺍﻯ ﺑﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻥ
ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ
ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻼ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧ ﻩ
ﺪﻩ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻭ
ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮ
ﺎﺎﻥﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ
ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺑﻼﮔ
ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﭘﺴ
ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ
ﻭﺑﻼﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ
ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ
ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻄــﺎﺭ ﺰ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ
ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻛﻨــﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﻔﺘــ
ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ
ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﻓﻄ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺯﻭﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ،ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺯﻭﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ .ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ،ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ
ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ
ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺁﻗﺎﻯ
ﺗﺎﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ«.
ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ،ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ،ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ
ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ .ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻢﻭﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ
ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ
ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ .ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ
ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ
2006ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ
ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ
ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔــﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ
ﻛﻨﻰ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺨﺸﻢ«.
17
ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﺍ
ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ :ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ
286
49
209
28
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ :ﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻘﻲﭘﻮﺭ
286
197
62
27
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ :ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻲ
286
194
67
25
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ :ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ
286
224
41
21
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ :ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ
286
173
79
34
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ :ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ
286
175
82
29
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ :ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ
286
163
83
37
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ :ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ
286
158
91
37
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ :ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ
286
200
54
32
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ :ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ
286
167
83
13
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ :ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ
286
76
181
29
)286 (283
153
103
27
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ،ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ :ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ
286
186
75
25
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ :ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ
286
194
61
31
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ :ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ
286
193
63
30
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ :ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠﺎﺭ
286
182
75
25
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ :ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ
286
219
40
27
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ :ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ
286
147
117
19
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ :ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
286
137
117
32
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ :ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ
286
225
36
23
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ :ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻱ
286
227
54
5
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ :ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ
18ﺍﺯ 21
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ
ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ.ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ.
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﻮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ .ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ،ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ
ﻋﺒﻮﺭ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ
18ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ
ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺷــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ
ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ
ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ،ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ
ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺖ،
ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ،ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ؟
ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ .ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ،ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ
ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ،
ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ
ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ
ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ )ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ
ﺻﺒﺢ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ،ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ
ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ
ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ،ﻋﻠﻰ
ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ
ﺷﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ.
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ
ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ
ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ
ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
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ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ
ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ
ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ
ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ،ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ
ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ،ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ.
ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﺵ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ،
ﺑﺨــﺖ ﺑﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ
ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎ ،ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ
ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ
ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺑﺪﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ،ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻯ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ
ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ
ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ
ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ
ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ .ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ 16ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ.
ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ.
ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ،ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸــﻰ
ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻘﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ
ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ
ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ
ﻛﻢﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻰ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ
ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ،ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ.
ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ،ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ،ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ
ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ،ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ
ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ
ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ
ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ
ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻧﻄﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ »:ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ«.
ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ،ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ .ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ
ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ
ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﻄﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻦﻇﻦ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ
ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ
44ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ
ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ،ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻄﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ،
ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ
ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ،
ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ
ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻰﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻜــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ
ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ،ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﭼﻴﻦ ،ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ
ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ،ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ،ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﺴــﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ،ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ«.
ﺍﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻗﻰ...
ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ
ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ .ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ
ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ
ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ
ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ
ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ!«ﺩﺭ
ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ
ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ،ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ
ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ
ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ،
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ .ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ
ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ
ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ
ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ،ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ
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ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ،
ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ
ﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺗﺎ...
ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ
ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ،ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ
ﮔﻮﺵ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ
ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ.
ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ
ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ،ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﻄــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻟــﺲ ﭘﺮﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺯﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ؛ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﺶ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ
ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ
ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ
ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ
ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ .ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ 44ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ
ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ
ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ
ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ،ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﻓﺮﺩ
ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ
ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ .ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ
ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔــﻰ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ
ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ
ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ
ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ
ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ
ﺑﻪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ 44ﻧﻔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ،ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ
ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ» :ﺁﻗﺎﻯ
ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜــﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ،
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ
ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ
ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ
ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ
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ﻣﻰﺷﺪ.
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ،
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ
ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ
ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺿﺪﺕ
ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ
ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ
ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ
ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻯ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ
ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ،ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ
ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ
ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﺷﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ
ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ
ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ.
ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ،
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ
ﻭﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ
ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ
ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ.
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺪﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ
ﺯﻳــﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ
ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ
ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻜﻰ
ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷــﺪ.
ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ
ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ
ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻭﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ،
ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ،ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﻮﻛﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ،ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ،ﺳﺎﺧﺖ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ
ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ .ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ
ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ -ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ
ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺳــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻋﻴﻨــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻣﺴــﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺷــﻴﺦﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻳﺪﻙ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ
ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ
ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﻄﻖ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ
ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ
ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ
ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ.
ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻚ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ،
ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ
ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻟﺤﻦ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ
ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺣﺎﻻ
ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ
ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ.
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ
ﻭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﺧﻄﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻩ ،ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ
ﺑــﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ .ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ
ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ
ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ،ﻧﻄﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ
ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ
ﻧﻄﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻟﻐﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ
ﻧﺜﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ،
ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺍﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﺶ
ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻫﻰ
ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ
ﺑــﻮﺩ .ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﺶ
ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ
ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻴﮋﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗــﺎﺕ ﻟﺤﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ
ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻋﻄﺎﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ
ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺸــﺎﻥ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ
ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ،ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ
ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻭ 10ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿــﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻧﺠــﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ
ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ
ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﺟﺪﻯ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ
ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ
ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ .ﭘﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ«.
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ
ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ،ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ .ﺣﺎﻝ
ﺭﺥ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ .ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ،ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ،ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ .ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺤﺮﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ» :ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ،
ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ،ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ
ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ،ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ«.
ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ
ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ
ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ.
ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ
ﻛﻤﻚ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ،ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ
ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ
ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ،ﻧﻄﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ،ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ
ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ؟ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ
ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ،ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ،ﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ 18ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ.
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ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ؛
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ 18ﮔﺮﻓﺖ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ،ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ .ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ 18ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ
14ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ
ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ،ﺭﻓﺎﻩ
ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺿــﻼﻉ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ
ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ
21ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻇﻬﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ 5ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ 9
ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ .ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ
ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ
ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ .ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻄﻖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ
ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ 20ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ
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ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ،ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ» :ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ
ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺳﺖ «.ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺷﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘــﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ
ﺟﻤﻠﮕــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ
ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ
ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 28ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ
ﮔﻔﺘــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ » :ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ
ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ،ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ،ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ،ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ
ﺑﻲﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ،
ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ
ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺳﻌﻲﻭﺗﻼﺵﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻫﻤﻪﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ
ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ
ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ،
ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ
ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ
ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ
ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﻭ 10ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻫــﺮ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ
ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ «.ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ
15ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ،
ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ
ﺑﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺪﺕ 15ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺷــﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺗﻤﺎﻡﻳﺎﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﻓﺮﺻﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﻤﺴﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎ 224ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ،ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ
ﺧﻮﺩﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﻭﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ
ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ،ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑــﺎ 209ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ،ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ
ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ.ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ 181ﺭﺍﻱ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ 117ﺭﺍﻱ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻄﻖ 10ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ،ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ،ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ 36ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ،ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ 40ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ
ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ 41ﺭﺍﻱ
ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ،ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ .ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ 49ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ،
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ 76
ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ،
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ 137ﺭﺍﻱ
ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻟــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ
ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ،ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ،
ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ،
ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻱ،
ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ
ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﻭﻓﻘﻂﺑﺎﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽﭘﻴﺶ
ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ
ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ
ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ 5ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ
ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ
ﻧﻔﺮ
ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺶ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ
ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻲ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ
ﺑــﺎ 37ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ
ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ .ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ
ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﻭﺣﻴــﺪﻱ ،ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ
ﺷﺪ؛ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ
ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻭ
175ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ 82 ،ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ
ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ
29ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
227ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ،ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ
ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ
ﺑﺨﺘﻴــﺎﺭﻱ ،ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ 225 ،ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ
ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ،
ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ.
ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ
ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ 175ﺭﺍﻱﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺭﺍﻛﺴﺐﻛﻨﺪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ
ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ 169ﺭﺍﻱﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺍﺯﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶﺭﺍﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪﻣﺸﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﻋﻼﻡ
ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﺻﻠﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖﺍﺳﺖ،ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ
ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ 84
ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬــﺮ ﻣﺘﻜــﻲ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺳــﺮﺗﻴﭗ
ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ
ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ
ﺑﺮﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ.
ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ 220
ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ 173ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ
ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ 205ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ
182ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ.
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ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ
ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ
»ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ
ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ «.ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ
ﺣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺧﺒﺮ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ
ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ
ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ،
ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ
ﺷﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ
ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ 20ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ
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ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻒ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻗﺼﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ،ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ
ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ
ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ
ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻮﺷــﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ
ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ .ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ،ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ
ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ،
ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ «...ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺸــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ« ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ
ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ
ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ
ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻮﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ
ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻋﺰﻡ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺘﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺧﺘﻜــﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ
ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺘﻜﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ:
»ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺧﺘﻜﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺘﻜﻦ
ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ«.
ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ .ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ
ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ
ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻮچ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻫﺎﺩﻱ
ﺳﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ
ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ،ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ،ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ
ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ
ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻩ
ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ 88ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ .ﺳﻪ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ 88ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ،ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ
ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ .ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ
ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮچ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ .ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ
ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺯﺭﻕﻭﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ
ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ
ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ
ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻮچ ﺩﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ
ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ
ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ،
137ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ 117 ،ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﻭ 32ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ«.
ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ .ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ
ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ
ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ
ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ،
ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ.
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ
ﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺟﺮﻣﺎﺳﻪ ﺁﻫﻜﻲ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ
ﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ
ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ
ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺭﺍﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺑﻪﺻﻔﺖﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ
ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺑﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ
ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ.
ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ
ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻋﻠﻲﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ 137 ،ﺭﺍﻱ
ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ 117،ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻭ 32ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ «.ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻭﻱﺩﺭﺭﺍﺱﻭﺭﺯﺵﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻭﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ
ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ،ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ
ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ،ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ...ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﻼ
ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ
ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ 84ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ
ﺳــﺎﻝ 88ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ
ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺷــﻌﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼــﺎﺏ 142ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ 73ﺭﺍﻱ
ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﺎ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 88ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ
ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ
ﺩﻫﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ،
ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ
ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ 49ﺗــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ،
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ
ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ:
»ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ«.
ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ
ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ،ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ
ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ،ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ 105ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ
ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ 76ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺸــﻤﺖﺍﷲ
ﻓﻼﺣﺖﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ،
ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ
ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ«.
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ﭘﺴﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ
ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ
ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ
ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ،ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ
ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ » .ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻭ ،ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ،ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻯ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ
ﺟﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ
ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﺙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ «.ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ
ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮﺵ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﻙ
ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ .ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ
ﺳﺎﻝ ،84ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ
ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ،
ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ
ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ
ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ.ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ »ﺑﻰﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﻭ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ« ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ
ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ
ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ.ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻭ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ .ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ،ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ
ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ
ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ.
ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ،ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ.
ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
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ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ
ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ،ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ،
ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ
ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ
ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ
ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ
ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ «.ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ
ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ
ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺫﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ
ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ «.ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ:
»ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ
ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ«.
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ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ،ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ،ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ
ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ.ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ
ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ
ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮء ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ
ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ.ﻣﻬﺪﻱ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﻔــﺖ» :ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ
ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ.ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ
ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ
ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ
ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ .ﺁﻗﺎﻱ
ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ «.ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ
ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ«.
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ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ
ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺷــﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ،ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﺒﺮ
ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ،ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ.
12ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺭ
ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ.
28ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ،ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ
»ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ
ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ،ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ
ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ
23ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ،ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ،ﺍﻋﻼﻡ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ،
ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴــﺰﺍﺩﻩ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ
ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ
ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻳﻞ
ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ
ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ
ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﻱ
ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ
ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ
ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ )24
ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ
ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ
ﺗﻴﺮ(ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ» :ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷــﻮﻡ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ.
ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ
ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ،ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ
ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ
ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ،ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴــﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ
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ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ«.
ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ،ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﺷﺐ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ،ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ
ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ،ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ .ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ،ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ،ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ،ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ
ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ،ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ.
ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ،ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ
ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻃﻰ
ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ،ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺫﻯﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ
ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ،ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ،ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘــﺪﺭﺵ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ
ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ
ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ،ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ
ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﻱ .ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ
ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ
ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ» :ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ 84ﺑﺎﺯ
ﻛﺮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ،ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭﭼﻬﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻱﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ،ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ «.ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ،ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ
ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ،ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ
ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻛﻪﺩﺭﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱﻗﺪﺭﺕﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ«.
ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ«.ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ
ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻛﻪﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻓﺎﺭﺱﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝﺑﻮﺩ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ،ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ
ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ
ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ.ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻲ
ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ،ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ
ﭘﻮﻝﭘﺎﺷــﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺭﺑﻄﻲﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ،ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ«.
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺽ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ.
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ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ:
ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣـﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ،ﺭﺍﺟﻊﺑﻪﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ؟
ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ
ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ
ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ
ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ،ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺬﻑ
ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ
ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ
ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ
ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺧﺼﻮﻣــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ،ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺯﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ.ﺣﺎﻻ
ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﭼﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟
ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
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ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ
ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ
ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ،ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ
ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ،ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﺎ
ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ
ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎﻡ
ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻋﻤﻞ
ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ،ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ.ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ .ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﻌﻼ
ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ
ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ .ﻇﻠﻢ ،ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ،ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ
ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ
ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ،ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ
ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ،ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻢ ،ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ.
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ .ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻯ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ
ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ
ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ،ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ،ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ،ﻣﺎﻟﺶ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ
ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ
ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ
ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ،ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ .ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﺻﻞ
ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﻫﻢ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ
ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ .ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ
ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟
ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ
ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ
»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ
ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﻥ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ،ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﻋﺒﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ
ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ،ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ
ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ
ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ
ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪﻛﻪ
ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ
ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ
ﻧﺸــﺪ ،ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺳــﺎﻝ 84ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ
84ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ
ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﻢ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ .ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 50ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ .ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ 84ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ .ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﺪ .ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﺠــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ !
ﺩﻭ ،ﺳــﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ
ﺷــﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﺪ.
ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ
ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻟﻄﻤــﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺨــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ
60 ، 50ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ
ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ....ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ.ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﭼﻨﻴﻦﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻭﺍﻳﻦﻧﻬﻀﺖﺭﺍﺗﺮﻙﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺵﻛﻨﻨﺪ.ﻣﮕﺮ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﺣﺬﻓﺶﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻳﻜﻲ
ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺺ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ
ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ؟
ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺣﺎﺝﺳــﻴﺪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ
ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ» :ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ،ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ «.ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻻﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ
ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ،ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘــﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ .ﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ
ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟
ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ
ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ.
ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ .ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ
ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ،
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ
ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻻﻥ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ
ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ.ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ
ﻣﺜﻞﻫﺮﻛﺲﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ
ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ
ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ
ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ
ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﮕﺮ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ.
ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ،ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺣﺬﻓﺶ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ
ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ
ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ
ﺍﺳﺖ،ﺍﮔﺮﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢﺗﻤﺎﻡﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻫــﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ
ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ
31
ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﮔﻮﻳــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ
ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ «.ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻍ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ.
ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺨﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ.
ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺖ 30ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ،ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ .ﻣﻮﺝ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ
ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ،
ﺷﻴﺦ؛ 31ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻘﻄﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ
ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ،
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺧﺼﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ،ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ.ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ
ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﻍ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ . 22:30ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺐ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ،ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﻮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺷــﻴﺦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ
ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ
ﺩﺍﺩ» :ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ،ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻼﻑﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ،ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻗﺒــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ،ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ
ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ
ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ
ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ،ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ
ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ
ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘــﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ،ﻫﻢ
ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ،ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ.
ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ،
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ
ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ«.
ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ
ﻫﺠﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ
ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ«.
ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻄــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ
ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺭﺧﺼﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ
ﺩﺭ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟــﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ
ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ
ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ
ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ
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»ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ،ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ،ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ،ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ«
ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ» :ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ
ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﻬﻨــﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ،ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ
ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺗﻬﻤﺖﺯﺩﻥﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ 84ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻭ
ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ«.
ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ
ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ
ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ «.ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ
ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ.
ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ
ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ«.ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﺩﻭﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ .ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻣــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ«.
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ؛ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ
ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ
ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ
ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ
ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ
ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ
ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ.ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ
ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ .ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ،ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ
ﺑﺮﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ
ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 50ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ:
»ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺘﻢﺷﺎﻫﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ «.ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ:
»ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ،ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ،ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ«.
ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ:
»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ «.ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ» :ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ 84ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ،ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ
ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺵ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺖ.
ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ،ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ
ﺷﺪﻳﻢ .ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ
ﺑﺬﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ
ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ«.
ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ.ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ،ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ
ﺁﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ،ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ.
ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ،ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻭﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻭ
ﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﺳﺒﻖ،ﻋﺪﻡﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵﺍﺯﺟﻨﺲﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ 74ﺭﻭﺯ
ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣــﺎ 74ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ 10ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ
ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ.ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ
ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ.ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ
ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﭙﺮﺳــﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ
ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ
ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ
ﺳﻮ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ،
ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ.ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
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ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ
»ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ
ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ.
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ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻌﻲ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ
ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ 40ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ
ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ
ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ،
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ
ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ
ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻘﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺒﻮﺩﻭﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺧﺒﺮﻱﻧﺎﻗﺺﻭﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ
ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ
ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ
ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ
ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﺯ
ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻟﺬﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ
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ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ
ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ
ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ،
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ
ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ
ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ
ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ
ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ
ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ
ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺯ
ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ 40ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ
ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ
ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ،ﺩﺭ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ،
ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ
ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻲ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟
ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ.
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ،ﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ؟
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ.
ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ
ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ،ﺟﻮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ
ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺪ .ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ
ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻓﺘﺮﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻـﻼ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺤـﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﻫﺎ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻭﻻ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ
ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ
ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻱ ﺻﺤﺒـﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮ ﻭﺻﻞ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣـﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ
ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ.
ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ
ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ
ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ
ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ.
ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﻣـﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ؟
ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ .ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ.
ﭘﺲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟
ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ،ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻨــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴـﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟
ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚﺟﺎ ﻫﻢ
ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ،ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺷﻤﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪﻛﻪﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟
ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭﻻ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ،ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ
ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ .ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ
ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ.
ﻣـﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸـﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ
ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ
ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻨـﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ.
ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ .ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓـﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ
ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱﺗﺎﻥ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ
ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴـﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ
ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ
ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﻚﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﺶ ﭼﻪ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ.
ﻓﻀﺎﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻨﺎﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ
ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ
ﭼﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ
ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟
ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ
ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ .ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫــﺎ ﻫــﻢ
ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ،
ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ .ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ 9-10ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ،ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ
ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺸﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ
ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ
ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ
ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓــﺎﺕ ،ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ،ﻳـﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻮﺩ .ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ
ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ
ﻣـﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ
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ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﻟﺬﺍ
ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻓﻜﺮ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺰﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ .ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ
ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ،ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ
ﺫﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ
ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻘﻤﺶ
ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ.
ﻣﮕـﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓـﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ
ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ،ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ
ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ
ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ
ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ،
ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ
ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ.
ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳـﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ
ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟
ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ
ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﺭﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ،ﻭﻟﻲ
ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ
ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ؟ ﭼﻴـﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ
ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟
ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ
ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ
ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ .ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ .ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ
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ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ
ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ.
ﭘـﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻨﺪ
ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟
ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺣﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ
ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ .ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺒﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ.
ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓـﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ
ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻭﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲﻣﻄﺮﺡﻧﻴﺴﺖ.ﺑﺤﺚﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺧﻼﻑ
ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ.ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑـﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ
ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ
ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻧـﻪ ،ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺮﺑـﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓـﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﻦ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﺶ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ
ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷـﻮﺩ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺸـﺪ .ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺧﺐ ،ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ.
ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ 2ﺍﻟﻲ 3ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﭘﺲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﻧﻪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ
ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ
ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ.
ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ،ﻫﺮ
ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴـﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ
ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ
ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ 70ﺩﺭﺻﺪ
ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ،ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ.
ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻪ .ﻣﻦ
ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻢ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ
ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﻧﺨﻴﺮ ،ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟــﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻈﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ
ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ
ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﻢ ،ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ.
ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ
ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺧﺐ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ
ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﻢ .ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ
ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ
ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ،ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺟﺎ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ،ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺷﺠﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﺎ
ﺁﻳﺔﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ
ﺁﻳﺔﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺻﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ
ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ
ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ
ﻋﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ
ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ
ﻣﺤﺴﻦ
ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ
ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ
ﻣﻬﺪﻯ
ﻳﺎﺳﺮ
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ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ:
ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ
ﻣﻬـﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ ،ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ
ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ،
ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷـﻮﺩ .ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ
ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ
ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ.
***
ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸـﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ
ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ
ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ »ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﺳﻮء ،ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭘﺲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﻮﺩ ،ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ
ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ
38
ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ،ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ
ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ
ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ
ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ
ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ
ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳـﺖ؟ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﭼﺮﺍ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ
ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸـﺎﺕ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ
ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻫﻴﭻﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ
ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ
ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ
ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺑﺎﺷﺪ
ﺭﻳﺰﺵﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ
ﻭﺳﺨﺖ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮ
ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ
ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻮﺩ
ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ
ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻧﻤﻲ
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﭘﻨﺞ
»ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ
ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ،ﮔﻔﺖ؛
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﮕﺮ
ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻤﻲ
ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻭﻭﺩﺭﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ
ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺭﺍ
ﺧﻮﻳﺶ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ
ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﻓﺮﺍﺯ
ﺩﺍﺭﻡ«.
ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲ
ﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ
ﺭﺍﻩ
ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸـﺎﺕ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ .ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ.
ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ
ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ
ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ
ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ
ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ
ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ
ﻧﺮﻡ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ
ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ
ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ
ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ
ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ
ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ
ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ
ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ
ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟
ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ،
ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ.ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ
ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ
ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ
ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ
ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ.
ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ
ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ،ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ
ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ؟
ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺳــﻄﺢ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ،ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﻛﺴﻲ
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ
ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﺠﻨﮕــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ
ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﺮﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺯﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ .ﻭﻟﻲ
ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻢ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ.ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ
ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ
ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ
ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ.ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ
ﻧﺮﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ
ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ
ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ،ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ
ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘـﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ
ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟
ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ،ﻛﺎﻣﻼ
ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳــﻢ .ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ،ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ
ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ
ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ
ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ
ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻫﺎ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ
» ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ ،ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ
ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ
ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ .ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ
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ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ
ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ 24ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ
ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻔﻲ
ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺭﻓﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻢ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ،ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ
ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻫﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ،ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ،ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ
ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ
ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ .ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ،ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ
ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ .ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ .ﺁﻗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ
ﺑﺸﻮﺩ .ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ
ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ.
ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ
ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟
ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ.
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ
ﻧــﻪ ،ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺗــﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ
ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ
ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ
ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ
ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺎ
ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ 85ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻫﺎ.
ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ،ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺖ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ
ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ
ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷــﺪ .ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ
ﻛﻨـﻢ .ﺍﻭﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳـﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ
ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ
ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺟــﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ
ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ
ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩ .ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ
39
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟
ﻭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻣــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ،ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﺷـﺨﺼﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ 18ﺗﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﺷﺨﺼﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﺶ ﻫﻢ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫـﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼـﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻲ ﻋـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷـﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ .ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ
ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؟
ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳــﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ
ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ
ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ،ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﻫﺎﻱ
ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ،ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﺎﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻱ
ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ.
ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ .ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ
ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ .ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ .ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻧﻪ ،ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ
ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺸـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸـﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ؟
ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ
ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ
ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ
ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ
ﺑﺎ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ
ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻦ
ﻧﻈﺮ
ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ
ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ .ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ
ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ.ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ
ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻗﻄﻌﺎ
ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ
ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ،
ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﺖ .ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ
ﻳــﺎ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ،ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ.
ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﻟﻲ
ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ
ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ،ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ.
ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ،
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻱ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ
ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ
ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﺖ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ
ﺧﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ.
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻛـﻮﻱ
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ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ
ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﺖ .ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ،ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ
ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ
ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ
ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ.
ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ .ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ
ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ .ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ.
ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ .ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ،ﻧﻪ .ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ
ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟
ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻏﻠﻂ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﺏﻭﺷــﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ
ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ
ﺁﻗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ
ﻳﺎ ﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻘـﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺎﺟـﺮﺍ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ،ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﻧﻘﺶ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻫﻤﻪﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﮔﺮﺩﻥﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢﻫﻢ
ﻧﻮﻋﻲﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲﺍﺳﺖ،ﭼﻮﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ.ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺳﻬﻢﻫﺮ
ﻳﻚﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﻮﺩﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺳﻬﻢﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎﭼﻘﺪﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺳﻬﻢﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻫﺎ
ﭼﻘﺪﺭ؟ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﺸﺨﺺﻭﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦﻣﻘﺎﻡ
ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺣﺘﻤﺎﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﻻﺯﻡﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ
ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺴـﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ
ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ،ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ؟
ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ .ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ
ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ:
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ،ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ
ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ
ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ.
ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ
ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ،ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ
ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺿﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ،ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ،ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ«.
ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ:
»ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻫﺮ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«.
ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ:
»ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ
ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ «.ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ
ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ،ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ
ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ،ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ
ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ«.
ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ» :ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ
ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ،ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ 85ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ» :ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«.
ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﻣﻦ،
ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺮﺍﻭﻻﻥ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻣﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ،
ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺮﺍﻭﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ
ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ،ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ
ﮔﺴــﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ،ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ
ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ«.
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ،
ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ،
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ،ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ
ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ«.
ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ
ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ،ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ،ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒﻭﻗﻮﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ،ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ
ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ،ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ
ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ،
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ
ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ،ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ« .
ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ
ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ،ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ» :ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ،ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ،ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ
ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ «.ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ،
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ
ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ،ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ
ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ
ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ«.
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ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ
ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ،ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻲ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣـﺮﻑﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﺑﺪﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳـﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴـﺎ ،ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ
ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ.
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ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴـﺎ ،ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ
ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟
ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ .ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ
ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ.
ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ
ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ
ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ
ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ
ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ
ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ
ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ .ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ
ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭼﻪ
ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ
ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ
ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ،ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ
ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ
ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
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ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺷﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ
ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ
ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ
ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ .ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ
ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ،
ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺒﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ
ﺿﺪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ
ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ،ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ .ﻳﻌﻨﻲ
ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ
ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ
ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ
ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ
ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙﺗﻮﺳﻂﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﺎ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ،ﺁﻳﺎﺷﻤﺎﺍﻳﻦﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ،ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﺖ.ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ
ﻭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ
ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ
ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ
ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ،ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﺶ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ.
ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ،ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ
ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫـﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ
ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﻣﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻭﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ .ﻳﻌﻨﻲ
ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫﻱ .ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ
ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ
ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫــﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﺎﻥ
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ
ﻭ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ
ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ
ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ
ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ
ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ.ﭼﻮﻥﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕﺁﺑﺮﻭﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ.ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺳﻢ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ .ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲﺑﻪﻗﻮﺕﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻗﻲﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻣﺎ
ﭼﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ
ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ
ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ .ﺍﻻﻥ
ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ 69ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ 10ﺗﺎ 13ﻧﻔﺮ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ
ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ
ﻛﺲ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﻫﻤﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ
70ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ
ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ
ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ
ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ،ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ
ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﺚ
ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ
ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ
ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺖ ﺟﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ،ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ
ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻭ 10ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ )ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ.
ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ( ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﭘﻴﺶ
ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ
ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺩﺭ
ﺁﻧﻜﻪ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ.ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻋﻮﺕ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ،
ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ 1920ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ
ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺷــﺪ ،ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ 1920ﻡ 1299/ﺵ،
ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺑﺴﺖ.
ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ
ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺒﻞﻋﺎﻣﻞ
ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻧﻄﻔــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﻟــﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘــﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ،ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ
ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺒﻰ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩ .ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ 1917ﻡ 1296 /ﺵ ،ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ
ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﻪ
ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺖ ﺟﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧــﺪﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ،ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ »ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺎﻥﺭﻳﻤﻮ« )ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ
ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ
ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭﻯ ،ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ .ﻭﻯ
ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ( ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺤﺴﻦ(
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ) ﺳﻴﺪ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ »ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ
ﻣﻜﺘﺐ
ﺑــﻪ
ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ« ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ
ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ .ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ
ﻛــﺲ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣــﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ
ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ«
ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠــﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﻫﺪﻑ
ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ،
ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ
ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻴﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ
ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ،ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﻭ
ﻳﺰﺩﻯ،
ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻭ
ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ
ﺭﺍ
ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ
ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ
ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺏ
ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳــﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺎﺭﻯ ،ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ،
ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻗﺎ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ،ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ
ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ،ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪﺑﺼﺮﻩﺑﻪﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ
ﺭﺧﺖ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺑﺴﺖ
ﺣﺒﻮﺑﻰ
ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ
ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ،ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺗﻠﻤﺬ
ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻰﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ
44
ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ
ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺎﻧﺮﻳﻤﻮ
ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ،ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ
ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺠﻒ،
ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ
ﺣﺒﻮﺑﻰ ،ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ
ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ 1921ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ.ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ
ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ
ﺷﺪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ
ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ
ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ) (1963_1958ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ،
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﻪ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ«
ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ.
ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴــﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ
ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ
ﻣﺴــﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻭﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ 1340ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ
ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ
ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻢ ،ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ 15ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ 27ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻻﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ 1390ﻗﻤﺮﻯ
)1348 -1267ﺵ( ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ .ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺵ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳﻴﺪﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺒﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺟﻨﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ .ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ
ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ
ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗــﺮ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ،
ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺧﺘــﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ
ﺳﻴﺪﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩ .ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ،
ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ،ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺁﺻﻔﻰ،
ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺳﻴﺪﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻭﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ،ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ )ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ
ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ،ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻢ( ،ﺳــﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﻧﭽﻰ )ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺠﻒ(
ﻭ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ )ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺧﻼﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ،ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ( ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ
ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺰﻯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﻫﺸﺖﭘﺴــﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗــﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻭ
ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ
ﺻﺪﺭ ،ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ
ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ .ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ،ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻯ
ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ
ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ
ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ
ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ
ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺣﻜﻴﻢﺑﺎﺩﺧﺘﺮ
ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﻮﺳﻂ
ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ
ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ 9ﺑﺪﺭ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ
ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ .ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ
ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ .ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ
ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ،
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ
ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ
ﺻــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺶ ﻭ 10ﻧﻔﺮ
ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ
ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺳﻪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ .ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ
ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪ
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻭﻯ
ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ.ﺳﻴﺪ
ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬــﺎﺩﻯ ،ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺼﺎﺣﺐ،
ﺍﻣﻮﺭ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻃــﻼﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ
ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻼﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ
ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ
ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ .ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ 5
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ 1430ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ
ﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ .ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ 1949ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ
ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ
1980ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ
ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ 29ﺍﻭﺕ2003
ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ؛ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ
ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻭﻯ ﭘﺴﺮ
ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭘﺴﺮ
ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ
ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ .ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ
ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ،
ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺋــﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻯ
ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ .ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺍﻋﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ.ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﻴﺪﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ
ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ،ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ
ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ
ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ.
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ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ
ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ:
ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻰ
ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ،ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ
ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ،ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ
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ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ
ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ
ﺩﻫﻢﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊﭘﻴﻜﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺣﻜﻴﻢﺩﺭﻗﻢ،ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﻪ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ،ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ
ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ)ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ
ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ
ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ .ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ
ﺩﺍﺩ .ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺳـﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ
ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﻋﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ
ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋــﻼ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ،
ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ،ﭼــﻪ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺣﻜﻴﻢﻭﭼﻪﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ .ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ
ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ
ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴــﺎﻻﺭ ،ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ،
ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ
ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ
ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ،ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ،ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ،ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ
ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ
ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ
ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫـﺎ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻰ ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ
ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ
ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ.
ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﺧﻴﺮ ،ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ،ﻗﻮﻩ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻪ ،ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺭﻛﻴﻦ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ،ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ
28ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ،ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ
ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ،ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ 28ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻪﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ
ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ .ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ
ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ
ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ
ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ
ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ،ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﻫﺎ،
ﺣــﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎ ،ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ،
ﺩﻫﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ
ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ،ﻣﻮﺟﺐ
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.
ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳــﺮﺩ .ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻋــﻼﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳــﺖ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ
ﻣــﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ
ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺍﻋــﻼﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ
ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ 28ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ
ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ.
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ
ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ
ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺭﻛــﻦ ﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ،ﻋﻤـﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺳـﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺭ ﺣـﻮ ﺯ ﻭ ﻱ ﻭ
ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ
ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ
51ﺩﺭﺻـﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ
ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ
ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫـﺪﺍﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻯ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟
ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ
ﺍﻭﻻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ
ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳـﻬﻢ
ﺫﻭﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ 28ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ
ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ
ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ،ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ .ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ.
ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ 28ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ.
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ
ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 14ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ 8ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ
ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ
ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀــﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪ.
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ 28ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ .ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ
ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ،ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ،ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺳﺖ .ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ
ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖ ،ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ
ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺑﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ،ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ
ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟
ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ،ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺣﻜﻴـﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺷـﻮﺩ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ
ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﭼـﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗـﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ
ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ
ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄــﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳـﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ
ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼـﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻭ
ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟
ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺎﻡ
ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ
ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼــﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ
ﺟــﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨــﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ
ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭ
ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻭ
ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ
ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ
ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ
ﺑﻪﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪ
ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﻋﻼﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺤﺖ
ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ،
ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻭﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖﻭﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﺯ
ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻕ
ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻇﻤﻲ -ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ
ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ
ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
100ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ )ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ( ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ.
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ .ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪ
ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ
ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﺮﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋــﻼﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ
250ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ،ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ 15ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻝﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺷــﻴﺦ
ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺳــﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﭙﺎﻧﭽﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﺠــﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ
ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ،
ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﻛﺮﺩ.ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴــﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ
ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ
ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ
ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ
ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ
ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ
ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ
ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ.
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ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ.
ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﻣﻮﺣﺪﻯﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ:
ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ
ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ
ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ
ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ:
ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ
ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ
20ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ
ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ
ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ،
ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ
ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ
ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ
ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ،ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ
ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ
ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ،ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ
ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﺶ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﺶﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ.
ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ
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ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ
ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ
ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ.
ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ
ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ :ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺵ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ،ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻭ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ
ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺷــﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ
ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ،ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺷــﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ
ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ:
ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ
ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ،ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ
ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﻭ
ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘــﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ
ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ
ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻮﺍﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ
ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ
ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ،ﻫﻢ
ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﻠــﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ .ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ
ﻣــﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ،ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﻰ
ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ.
ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ
ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ :ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺣﻜﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﻮﺷــﺎ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ
ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ،ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺑﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ
ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ.
ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ
ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ
ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﻫﺎﺩﻯﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺮﻯ ،ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ 9ﺑﺪﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ
ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ
ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒــﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ .ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺁﻥ
ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ
ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ.
ﻫﺎﺩﻯﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ .ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ
ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺮﻯ .ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ،ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ؛ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ.
ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ
ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ؟
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ،ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ
ﺻــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ
ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ
ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ .ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ
ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ .ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ
ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ.
ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ،ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ
ﺷﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ،ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ
ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ
15ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ 24ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻨــﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﺑﺪﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ
ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟
ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥﺑﻌﺜﻰﺍﺳﺖ.ﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﺑﻴﺎﻥﺟﺒﺮ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﺧﻸﻫﺎﻯﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺩﻳﺪﻩﻧﺸﺪ.ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ
ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﺑﺪﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ.ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎ،ﺧﻸﻫﺎﻯﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺩﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟
ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺻﺪﺭ ،ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ،
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳـﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ
ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ؟
ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ .ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ
ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ
ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻏﻠﻂ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ
ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ
ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ .ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ،ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ
ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ
ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ،ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ
ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ
ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﺖ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ،ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
ﺷﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ.
ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ
ﻋﻤﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﻭﻯ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ؟
ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻏﻠﻂ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ .ﻫﻤﻪ
ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ
ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ .ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ
ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ،ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ .ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ
ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ
ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ
ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ
ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ
ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ .ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ
ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ
ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ .ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ
ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ.ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ.
ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ،ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ
ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ.
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ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ
ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ
ﺳﻬﻴﻼ ﻃﺎﺋﻰ
ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ
ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ،
ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ .ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ،ﺣﺰﺏ
ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ،ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻬــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻤﻮﺩﻯ
ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ،ﻛﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﻔﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﻯﻫﺎ ،ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ
ﺗﻀﺎﻣــﻦ ،ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳــﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺰﺏ
ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ،ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ،
ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻼ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﻤﻴﭻ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺍﻟﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ
ﺷﻴﺦ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦﺍﻻﻧﺒﺎﺭ،
ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻟﺴــﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭼﻠﺒﻰ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ
ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ،ﺳﻨﻰ ،ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ...ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ،
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ 16ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ 2010ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻱ ) 26ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ 270ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ
ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ،
ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ،ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ )ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌــﺮﺍﻕ( ،ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ،
ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ 130ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ 270ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ
ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ.ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ،ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ
ﺑﻪ 85ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ.
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ،ﺍﺻﻮﻝﻛﺎﺭﻱ،
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ،ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ
ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ
ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ
ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ،ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ،ﺳــﻨﻲ ،ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ
ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ
ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ،ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ .ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ
ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ،ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ» :ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ«.
ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ
ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻟﻰ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ
ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ
)ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻜــﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ
ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ،ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻯ ،ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ 51ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ
ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ
ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻧﺨﺴﺖ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ
ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ
ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ
ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ،ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ،ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ
ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ
»ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻯ
ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ
ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳــﻨﻰ،
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﺐ
ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ،ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﻠــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ
ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ،ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ
ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ
ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ،ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ
ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺳــﻴﺪﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸــﺮﻉ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ
ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ«.
ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ،
ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ
ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ
ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﺪ ،ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ
ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ
ﺷﻮﺩ«.
ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ:
»ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨــﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ
ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ
ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«.
ﺍﺯ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ،ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ،ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ
ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ«.
ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ
ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﻓﻘﻴــﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋــﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﮔﻔــﺖ» :ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ
ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ
ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ
ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ
ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ
ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ،
ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
8ﻣــﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ 14ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ.
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ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ
ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ
ﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔـﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳـﻚ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺍﻋـﻼﻱ
ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ
ﺣﻜﻴـﻢ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋـﻼ ﺭﺍ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ
ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ
ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ ،ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ
ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ -ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ
ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ.
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ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ
ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ
ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ
ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ
ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
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ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺱ
ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋــﻼﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ،
ﺩﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭼﻠﺒﻲ ،ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ
ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ
ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺕ
ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ.
ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ
ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ
ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳــﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ .ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮ
ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ
ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ
ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ
ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ )ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻭ
ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ( ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ
ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ
ﻧـﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ .ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺥ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ،ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺟﺎﻱ
ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ،ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ-ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ 1920ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ
ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ،ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ.
ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ
ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ.
ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮ ،ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ
ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺣﺴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ
ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ.
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ،ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
ﺑﺮﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱﻛﻪﺍﺯﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﻭﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺣﻜﻴﻢﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺑﻪ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ.ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﻧﺰﺍﻉﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺑﺎﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺗﺎﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ
ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻳﺎﻓﺖ.
ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ
ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ
ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺩﺭ
،1920ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ
ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻋﺮﺍﻕﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳـﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ
ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗـﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ
ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟
ﺣﺴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ
ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ.
ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ 1920ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ
ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ
ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ
ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ
ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ
ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ
ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ
ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ،ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ
ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ
ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ
ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ،ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ
ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ
ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
)ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ( ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛــﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ
ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ
ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ،ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ
ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ
ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ
ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ
ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﺖ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ
ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻥﻛﺸــﻰ
ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻥﻛﺸــﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ
ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ
ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ .ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ
ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ
ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ.
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ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ N PT
ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ
ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ
ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ
ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ 23ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ« ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ.
ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ
ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ
ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ.
ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ
ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺤــﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ
ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺟﻬﺖﺳﻠﺐﺣﻘﻮﻕﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ »ﺗﻼﺵ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ
ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ
ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ
ﺟﻤﻌﻲ« ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ
ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻧﻘﺾ
ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ
ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﻭ »ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ« ﻃــﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ
ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ
ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ
ﻫﺎﻱ
ﺳﺎﻝ
ﻃﻲ
ﻛﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺑﺎﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺧﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﺏ
ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ،ﺗﻤﺮﻛــﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ
ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ،ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ
ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ
ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﺭ
ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻣﺴﻠﻢ
ﺣﻘﻮﻕ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ،ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ
54
ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ
ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ
ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ) ( NPTﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ .ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ
ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ )ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ
ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ،ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ،ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ،ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ( ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ
ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ،ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ
ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ
ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻــﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ
ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ
ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ
ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ
ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ
ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ،ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ،ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ،ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ
ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ
ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ،ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ
ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﭘﻠﻮﺗﻮﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳــﻼﺡ ،ﺻﺤﺖ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ
ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ،ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ
ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﭘﻠﻮﺗﻮﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ )ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎ( ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻤﺐﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ
ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ
ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ
ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ
ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ) (IAEAﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ NPTﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ
ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ
ﺭﻭﺱﻫــﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻱ
ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ
ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ
ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ( ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ
ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ
ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ.
ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ،ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ
ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ )ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ
ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ( ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻣﺎ
ﺧــﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ
ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲﺧﻮﺩ
ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
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ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ
ﺍﺗﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ
ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ،ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ
ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ
ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ )ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ،ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ،ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ
ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ( ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ
ﻏﻴﺮﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ
ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ« .ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻋــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ .ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ
ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟــﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ -ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ -ﺟﻴﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻂ
ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ
ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺗﻤﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ
ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ
ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ
ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮﺍﺱ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ .ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ .ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ
ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺭﺍﻫــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ
ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ
ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ،ﺻــﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ
ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ،ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ،ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ
ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻫﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ 1386ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ
»ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ،
ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ،ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ«.
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺳﺒﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ »ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ
ﺍﺳــﺖ« .ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﺭﻛﻴﻦ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ
ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ 1386ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ
ﺷﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ
ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ
ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ «.ﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ» :ﺗﻮﻗﻒ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ
ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ
ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ
ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ
ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ.
ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱﮔﺮﺍﻥ
ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ
ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ
ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ 1386ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ
ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﺩﻫﺪ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﺴــﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(.
5ﺩﻱ ،1386ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ »ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻲ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ
ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ «.ﻭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ
ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴــﻮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ
ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«.
ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺯﻳﺮﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ،ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ 31ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ 1386ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ »ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ
ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻴﻚ ﺁﺳــﻼﺧﺎﻧﻮﻑ ،ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ
ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ
ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺎﺭ ،ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ
ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻫﺪ
ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ
ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ
)ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ( ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻫﺮ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ «.ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ
ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ
ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ
ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ.
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ،ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﻄﻮﻳﻞ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ،ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ،ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺱﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
2/5ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ 90ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ
ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ )ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ(
ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ
ﻭ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ
ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ.
ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫــﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ
ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭘﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻭﻑ ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ 5ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ،
ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ» :ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺒﺐ
ﻗﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ.
ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ
ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ
ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ
ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ«.
ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ» :ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ،ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ
ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ
ﻭﻳﻦ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻃﺒﻖ
ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ 5ﺗﺎ 7
ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ،
ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ
54ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ«.
ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻗﺸــﻘﺎﻭﻱ ،ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ
ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ» :ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ NPTﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ
ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ .ﻣﺎ
ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ NPTﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ
ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ «.ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ 5+1ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ
ﺳــﻮﺧﺖﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱﺩﺭﺍﺭﺍﻙﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
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ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ
ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ :ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻲ
ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ
»ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ« ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ
ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ
ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ
ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ
ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ،ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻــﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻲ
ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ،ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ
ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
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ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ،ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ
ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ،
ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﭘﮋﻭﻫــﺶ -ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ
ﺍﺳﺖ -ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ.
ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ
ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ
ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ 1984ﺗﺎ
2004ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ.
ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ
ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ
ﮔﻔﺘﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ،ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ،ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ
ﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ
ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ
ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ،ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻥﺩﻱﺟﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ« ،ﺗﻼﺵ
ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ
ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ،ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ
ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ
ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ -ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﻱ
ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ -ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ».ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ
ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ،ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ
ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ
ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ
ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ
ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ »ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ
ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ
ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ
ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ،ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ،ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ
ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ،ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ
ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ،ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ،ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ،
ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ) ،(Sardarﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ،ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ
ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻚﺁﻟﻴﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ،
ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ 1945ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ
ﻙ.ﻡ .ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ،ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ
ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ،ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻭ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ
ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ
ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ :ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ
ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ -ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ -ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ.
ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ) (1950-53ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ
ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻲ
ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ -ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ -ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻚﺁﻟﻴﺴــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ
ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ،ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ 1970ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ،ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ
ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ
ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ -ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ -ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ 20ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﻻﻳﻞ
ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ
ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ،ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ
ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ.ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ
ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ .ﺳﺎﻝ،2002
ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﺏ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ
ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ،ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ
ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻣﻮﺝ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ
ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ،ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ -ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ
ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ -ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ.
ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ
ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﺍﺯ 1984ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ،ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ
ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ
ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ
ﺭﺩﻳﻒ
ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ
ﺍﺳــﺖ.ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻣﻬﻢﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ
ﭘﺴﺖ /ﺣﻘﻴﺮ
1
2
ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ
ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ
2
ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ -ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ
ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ
3
1
1
2
ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ،ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴﺖ،ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ-ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ
ﻣﻄﻴﻊ
4
5
2
ﻭﺗﻴﺮﺍژﺑﺎﻻﻭﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﻛﺎﺥ
ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ
5
ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ
ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ
6
2
ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
7
7
7
3
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ
ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ
8
5
3
3
ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ.
ﺟﻤﻊ
9
22
11
10
ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ ،ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﺮﻑ
ﺩﺭﺻﺪ
10
51
26
23
ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ،ﻫﺸﺖﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩ
ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ
ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ )ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ( ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ
ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ »ﺧــﻮﺏ -ﺑﺪ« ﻗﺎﺑﻞ
ﻓﻬﻤﻨــﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ» :ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ
ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ» ،ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ» ،ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ
»ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ» ،ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ
ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ» ،ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ« ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ؛ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ -ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ« ﻭ
»ﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭﻏﺮﻳــﺐ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ .ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ،ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ
ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺳﺎﺯﻱ
ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ،ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ،
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ»ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ،ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ« ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻘــﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ
ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ،
ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ )ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ 9ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ 6ﻣﻮﺭﺩ( ،ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ
)ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ 8ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ 6ﻣﻮﺭﺩ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ )ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ 12ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ
5ﻣﻮﺭﺩ( ،ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ
»ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ« ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻋﺠﻴﺐ«
)ﺑﺎ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ( ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ
ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ ژﻭﺭﻧــﺎﻝ ،ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ
ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ،ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ
ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺑﻨﺎ
ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ
ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎ ﺭ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ
ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ
ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ﻭ »ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ،
ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ
ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ،ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ،ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ
ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ
ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ.ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ
ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ
ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺰ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ.ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ
ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ
ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ
ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ
ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ.
ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ،NPTﻣﺎﻧﻊ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ
ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ 40ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ،1995ﺭﻭﻧﺪ
ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ
ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 2005ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ
ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ 10ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻼﻫﻚ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ
ﻭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ
ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ
ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ
ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ -ﺟﻴﻤــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ -ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ
ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ NPTﺍﺳــﺖ «.ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ
ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺑﺎﻟﺴــﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ
ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ
ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ،ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ
ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴــﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ،ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ
ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ،ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ
2
5
ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ
ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ،
4
9
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ
7
16
ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ
ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ،ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ
2
5
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ
17
40
ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ
11
26
ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
43
ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ
100ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
59
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ
ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ
ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ
ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ 28ﺍﻭﺕ ) 6ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ(
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ
ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ
ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ .ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ 2ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ 11ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ( ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1
ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛
ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ،ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ
ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗــﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ،ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ،
ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﺏ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ
ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ
ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ 4929ﻋﺪﺩ
ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ 2009ﺑﻪ 4592ﻋﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺕ ) 2009ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ(
ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ «.ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ:
»ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ
ژﻭﻳﻴــﻪ ،2009ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ 169ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ
ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻭ 77ﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ
ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ «.ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺧﻮﻳﻦ ،ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﺷﺪﻩ
ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ،ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ »ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ«
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻤﻚ ﺳﺒﺰ
ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ 3ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﻼﻫﻚ
ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺑﻪ»ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ« ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ،ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ
ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ،ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
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ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺑﺮﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺟﻬﺖﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ:ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ
ﺁﺳﻮﺷــﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ
ﻓــﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ
ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ .ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ 2007
ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ 2003ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ
ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ
» 2007ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ
ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ،ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ،
ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1ﺩﺭ 2ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ» .ﮔﺮﺙ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﺮ« ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ
ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ
ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ
ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ،ﻛﺎﻫﺶ
ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ،ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ
ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﺏ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ
ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ :ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ
ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﻜﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺑﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ
ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ
ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ
ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ،ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ
ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ
ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬــﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ .ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ،
»ﻳﻮﻛﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﻧﻮ« ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ
ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ
ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ
ﻏﺮﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ
ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ 5+1ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ
ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ
ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ
ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ،ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 88ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ.
ﻛﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ،ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﺶ
ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ .ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ
142ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻘــﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ
ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ،ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ
ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ
ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ:
»ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ
ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ «.ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮔﭙﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ
ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ «.ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ
ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ.
ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ
ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ .
ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﭘﺸﺖ
ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ
ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ
ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ،ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ
ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ
ﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻛﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ 57ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ
ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ،ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ
ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ
ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻢﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ
ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ
ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ
ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻱ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ .ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ
ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ
ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ،ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎ ﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ
ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ
62
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ
ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ
ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻱ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ
ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ .ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ .ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ
ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ
ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ .ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
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ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ
ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ .ﭼﺮﺍ؟
ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ.
ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ.
ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﻧﻪ ،ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ.
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ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ
ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ
ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺳــﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﺑﺎﺟﻨﺎﻕ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻋﺒﺎﺱ
ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ،ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ«
ﺷــﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ
ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ:
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ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ
ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ.
ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ .ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟
ﺑﻠــﻪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ
ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ.
ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰﭘﺲﺍﺯﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻋﺠﻴﺐﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟
ﺧﻴﺮ ،ﺍﺻﻼ.
ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ
ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ.
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ.
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ 88ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ
ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ
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ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ
ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ
ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ.
ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ
ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ .ﻧﺎﻡ
ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ «.ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ
ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ
ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ» :ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ،ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ،ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻰ
ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ) (1388ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺑﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻘﻒﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ) ،(1387ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ،ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ.
ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 1388ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺰﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ »ﻻﻣﭗ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ« ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ
ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ «.ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
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ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ.
ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﻓﻌﻼ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ.
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ
ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ
ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣــﻲ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ
ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﻰ 20ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ .ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ.
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ
ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ
ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ
ﺭﻭﻧــﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ.
ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ 88ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ
ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻜﻮﺕﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ،ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ.
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ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ .ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ.
ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ.
ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟
ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ
ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ.
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ
ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ
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ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ
ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺁﻣﺪ
ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ
ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺭﺍﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺑﻪﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﻛﻪﻳﻜﻰﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺑﻪﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺑﻮﺩ.ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﺩﺭﻫﺮﺩﻭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ
ﺳﺎﺑﻖﺑﻪﺷﺮﺣﻰﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻭﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺸﺪ.
ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻟﻘﺐﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ.ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯﺗﻠﺦﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﺼﻴﺐ
ﺑﺮﺩ .ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
20ﺳﺎﻝﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﺍﻫﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﺗﺎﻕﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ.ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﭘﺲﺍﺯﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ
ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﺩﻝﺧﻮﺷﻰﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﻭﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥﺁﻥﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﻭﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺁﻧﺎﻥﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ.ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦﻣﺪﺍﻡﺷﺪ.ﺍﻣﺎﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻓﻌﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻭﺩﺭﺷﺮﻛﺖ»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«
ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ
»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺍﻭﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺑﻖﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﮔﺮﻣﻮﻓﻖ
ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺷﺮﻛﺖ
ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﻭﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺍﻭﻃﻰﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻣﺤﻞﺣﻀﻮﺭﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻭﺩﺭﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕﻫﻴﺎﺕ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ .ﺁﻝﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ
ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ
ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ.ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻭﺣﻀﻮﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺩﺭ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﻢﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ.
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻢﺣﺰﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ
ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﻧﻴﺰﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪﺭﺍﻫﻰﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ
ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ
ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯﺑﺎﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻴﺰﻓﻌﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻭﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﺤﺚﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺷﺪﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺳﻜﻮﺕﻛﻠﻰﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ .ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ.ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ،ﻭﻟﻰﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯﻫﻢﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﻭﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻭﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻫﺮﮔﺰ
ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳﻰﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺗﻜﻴﻪﻧﺰﻧﺪ.ﺍﻭﺩﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ
ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ .ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ
ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥﻭﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﻫﻢﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ
ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ.
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ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟
ﺧﻴﺮ ،ﺍﺻﻼ .ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ .ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ.
ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪﻭﺧﻮﺩﻧﻴﺰﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩﺍﺯﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺮﺍﻯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ.
ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻛﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟
ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ.
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ؟
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻲ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ
ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺎ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ
ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ.ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ
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ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ
ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ
ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺷــﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ
ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺷﺪ .ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ
ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ .ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ
ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ
ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷــﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ
ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸــﺖ .ﺷــﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ
ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ.
ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ،ﺑﻴﮋﻥﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪﺭﺍﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺑﻪﺻﻔﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻔﺖﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ
ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ.ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﻛﻤﻲﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ.ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ
ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ 60ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ
ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ،ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ .ﺍﻭ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻰﺭﺍﺑﻪﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪﺩﺍﺩ.ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰﺑﻌﺪﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪﺩﺭﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻭﻝﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ
ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰﺭﺍﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ.ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺭﺍﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺪﺍﻡﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ.ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ
ﺁﻳﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﻭﭼﭗﺑﺎﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡﺍﺯﺍﻭﻳﺎﺩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻟﻰﺍﻭﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﺭﻓﻀﺎﻯ
ﭘﺮﺍﺯﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ.ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﭼﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
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ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ؟
ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻢ.
ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟
ﺧﻴﺮ ،ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﻢ.
ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ؟
ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ .ﻛﺎﺭﻯ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ.
ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﭼﺮﺍ ،ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ .ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ،ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ .ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ »ﻣﭙﻨﺎ« ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ
ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ
ﺷﺪﻩﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯﻛﺎﻣﻞﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻥﺷﺎﺍﷲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﻛﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ
ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺷﺪﻧﺪ.ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 30ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻱ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ
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ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ
ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ
ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ
ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ 30ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ
ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ،ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ
ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ.
ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ
ﺻﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« .ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ
ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ
ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ
ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ
ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ،ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ »ﻣﭙﻨﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ
ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ
ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ .ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ
ﺷﺪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ
ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ
ﺩﺭﻯﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ
ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ
ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ،ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩﺷﺎﻫﺪﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ،ﻭﻟﻰﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻧﻴﺰﻃﻌﻢ
ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪ .ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 30ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ
ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐﺭﺍﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ.ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﺻﻠﻰﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺩﻳﻦﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ .ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ
ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺣﺘﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖﻋﺎﻟﻰﻧﺴﺐﺭﺍﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ
ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ
ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ .ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ
ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ
ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ
ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ .ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ
ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ
40ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ
ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ
ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ
ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ
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ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ
ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ
ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ
ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ
ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ
ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺷــﻬﺮﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ
ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
»ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ« ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ
ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ:
ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ
ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑـﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ،
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣـﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗـﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ
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ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
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ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ
ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ
ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ
ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ
ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ
ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ،ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ
ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ
ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ
ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ .ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ
ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟
ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ
ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ .ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ،ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ.
ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ،ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ» :ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«.
ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ
ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ .ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ
ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ
ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ.
ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ
ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ
ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ.
ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ،ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺒﺘﻜــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ
ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ» :ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«.
ﻭﺍﭘﺴــﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ
ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ 30ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ 86ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ
ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ
ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ.
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ
ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ.
ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ
ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ،ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ
ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ» :ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ،ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ
ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ،ﺳــﻔﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﻭ «...ﺣــﺬﻑ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻋــﺪﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ
ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ
ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ
ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
»ﮔﺮﺍﻧــﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ
ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ
ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ
ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺳﻄﺢ
ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ «.ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ 88ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ
،88ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ 300ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺼﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ
ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ
ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«.
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ
ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ
ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ .ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ
ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﮔﻮﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ
15ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ 30ﺗﺎ 35
ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ
ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ»:ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ 300ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻍ
ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ،ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ
ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﺯ
ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ،ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ
ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ«.
ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ
ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﺩ.ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦﺳﺎﻝﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻃﺮﺡﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺑﻪﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﻏﺼﻪﺍﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻩﻭﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ
ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ .ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ
ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﻮﻳﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ
ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟
ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ
ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻋﺮﺿﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺎﻩﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﻋﻤﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ
ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ.
ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ
ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ
ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ
ﻭﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ
ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟
ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ
ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ
ﭼﻮﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ،ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ،
ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺒــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ
ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ
ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ
ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ،ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ
ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ،ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ
ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ.
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ
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ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ
ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ:
ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ
ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴـﻢ ﻭ
ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺭﻣﻀـﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ
ﻋﻤـﻞ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ
ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ
ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ
ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ
ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ
ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻜﺮﻳﻪ،
ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨـﺎﻑ
ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ
ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ.
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ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ
ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ.
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ .ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ
ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ
ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺨﻠﻔــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺑﻪ
ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ
ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ،ﻧﺮﺥ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺣﺒﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﭙﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻳـﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ
ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ
ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ
ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻠﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
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ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ.
ﭼـﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
320ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ
ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ
ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﻒ
ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ 15ﺩﺭﺻﺪ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﺥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣــﺮﻍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ،
ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ،ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ
ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ
ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺧﻴــﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ؟
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ،ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ
ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺪ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ
ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ
ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ،ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ
ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ
ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ
ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ
ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ،ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ
ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻧﺮﺥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺮﺥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ،ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ
ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ،ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ
ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ:
ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ
ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ
ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ
ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ
ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ،ﻣﺪﻳﺮ
ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـﻰ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ
ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﻲ
ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ
ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ
ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ .ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﺯ 164ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ 448ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ 149 ،ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ 334ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻭ 15ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ 210ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ 263ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ
ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫـﺶ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ.
ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣــﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ
ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ
ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻢﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ،ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ،ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ
ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ
ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ
ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ.
ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫـﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔـﺎﺕ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗـﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟
ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ
ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻡﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ
ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ،ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ .ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ
ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ
ﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ
ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﺗﻴﻜﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺮﺥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺿﺮﺍﻳﺐ
ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻴﻜﺖ ﻧﺼﺐ
ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ
ﻣﻮﺍﺩ 65ﻭ 66ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺤﺴﺎﺏ ،ﺗﺨﻠﻒ
ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ،ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ
ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ.
ﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﺮﺗﻲ -ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻗﻨﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺯﻭﻟﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ
ﺯﻭﻟﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻩﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﻟﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻨﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ .ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ
ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻳﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻧﺮﺥ ﺯﻭﻟﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ
ﻗﻨﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﻭﻟﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﻟﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺫﻭﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﻠﻮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ
ﺷـﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﻬﺖ ﺯﻭﻟﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳـﻪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻭﻟﺒﻴﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺭﻓﺘـﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒـﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ
ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧـﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻩﺑـﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 1200ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 400ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ
ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
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ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ
14ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ!
ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ
ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ،ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ 14ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻢ -ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﻢ -ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻨﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟
ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ 1374ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺭﺍﻩﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ،ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ
ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻂﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ
ﻗﻢ -ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ،ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻂﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ
ﺣﺠﺘﻰ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ
ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ
ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ 1381
ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ
ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ
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ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ 61ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻂﺁﻫــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﻢ ،ﺩﻟﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﺧﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ
ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ.
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ
ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ
ﻣﺠــﺮﻱ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ
700ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ
ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻢ _ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ،
ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ
ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ
ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﻄــﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻛﺮﺩ«.
ﻣﻴﻤــﻪ ،ﺩﻟﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ
ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ
ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ.
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻧﻴﻚﻛﺎﺭ ،ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ،
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ» :ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ،ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻤﻪ ،ﺩﻟﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﺧﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ
ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ«.
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ،ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ،ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ
ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ،ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ 60ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ .ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ
ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ
ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ
ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ 700ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ
ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ
ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ،ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ
ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ
ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ
ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ:
»ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ،ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ
ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ
ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ
ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ
ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ«.
ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ» :ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﻣﺼﻮﺏ )ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ( ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﺳــﻰ
ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ
ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ 160ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ«.
ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ» :ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﺴﻪ
ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ )ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ -ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ -ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ
ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ،ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ
ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺭ ،ﺩﻟﻴﺠﺎﻥ،
ﻣﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﺧﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﻫﻰ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺍﻕ ،ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ،ﺧﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ
ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﺱ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ
ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﻗﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ
ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ 160ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻢ -ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ
ﺍﺯ 70ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻢ -ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ « .ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 80ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻞﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺧﻄﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌــﺮﺽ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ
ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ
ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﻪﺍﻯ
ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ
ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ -ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ 380ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ
ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ
ﺍﺯ 50ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ 36ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ
ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻞ
ﺷــﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻫﻦ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟــﺬﺏ 10
ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ -ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ
ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ
ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ -ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ
ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ
ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺧﻂ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ 5/1ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ
ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ -ﻗﻢ -ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ
ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ
ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ
174ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ
ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ
ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬــﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ
ﺧﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ
ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ
ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ 14ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ» :ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂﺁﻫﻦ 400ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ
ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ 600
ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ
ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ«.
ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻢ -ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ
ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ -ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ،ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ
380ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ 36ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ -ﻗﻢ -ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ
ﺷــﺪ ،ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ
174ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺁﻥ 250ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ -ﻗﻢ -ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ.
73
ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺝ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ
ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ
ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ.
ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮگ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ
ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﺵ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ
ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ
ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ .ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ
ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ.
ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ
ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻯ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ،
ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ
ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ،ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ
ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ .ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ
ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ
ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ
ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ
ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ
ﺑﺮﺷﺪﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻳﺶ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺧﺒﺮﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
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ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ
ﺗﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴــﻮﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻛﺮﺝ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ،ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ
ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ
ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﻛﺮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ
ﻃﻰ 30ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺝ
ﻃﻌﻢ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ
ﭘﻠﻨﮓﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ
ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ
ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ
ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ،ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ
ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ «.ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ» :ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ
ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ«.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ
ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ
ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺻﺒﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ
ﺗﻚ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ 11:30ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺝ
ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺳﻘﻮﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ
ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﻘﻮﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ .ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ
ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ .ﺧﺮﻡ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ:
»ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ «.ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ
ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ
ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ،ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻃﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ «.ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ
ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ
ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ
ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ
ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ
ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ.
ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ
ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ .ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺟــﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ
ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ
ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ
»ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ
ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
»ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥﻣﺴﺖ
60ﺳﺎﻝﺑﺎﺻﺪﺍﻱﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ
ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ،1328ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ«ﻯ 9ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ
ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ،ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ
ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ 60ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ 60 .ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ،
ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ
ﺑﻄﺎﻟﺖ .ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ 60ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺳﺖ ،ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ
ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ
ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻭﺑﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﺁﻥ ،ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ
ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ.
ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ،ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ .ﺳﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺷــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ
ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ
ﭘﻴﺶﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻭﻃﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﺶ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﺶ
76
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﻘﺪ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ« .ﻋﻤﻖ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ »ﻭﺏ«
ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ،ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ
ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺥ
ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺣﺪﺱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ
ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺷﻚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ
ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﺶ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ
ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ .ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ،ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤــﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧــﺪ ،ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺍﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ
ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ
ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺁﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ
ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ
ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ
ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ )ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺳﺎﺯ
ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻪﺗﺎﺭ( ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ
ﻣﻬﺮﺗﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ .ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ .ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮگ ﺳــﺒﺰ ،ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ «216ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ
ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ
ﺑﻴﺪﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ
ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺻﺒﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ .ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ
ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ
ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ )ﺳﺎﻳﻪ( ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ
ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ
ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ .ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ،ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻔﺮ ،ﺣﺴﻴﻦ
ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ،ﺟﻼﻝ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ،ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﻪﺍﻯ ،ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ،ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ
ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺻﻔﻮﺕ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ ،ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ
ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﺮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ
ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ
ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺪﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ
ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ
ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺪﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻘﺎﻕ
ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ
ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ،ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ
ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ
ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ
ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ 1383
ﺑﺎﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻢ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ
ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺩﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ -ﻫﻨﺮﻯ
ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻢ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ
ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ
ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ
ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷــﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ
ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ -ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻭ
ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ
ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ
ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻨــﺎﻥ ،ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ
ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ
ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ
ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ .ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ
ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ
ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧــﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ
ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ،ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻆ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ
ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﻧﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ
ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎ ،ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺁﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ
ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻭﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ
ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ .ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ »:ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎ،
ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ .ﻳﻜﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺁﻗﺎ ،ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ،
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ .ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ .ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ :ﺷﻐﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ
ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ،ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ .ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ :ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﻐﻞ
ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ،ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﻯ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ
ﻓــﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ .ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ .ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ
ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ،ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ،ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻰ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ
ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ -ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﮔﻮﺵ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ.
ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ،ﻗﻄﻌﻪ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ،ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﻯ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ( ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ
ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻱ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺵ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ
ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ
ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ،ﻧﻮﺍ ،ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ،ﺑﺮﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ...ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ
ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺑﺎﻍ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻢ« ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ
ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ.ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ
ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ
ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ
ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ .ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻼﻝ
ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ،ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ،ﻧﺎﺻﺮ
ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻔﺮ ،ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ،
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ،
ﺟﻼﻝ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ،ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ
ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﻤﺎﻭﺍﺗﻲ ،ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ...ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ
ﮔﻨﺠﻪﺍﻯ ،ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻯ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﻚ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ
ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ،ﻣﺮﻛﺰ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ
ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ،ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻴﻢ .ﻣﻦ 45ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ
ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ
ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺻﻔﻮﺕ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ
ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ.
ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ
ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻜﻨﺪ .ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ
ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺫﻭﻗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ
ﺍﻳﻦﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ«.
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ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥﻣﺴﺖ
ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱﺑﺮﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺯﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ
ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ
ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ،ﻧﻮﺍ )ﻣﺮﻛﺐﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ( ،ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ،ﺟﺰﻭ
ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ
ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻱ
ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ،ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ،ﻧﺎﺻــﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻓﺮ،
ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ،ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺝﭘﻮﺭﻱ ،ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ...ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ »ﺳــﭙﻴﺪﻩ«» ،ﺭﺯﻡ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ«» ،ﻣﻴﻬﻦ«،
»ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ« ﻭ ...ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ
ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ »ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻢ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ:
»ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ
ﺍﻳﻦ 30ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ» «.ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ 60ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ
ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﻮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺭﻭﻯ
ﺷﻌﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ »ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ،ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ« ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ
ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ .ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ»
ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ،
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ .ﭘﻨــﺞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ،ﻳﻌﻨﻰ
»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ«» ،ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ«» ،ﺳﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ«» ،ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺐﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ«
»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ
ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ 60
ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ
»ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ« ﺣﺎﺻﻞ
ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ
ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ -ﻋﻨﺪﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ 70ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ
ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ
»ﺷﺐ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ،ﻛﻮﻳﺮ« ﻛﻪ
ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭﻳﻚ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
78
ﻭ »ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ«» ،ﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﺎﻕ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﺩ ﻋﻮﺩ«
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ -ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﻗﺎﺻﺪﻙ«
ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ .ﻗﺎﺻﺪﻙ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺳــﻪﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ،
ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ؛ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ /ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ
ﺑﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﻼﻝ« ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ،ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ
ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋــﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ .ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ
ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ
60ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ ،ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﻋﻨﺪﻟﻴﺒﻰ ،ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ
ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ
ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ
ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ
ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ.
»ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ« ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ
ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ -ﻋﻨﺪﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ،ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ
ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺁﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ
ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻨﺒﻚ ،ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ 70ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ
ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ »ﺷﺐ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ،ﻛﻮﻳﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭﻳﻚ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ -ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ -ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼــﻮﻥ »ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ«» ،ﻋﺸــﻖ
ﺩﺍﻧﺪ«» ،ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ«» ،ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺵ«» ،ﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﺎﻕ«» ،ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ
ﭼﻬﺮﻩ« ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻝﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ .ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ
ﺩﻭﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﺍﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ »ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺭ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ
ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ،ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺳﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ ،ﻧﻮﺍ ،ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ،ﺳﺮﻭ
ﭼﻤﺎﻥ ،ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ،ﺩﻝ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ،ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ،
ﺩﻟﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ،ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻳﻪ ،ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ،ﭼﺸﻤﻪﻧﻮﺵ ،ﻛﺮﺷﻤﻪ
ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ،ﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﺎﻕ ،ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ،ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ،
ﺳﺎﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮ ،ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ،ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻝ ،ﺧﻠﻮﺕ
ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ،ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻝ ،ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻩ ،ﺷﺐﻭﺻﻞ،
ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ،ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ،ﺷﺐ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ،
ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺪﺭ ،1ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺪﺭ ،2ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﻓﺎ ،ﺑﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ،
ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺮ ،ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ،ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ،
ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺮ ،ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﻋﺸﻘﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ،ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ،
ﻗﻴﮋﻙ ﻛﻮﻟﻲ ،ﺁﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ.
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻝ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺷﺪ.
»ﺷﺐ ،ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ،ﻛﻮﻳﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ» .ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ«
ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺕﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
»ﺷــﺐ ﻭﺻﻞ« ﻭ »ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ
ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻃﻼﻳــﻰ ،ﻓﺮﺝﭘــﻮﺭﻯ ،ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﻭ
ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ» ،ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﻓﺎ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ .ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ،
ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ.
»ﺑﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ
ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺣﺮﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻰ(
ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ،ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ
ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
»ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ.
ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ »ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«» ،ﺑﻰﺗﻮ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ«
ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ،ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺩﺭ »ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ« ،ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ
ﺑﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
»ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻯ ﻋﺸــﻘﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ«» ،ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ«» ،ﻗﻴﮋﻙ ﻛﻮﻟﻲ«،
»ﺁﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
»ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ
ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ
ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺕﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ »ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«
»ﺑﻰﺗﻮ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ
»ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ« ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ
ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ،
ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ
»ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻯ ﻋﺸﻘﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ«،
»ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ«» ،ﻗﻴﮋﻙ
ﻛﻮﻟﻲ«» ،ﺁﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ
ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥﻣﺴﺖ
ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ
ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ
ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷـﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ«
ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷـﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻥ«
ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ،
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ» .ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ،
ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ
ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ
ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ،
ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺣﺎﻻ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻰ
ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻫﺮ
ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ،ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ.
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ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ،ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ،ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟
ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻡ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻪﺗﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻨﺶ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺷــﻬﻨﺎﺯ« ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ 10-12ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ .ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ،ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ
ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ
ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻏﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ
ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ،ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ.
ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﮔﺮﻭﻩﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﭼﻘﺪﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﻮﺩ؟
ﻭﻗﺘﻰﭘﺪﺭﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﮔﺮﻭﻩﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﺭﺍﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ،ﻣﻦﻓﻘﻂﺍﺯﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢﺗﺎﺳﺮﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕﺣﺎﺿﺮﺷﻮﻡ.ﺩﺭﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊﺗﻨﻬﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ
ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ»ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ«ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻢ
ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ،ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻣﻦﻫﻢﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻢﻭﺩﺭ
ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ .ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﻦﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ،ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﺷﺪﻡ.ﭼﻮﻥﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﺯ
ﺯﺩﻥﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ
ﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻰ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻘﺶ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ،ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ
ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ
ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ
ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺳﺖ
ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ.
ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ،
ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟
ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ
ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ .ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ
ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ
ﺳﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ
ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ
ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ
ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ
ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ
ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺪﺭﻳـﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺷـﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ
ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ،ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮ
ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ؟
ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﺭﺍ
ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﺩﺭﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﺁﻥﺑﻪﺻﺤﻨﻪﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ،ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢﺗﺎﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ»ﺳﻪﺗﺎﺭ«ﮔﺮﻭﻩ
ﺭﺍﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻛﻨﻢﺗﺎﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﻫﻢﺍﻧﺲﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ.
ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﺯ؟
ﻛﺮﺷﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ،
ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻪﺗﺎﺭ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ،ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ
ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ،ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻡ ،ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺁﻥ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ
ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ...ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺳـﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ
ﺍﺳـﺖ ،ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟
ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ
ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﻣﺴﺖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ
ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ .ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ
ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ
ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ.
ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺮﻍ ﺧﻮﺷـﺨﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ
»ﺳـﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟
ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ
ﺁﻧﺴﺎﻣﺒﻞ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
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ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥﻣﺴﺖ
ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ -ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺑﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ
ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ
ﺷــﺪ .ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ
ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ
ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺷــﺎﻥ
ﺟﺰ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ .ﺣﻖ
ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ
ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ،ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡﻣﺎﻥ
ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴــﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎ
ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ
ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ .ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ
ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴــﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ،ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ
ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ.
ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ
ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ
ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ
ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ،ﺛﻘﻞ
ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ
ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻧﻮﺭﺩﺩ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ،ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ
ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ
ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻒ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ
ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ.
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ
ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ ،ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ،ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
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ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ:
» ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ «
ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ
ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ
ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﺖ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ،ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳـﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺿﻤﻦ
ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷـﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸـﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ
ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ
ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪﺷـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺣﺮﻓـﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ.
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»ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﺖ« ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪ ،ﭼﻄﻮﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩ ﻭ »ﺁﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ«
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷـﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺳﺎﻝ 88ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ؟
»ﺁﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ 7-8ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ
ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ .ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ
ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒــﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ
»ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 17-18ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ .ﻭﻗﺘﻰ
ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ »ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ
ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﻨﻢ .ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨــﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ
ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻯ
ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻝﺁﻭﺍﺯ«
ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ.
ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟
»ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ »ﻣﺎ ﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ«
ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ
ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ.
ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﻓﻜﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ
ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﻋﺮﺍﻕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ.
ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷـﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ
ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ،
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﻳﻜﻰ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ»ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ
ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰﭼﻮﻥﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ،ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﻭ...ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ«
ﺍﺳﺖ؟
»ﻣﺮﻍ ﺧﻮﺷــﺨﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ »ﺷــﻮﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ
ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ» .ﺳﺎﻗﻰﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ »ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺿﻤﻦﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻭﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺭﺍﺁﻏﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﻛﺮﺩ.
»ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﺖ« ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ
ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﺭﻭﺷـﻰ ،ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ؟
ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺣﺲﻭﺣﺎﻝﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺑﻪﺍﺛﺮﺩﻫﺪ،ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪ،ﺿﻤﻦ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢﺩﻭﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﺟﺪﻳﺪﺭﺍﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﺁﻧﺴﺎﻣﺒﻞﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﻨﻴﻢ
ﺗﺎﻫﻢﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺗﺮﺷﺪﻩﻭﻫﻢﺣﺲﻭﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺩﻫﺪ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪﻭﺩﺭﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯﻛﻪﺗﻮﺳﻂﮔﺮﻭﻩﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ»ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ«
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ.
ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﮔﻞﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﺿﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ
ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻯ ،ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻳﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺿﻤﻦ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ
ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ
ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴـﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭼﻪ
ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ؟
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﭘﻴﺶﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ
ﺑﺰﺭگﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ،ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﻋﺎﺭﻑ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ
ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺐﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ
ﻛﺪﺍﻡﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﺁﺛﺎﺭﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺳﻨﺘﻰ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ،
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ »ﺁﻭﺍ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ
ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ
ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ
ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ .ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻣﻦﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥﺑﺎﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯﺑﺰﺭگ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ 17ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ
ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ
ﺣﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﺖ« ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ
ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷـﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ،ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ
ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ.ﭼﺮﺍ؟
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺿﺒﻂ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ«
ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ،ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺻﺮﺍﺣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ
ﺁﻧﺴﺎﻣﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺑﻰ ،ﻛﺸﺸﻰ ،ﻛﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ
ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﺖ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳـﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﺎﻣﺒﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ،ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ
ﺗﺎﺭ ،ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭ ،ﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ
ﻳﻚﺑﺨﺶﺍﺯﺣﺮﻛﺖﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﺑﺎﺱﺭﻓﺘﻪﻭﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ
ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ
ﺻﺪﺍﻯﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻋﻮﺽﺷﻮﺩ.ﺍﻣﺎﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﺎﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺎ
ﺻﺪﺍﻯﺯﻳﺮﺗﻮﺍﻡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ.ﺣﺘﻰﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰﻫﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ
ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ،ﻭﺟﻪﻏﺎﻟﺐﺑﺎﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻧﻮﻉﺻﺪﺍﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯﺍﻯ
ﻛﻪﻳﻚﺳﺎﺯﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻴﺰﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪ.ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﻳﻚ
ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺭﻧﮓﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ،ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﻝ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ؟
ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﻏﺮﺑﻰ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻚﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ،ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ
ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺿﻤﻦ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﻣﻲﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺱ ﻟﺬﺕ
ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ .ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ.
ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ
ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟
ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ،ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻚﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ
ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ.
ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺳــﺎﺯ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﻰ« ﻛﻪ
ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ
ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ 50ﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ
ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ
ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ .ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻥﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ
ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ،ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻗﺎﺑﻞﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﺍﺳﺖ،ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖ
ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ
ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩﻛﻪﻫﻢﺗﺮﺍﺯﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﺗﺎﺷﺎﻫﺪﺧﻠﻖﺁﺛﺎﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ
ﭼﻮﻥﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺷﻤﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ،ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟
ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ،ﺍﻣﺎﺍﺯﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥﺟﻮﺍﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻭﻋﺸﻖﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻗﻄﻊﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕﺧﻮﺑﻰﺩﺭﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ
ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩ.ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥﺟﺎﻟﺐﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪﺍﺯﺁﻏﺎﺯﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ،ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ
ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕﻣﻨﻈﻢﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻗﻄﻊﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ،ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺁﻧﻜﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺎﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ،
ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ
ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﮔﺮﻭﻩﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﻫﻢﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻰﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ
ﺧﻮﺑﻰﺑﺎﺁﻧﭽﻪﻛﻪﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺳﺖ،ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ.ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻓﻰﺁﻗﺎﻯﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎ
ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩ،ﭼﻮﻥﺍﻭﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ
ﻳﻚﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻳﻚﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﻠﻰﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ
ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟
ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ،
ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ
ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ
ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻚﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ
ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪ.
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ
ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺯﺩﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺯﻧﺪﻩﺗﻮﺳﻂﮔﺮﻭﻩﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟
ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ
ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ
ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ.
ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ
ﺭﺍﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ -ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ،ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻰ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ
ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ،ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﺵ
ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ،ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻳﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ .ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ
ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ
ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻧــﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓﺁﻣﻴــﺰﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ
ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﻣﺴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ،ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ .ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ
ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ
ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮﻯ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻚﻣﺎﻥ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ
ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ .ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ
ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺻﺮﺍﺣﻰ ،ﺳﺎﻏﺮ ،ﺑﻢ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ...ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ
ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ،ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ
ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻊﺗﺮ
ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ
ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﺍﺯﺩ ،ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺍﺯﺩ ،ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﻏﺮ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ،
ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺷﺎﻩﺻﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ،
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ.
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»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ
ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻭ
ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺍﻱ...
ﺻﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﻏﻮﻟﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺝﭘﻮﺭ
ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ
»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﻫﻤﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ....
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ؛ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ
ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺿﻊﻭﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ،ﺑﻲﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ،ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﻃﻌﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ .ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ،ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ...
ﺗﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﺮگ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺸﺮ ﻛﺒﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
»ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ«» ،ﺳﺮﺏ«» ،ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ«» ،ﺣﻜﻢ«» ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ -ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳــﺮﺵ ﺑﻲﻛﻼﻩ
ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«؛ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ،ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ،
ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻃﻌﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ،ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«
ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ،ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ
ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ،ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ،ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ...
ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ
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ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ.
ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ
ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺍ
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺯ
ﻫﺎﻳــﻲ
ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ
ﻫﻤﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺟﻤــﻼﺕ ﻭ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ
ﻳﺎﺩ
ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺎﻳــﺶ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﻢﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ
ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ،ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ،ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ
ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ
ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ» .ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﻲ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ
ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ
ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ
»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ
ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺮﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻭﻳــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ
ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ
»ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﻭ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻛﻪ
ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ
ﺍﺧﻴﺮ
ﺩﻭﺭﻩ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﺑﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ
ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ«
ﺭﺍ
ﺍﺵ
ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﺎﻩ
ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ -ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ
ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ
ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺳــﺮﺏ« ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ
ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ
ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﻳﻜﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ »ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ
ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ
ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ -
»ﺣﻜﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻭﻫﻤﻲ
ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻱ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ.
ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ،ﻛﻢ
ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘــﻲ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ
ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ
ﻭ
ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ
ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ
ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ
ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ
ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ،
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ
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ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻣﻮﻫﺒــﺖ« ﺭﺍ )ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺑﺮﺩﻡ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ .ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ
ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ
ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ
ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ،ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ،ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ؟ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ،ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ!
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ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ
ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ
ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ
ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ .ﺭﻭﻱ
ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ
ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ
ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﻣﻲﺑﻴﺎﺳــﺎﻳﺪ .ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ
ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ
ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ
ﭘﻴﻮﻧــﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ،ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«
ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ،ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ
ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ
ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ -ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻃﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﺭﺗﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻗﻠﻤــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲﭘــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ
ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ
ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ
ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ .ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ«،
»ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ« ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻮ -ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ
ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ -ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﻧﺸﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ،ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ
ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ -ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ
ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ -ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ«
ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻡ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﺳﺒﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ
ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ -ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ -ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ
ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻢ
ﻗﺮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗــﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻫﺮ
ﻧﺎﻇــﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ
ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ
ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ،
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ
ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ...
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ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﻙ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«،ﺧﻂ
ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻢ ﺭﻧﮕﺶ ،ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ
ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻭﺭﺟﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻭ
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻲﻭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺟﺪﻝ
ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ -ﺣﺘﻲ -ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ
ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ -ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ
ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ .ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ
ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ،ﺧﺎﻙ ،ﺩﺍﺵ ﺁﻛﻞ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻗﻄﻌﺎ
ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳــﺖﺗﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺧﻮﺏ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ،ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﻐﺰﺗﺮ
ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ «.ﭘﺲ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ.
ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ
ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ -ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ
ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ
ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ(
ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ
ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ....
ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺲ
ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮ
ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ
ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ» .ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑــﺎ »ﺧﺎﺋﻦ« ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ
–ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ– ﻫﻢﺁﻏــﻮﺵ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ
ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺴــﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸــﻖ
ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ،ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺷﻬﺮ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ
ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺮﻣﻪ ،ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ
»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«
ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ
ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ
ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ،
ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ
ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪ ،ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ
ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ .ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ،ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻲ »ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻠﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﺮﻳﺰﻩ
ﻭ ﭘﺎﻟــﻮﺩﻩ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ .ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ
ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ
ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ
ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻــﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻴــﻚ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻳــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ
»ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ«» ،ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ،ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺯﺧﻤﻲ ،ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖﻫﺎ،
ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ،ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﮔﻮﻳﻲ
ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﺮﻡ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ،ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ .ﻟﺤﻦ
ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ،ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ
ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ،ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ
ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺟﻼ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ .ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ
)ﺗﻴﻎﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸــﻢ( ،ﻋﺰﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ
ﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ »ﺳﺮﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
»ﺳﺮﺏ« ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ »ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ« ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ
ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﺧﻤﻲﻫﺎ ،ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺍﺯﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ،ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ
ﺁﻣﺪ )ﺭﺩﭘــﺎﻱ ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ( ،ﺩﺭ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ
ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ
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ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ
ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤــﻲ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺷﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ
ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻴﻚ ،ﺑﻴﺮﻕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ -ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳــﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ«
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ
ﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭﻏﺮﻳــﺐ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻐﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ
ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﻭﺍﺭ .ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ »ﺣﻜــﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ
ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺲ ﻭﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ
ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻧﮕــﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻣﻴﺪ؛ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ
ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻟــﻖ »ﻗﻴﺼــﺮ«» ،ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ«،
»ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﻭ »ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ«.
»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ« ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ
ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ
ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ
ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ
ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ
ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ
ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻳﺎ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ«ﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ،ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻐﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ 30ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ
»ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ،ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ
ﺁﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ» .ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ
ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ،ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ
ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ
ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ،ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ.
»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ .ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﻮﺍﺱ
ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ»ﺣﻜﻢ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛــﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ،
ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ،ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻠﻮﻍ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ
ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ
ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ
ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ
ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ 2009ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ
ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ »ﺷــﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ« ﺩﺭ
ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ،ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ
ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ،ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ
ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺪ .ﺁﻳﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 2009ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ
ﺑﺘﻤﻦ ،ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﺎﻧــﺎ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ
ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﭽﺎﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ،ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ
ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ 2009
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ .ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻼﻙﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍَﻭِﺗﺎﺭ« ) (Avatarﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ،ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ
ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ 237ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ.
-1ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ
)(Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince
ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﻫــﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗــﺮ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ
ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ،ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ
890ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ
ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ 2009ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ» .ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ« ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ 250
ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﺵ ،ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺗﻲ ) «3ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ 258
ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ( ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻫﺮﻱﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 58ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ
ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ
ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻛﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺸﻲ
ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ
ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ
ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺗﺎﺩ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺧﺖ
ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ
ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ
ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻛﻼﺩﻳــﺎ ﭘﻮگ ﺍﺯ
ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺍﻱ ﺗــﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ،ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ
ﺷﻮﺥﻃﺒﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ.
-2ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ :ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ
)(Transformers: Revenge of the Fallen
ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ
ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ
ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺎ ﻻﺑﻮﻑ
ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ
ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ 210ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ )ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﺧﺮﺝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ
ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ( ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﻴﻜﭽﺮﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ 399ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻞ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ 827ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ
ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ 2009ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ
ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ :ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ«
ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻨﺞﺭﻭﺯ
ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ 109ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ.
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ
ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻗــﻢ 62ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ
»ﺷــﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟــﺪﻭﻝ »ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
-3ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ :ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ
)(Ice Age: Dawn of the Dinosaurs
ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻦ
ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ،ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ
»ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩﺍﻱ«ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥ
ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ
ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺦﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷــﺎﻥ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺟــﺎﻥ ﻟﮕﻴﺰﺍﻣﻮ ،ﻛﻮﺋﻴﻦ
ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ» .ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ «3ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ 90ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ
ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﻗﺮﻥﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ
ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ 807ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ،ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ
ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ 314ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ
ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ
ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺍﺳﻜﺮﺗﻲﻭﺑﺎﻙﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻗﺴﻤﺖ،ﻋﻤﺪﻩﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﺭﺍ
ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻱ.ﺍﻭ.ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺁﻥﺑﺎﭼﻨﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻈﻴﺮ»ﺳﺎﻝﻳﻚ«،
»ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻛﺮﺩ»:ﺁﻳﺎﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎﻱﺧﻼﻕﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﺳﺎﺯﻱﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ
ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﭽﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻱ
ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟« ﻛﻼﺩﻳﺎ ﭘﻮگ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ
)ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ »ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ«( ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺭﻣﺖ ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ
ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ.
-4ﺑﺎﻻ )(Up
ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻛﻞ»ﻋﺼﺮﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ«3ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ
ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ »ﺑﺎﻻ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ
ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺰﺷــﺪﻥﺩﺭﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢﻛﻪ
ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺍﺯﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ»ﺑﺎﻻ«ﺧﻴﻠﻲ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ
ﺩﺭﻓﺮﻭﺵﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺑﻪﺭﻗﻢ 289ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭ
ﻭ»ﻋﺼﺮﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ«3ﺑﻪ 193ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭ
ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻴﺖﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ»ﻋﺼﺮﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ«
85
»ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ «3ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ 90ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ
ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﻗﺮﻥﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ
ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 807ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ،ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ 314ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺩﺭﮔﻮﺷﻪﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕﻓﺮﻭﺵﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﺁﻥﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺍﺯﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﺟﺪﻳﺪﭘﻴﻜﺴﺎﺭﺍﺯﺣﺎﻻﺁﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ )ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ
ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ
ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻳﮕﺰ ،ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ
ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ،ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ)ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺧﺎﻧﻪﻣﻌﻠﻘﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ
ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺑﺎﺩﻛﻨﻚﻫﻠﻴﻮﻣﻲﺩﺭﻭﺳﻂﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ(ﺭﺍﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ
ﻛﺎﻣﻼﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻝﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻭﺁﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﺣﺪﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱﺑﻮﻧﻮﺋﻞﻭﺩﺍﻟﻲﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ».ﺑﺎﻻ«ﺗﺎﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺑﺎﻓﺮﻭﺵﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ431ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺳﺎﻝ 2009ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ.
-5ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻱ )(Hang Over
ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﻛﻪ
ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﺎﺑﺖﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺗﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﺲ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ )ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ
»ﺳﻔﺮﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ«ﻭ»ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ«(ﻭﺟﺎﻥ
ﻟﻮﻛﺎﺱﻭﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕﻣﻮﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ)ﻛﻪ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﻓﻴﻠﻢﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﻥﺩﻳﺪﻩﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ(ﺁﻥﻫﻢﺭﻭﻱ
ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ »ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺮﺩﻫﺎ« ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ
ﺗﺮﻭﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﻣﻔﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ.ﭘﻴﺘﺮﺗﺮﺍﻭﺭﺱ)ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺭﻭﻟﻴﻨﮓﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ(ﺩﺭ
ﻧﻘﺪﺵﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﺑﻲﻣﻴﻠﻲﻭﺑﻪﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﻓﺘﻪﻭﻟﻲ
ﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢﻭﻣﺴﺤﻮﺭﺍﺛﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ».ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻱ«ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺑﻪ
ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﺑﺎﻟﻎﺑﺮ 417/5ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ.
-6ﺷﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ :2ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺴﻮﻧﻴﺎﻥ
) (Night at the Museum 2
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ،ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ
ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﻭﺣﺶ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺐ
ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﺮ ﻭ
ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣــﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ
ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ
ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ
86
ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ 404ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ
ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ
ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
-7ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ )ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ(
)(Star Trek
ﺟﻲ .ﺟﻲ .ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻣﺰ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻕ
ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻣﺤﺒــﻮﺏ »ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﮔﺎﻥ«
) (Lostﻭ »ﻓﺮﻳﻨــﺞ«( ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ،ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ
»ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ «3ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ
ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺟﻴﺲ ،ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ
ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻣﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ
ﺑﻲﻋﻴﺐﻭﻧﻘﺺ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ» .ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ 381/5ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
-8ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﮔﺮ :ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ
)(Terminator: Salvation
ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ
ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻚﺟﻲ
)(McGﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ»ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥﭼﺎﺭﻟﻲ«
ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ .ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ« ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺮ ،ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻱﻧ ِﺖ ،ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻜﻴﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ
ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻳﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ
ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﻮﺭگ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ» .ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﮔﺮ :ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ« ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ
ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ 200ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ
ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ
125ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ 244ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻱ.ﺍﻭ.ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﮔﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ
ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﮔﻮﻳﻲ
ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ،
ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐﻭﮔﺮﻳﺰﻫــﺎ ،ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ
ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ «.ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻚﺟﻲ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ
ﻧﻮﻭﻝﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﺎﺩﻩ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻮﺭﻣﻚ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻭﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ
ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻭﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ؟« ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﻛﻲ .ﺩﻳﻚ )ﻣﻨﺒﻊ
ﺑﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﺮ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ.
-9ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ :xﻭﺍﻟﻮﺭﻳﻦ
)(X-Men Origins: Wolverine
ﻫﻴﻮ ﺟﻜﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ
ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ )ﻳﺎ
ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ(
ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪﻭﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ
ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﺶ
17ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻟﻮﮔﻦ
ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻮﺗ ِﻨﺖ )ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺶﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ(
ﻓﻨﺎﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻟﻮﮔﻦ
ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ
ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﺳﺖ.ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﻢﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻗﺴﻤﺖﺳﻮﻡﻛﻪ
ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ
ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺩ )ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﻮﺗﺴﻲ(ﺍﻳﻦﻋﺪﻡﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻋﺠﻴﺐﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺑﺮﺳﺪﻭﻟﻲﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ
ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ،ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ
ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ 890ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﺳﺎﻝ 2009ﻭ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ
ﺑﻪﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪﺑﻮﺩﻥﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺑﺎﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ،ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﺲ،
ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮﺗﺮﻳﺒﻴﻮﻥﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ»:ﺍﮔﺮﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻋﻠﺘﺶﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶﺑﺮﺍﻱﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ
ﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﺵﺩﺭﭼﻄﻮﺭﺍﻛﺘﻴﻮﻩﻭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻴﺰﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ
ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺎﺥﻭﺑﺮگ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ « .ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ
ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻗﺴﻤﺖﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻓﺮﻭﺵﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ 365ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ
ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ 85ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ »ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ.
-10ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ )(Proposal
ﻣﺎﺭﮔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻴﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ
ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ .ﺳــﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﻻﻙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ
ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤــﺪﻱ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺲ
ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺩﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪ،ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻃﺒﻖﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮ
ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﻭﻧﻪﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ.ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﻧﻴﺰ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﻻﻙ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎﻧــﻮﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺟﻴﺲ )ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ( ﺩﺭ
ﻧﻘﺪﺵﺑﻪﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻭﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺑﻮﻻﻙﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﻣﺸﻜﻞ
ﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻘﺶﻋﺠﻴﺐﺍﻭﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ.ﻓﺮﻭﺵﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ 270ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
-11ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ :ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺒﺮﻱ
) (G.I. Joe: Rise of Cobra
»ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ« )ﺟﻲ.ﺁﻱ.ﺟﻮ( ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺳــﺖ :ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥﺟﻨﮕﻲﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯ
ﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢ،ﻣﻨﺒﻊﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻳﻚﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻛﺎﺭﺗﻮﻧﻲ
ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺩﺭﺩﻫﻪ 1980ﻭﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱﻣﺼﻮﺭ
ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ )ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ
ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚﻗﻮﻱ،ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﻮﺳﻂﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥﺳﺎﻣﺮﺯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ
ﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﻣﻴﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﺍﺯﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ
ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮﺍﻛﻠﺴﺘﻦ،ﺳﻴﺌﻨﺎﻣﻴﻠﺮ،ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﻥﻓﺮﻳﺰﺭ،ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪﻭﺍﺳﻠﻮ،
ِ
)ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﺩﻧﻴﺲﻛﻮﺋﻴﺪﻭﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﻥﭘﺮﺍﻳﺲ(ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻻﺯﻡﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺪﻝﺷﺪﻥﺑﻪﻳﻚﺑﻼﻙﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ 242ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ
ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ 175ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ )ﻛﻪ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ(
ﻳﻚﻋﺪﻡﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﻢﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ.ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﻫﻢﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲﻣﺜﺒﺖﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
-12ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ
) ( Monsters vs. Aliens
ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻨﻲﺩﺭﻫﺠﻮﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺩﺭﺟﻪﺩﻭ
)(BMovieﻛﻪﺍﺯﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱﻛﻴﻔﺮﺳﺎﺗﺮﻟﻨﺪ،
ﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻥ ،ﻫﻴﻮ ﻟﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ
ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ
ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺑﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ
ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻫﺎ )ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺮﻳﺪﻳﺒﻞﻫﺎ( ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻚﺷﻬﺎﺏﺳﻨﮓﻋﺠﻴﺐ،ﻗﺪﻭﻗﺎﻣﺘﻲﻏﻮﻝﭘﻴﻜﺮﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ
ﺭﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﻏﻮﻝﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ
198/5ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ
ﻣﺸﺨﺺﻧﻴﺴﺖ.ﻋﻤﺪﻩﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﻫﻢﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ
ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
-13ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ) ( Watchmen
ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺼــﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ
ﺁﻟﻦﻣﻮﺭ)ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﻣﻴﻞﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ(ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ.
ﺁﻥﻫﻢﺗﻮﺳﻂﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻧﺎﺑﻠﺪﻱﭼﻮﻥﺯﻙ
ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﻳﺪﺭ )ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪ »ﺳﻴﺼﺪ« ﻭ
»ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ« )ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ
ﺭﻭﻣﺮﻭ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ
ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ
ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﻱﮔﻴﻠﻴﺎﻡ ،ﺩﺍﺭﻥ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻓﺴــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﮔﺮﻳﻦﮔﺮﺱ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ 1980ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻟﻦ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ
ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻮ ﮔﻴﺒﻦ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ( ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ،ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻮﻝ .ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺶ.
ﻛﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻧﻘﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ:
»ﺣــﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻦ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧــﻮﻭﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ
ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ«» .ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ
175/5ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
-14ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ
)(Fast & Furious
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ
ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺸــﻴﻦ ،ﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﻛﺮ
ﻭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻳــﺰﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ
ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ
ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ
ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ .ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ
ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ 155ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
-15ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ
) (Angels & Demons
ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ »ﺭﻣﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻳﻨﭽــﻲ« ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻥﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺒــﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ
ﻳــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻚﮔﺮﮔﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﻡﻫﻨﻜﺲ ﻭ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﺳﮕﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐﻭﮔﺮﻳﺰﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ
87
ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﭘﻮﺯﺧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ )ﻛﻪ
ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ
ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ 133ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻱ.ﺍﻭ.ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ )ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ( ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﻣﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻳﻨﭽﻲ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ» :ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ
ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻣﺰ
ﺩﺍﻭﻳﻨﭽﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ «.ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺩ
ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻟﻨﮕﻮ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻚﻛﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﻱﻛﺎﭘﺮﻳﻮ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﻧﻮﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺒــﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ،ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ
»ﺭﻣــﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻳﻨﭽﻲ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ
ﺷــﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ« ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ »ﺭﻣﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻳﻨﭽﻲ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
-16ﺟﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﺱ )( G-Force
ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥﺻﻔﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ
ﻛﻨــﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ
ﻣﻮﺵ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ
ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ
ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ
ﺗﻤﺴــﺨﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ
ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ .ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ 109ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ
ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ
ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
-17ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
) ( Public Enemies
ﻣﺎﻳــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻞ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﻣﻬﻢﺍﺳﺖ(
ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﻨﮕﺴﺘﺮﻱ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ
ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺴــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﻱ
ﺍﻑﺑــﻲﺁﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻠﻴﻨﮕــﺮ ،ﺑﻴﺒﻲ
1
ﻓﻴﺲ ﻧﻠﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻓﻠﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ :ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ
2
ﻣــﻮﺝ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻑﺑﻲﺁﻱ،
3
» «1933-1934ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
4
ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ .ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ
5
ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ
6
ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ
ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ
7
ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ
8
ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ
9
ﺳﺎﻝ 2004ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﻱﻛﺎﭘﺮﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ
ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ» .ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ
10
ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ 100ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ
ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
-19ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ) (Land of The Lost
-18ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ) ( Knowing
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ) Time
ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ 100ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ
: Capsuleﻣﺤﻔﻈــﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﻓﺮﻭﺵ 63/5ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ
ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫــﻢ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ »ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ( ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻠﺒﺮﻟﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ
ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ
ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ«» ،ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ
ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ )ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻟﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﻴﻜﺖ« ﻭ »ﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ( ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ
ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻛﻼﺩﻳﺎ ﭘﻮگ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺳــﺘﻠﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ«
ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻭﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ )ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻧﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ.
ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ .ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ
ﺁﺧﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ )ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ 1970
ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﺗﻮﺟﻪ »ﻛﻼﻍ«» ،ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ« ﻭ »ﻣﻦ ،ﺭﻭﺑﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏ
ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﺪﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ
ﭼﻪﺷــﻜﻞﻭﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﺑﺎﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻝ ،ﺩﻧﻲ ﻣﻚﺑﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ
»ﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺍﻱ 50ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«.
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ 95ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ
-20ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭ
ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
) ( Inglorious Bastards
ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ
ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻳﻠــﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ
ﺩﺳﺘﭽﻴﻦﺷــﺪﻩ )ﺑــﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴــﺖ ،ﻣﺎﻳﻚ
ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﻣﺎﻳﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺎﻙ ،ﺭﺍﺩ
ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ:
ﺗﻴﻠﺮ( ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ
»ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ .ﻣﻦ
ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫــﻪ 1970
ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ »ﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ
ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ
ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ 1978
ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ «.ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺰﻭ ﺟﻲ .ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻼﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ( .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ
ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ
ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ 2009
ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ
ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ
399ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺴﻔﻮﺭﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ
ﺧﺒﻴﺚ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ
294ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﻫﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ .ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
290ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﺑﺎﻻ
ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ .ﺭﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻳﮕﺰ
270ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻯ
)ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ( ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ
»ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ« ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ
257ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ
ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ،ﮔﺴــﺘﺎﺧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ
193ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﻚ ﻻﺳﻞ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﻦﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴــﻜﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻴــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ
179ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﻭﻟﻮﺭﻳﻦ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ
177ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﺷﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ» .ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ
160ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ
ﺑﻰﺁﺑــﺮﻭ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ 70ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ
ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ
133ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ
60ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ
2009ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ 3/99
ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ.ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ 2008ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ
ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ 4/14ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ 4/16ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﺳﺎﻝ 2007ﺑﺮﺳﺪ.ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ
2007ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ
ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ .ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ
ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ.
ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ 2008ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ
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ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ 2/7ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ 6/5ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ
ﺑﺰﺭگ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻮﺭﻥ«( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺁﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﻳﻚ
ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻯ »ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ«» ،ﻫﺎﻟﻮﻭﻳﻦ «2ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﺁﻧﮓ ﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻮ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﻻﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻟﻰ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ ،ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻦﺍﻓﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺘﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ
Gamerﺟﺮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ »ﺭﻣﺾ« ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ
ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻧﺶ ،ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﺍﺋﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻋﻄﺸﻰ
ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﺷﺶ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ )ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ» :ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ،ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ،
ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ«.
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ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ
ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ
ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ .ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ
ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ
ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ
ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﺻﻮﻝ
ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ
ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻜﻰ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ
ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ
ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ،ﺩﻳﻦ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ،ﻓﻜﺮ،
ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ،ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ...ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ
ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻠﺴﻒ
ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻞﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ
ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ.
ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ
ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻑ
ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ
ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ
ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻮﻫــﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ
ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ
ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ
ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ
ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﺰء ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰء ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
90
ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ.
ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ
ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ
ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ
ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺳﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ :ﺩﻳﻦ ،1
ﺑﺎ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻐﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺩﻳﻦ 2ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ .3ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ
ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ.
ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ،ﺩﻳﻦ 1ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ
ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ» :ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ،
ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ
ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ،ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ
ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒــﺮ )ﺹ( ﻭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺼــﻮﻡ
ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ
ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ
ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ
ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ .ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﻗﺪﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ
ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﻛﺘﺐ
ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ،ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ 1ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ 1ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ
ﻋﻬﺪ ﻋﺘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻴﺖ 1ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦِ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺫﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺍ«.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ،ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻛﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ،ﺩﻳﻦ 2ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ» :ﺩﻳﻦ 1ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﻳﻦ 2ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ،ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ
ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ،ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﺎﻥ ،ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ،ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﻱ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ
ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ،ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ،ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ
ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«.
ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭘﺲ
ﺩﻳﻦ 3ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ،ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ 1ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ 2ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ
ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ .ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ
ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ،ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ
ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ،ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ
ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ،
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ
ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾ ،ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ
ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ
ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ
ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ
ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ،ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ
ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ
ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ
ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ،ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ
ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ
ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ
ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ
ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ،ﻭﺻﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ،ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ،ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ،ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ،ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ .ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ،ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ،ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ
ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ
ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ،ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ
ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ .ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺷــﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ
ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﺎﻧﻰِ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ،ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﺍﻯ
ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ،ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ
ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ،ﭼﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ
ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ،ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻋﻠﺖ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ
ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ
ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﺮﻳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ
ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺮﺩﻡﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺾ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ
ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺼﻰ ،ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ
ﺁﻥ ،ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ
ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺘﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ
ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ
ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳــﻒ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ
ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ
ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ
ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ
ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ
ﻗﺪﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ،
ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ
ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ
ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺼــﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ
ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ
ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ،
ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ
ﻏﺎﻳــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ
ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ،ﺳــﺨﻦ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ،ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺳﻬﻞﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺩﻳﻨﻰﺍﺳــﺖﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ،ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺎﻩ ،ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ
ﺟﺰء ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎءﺍﷲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺷﺮﻁ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ
ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ،ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ،ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ،ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺰء ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ،ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ
ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ،ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ
ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺰء ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ،ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧــﻊ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ
ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰءﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ،ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ
ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ
ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ
ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ
ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ.
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ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ
ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻭﻧﺪ
ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﻳﻢ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚﻣﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ
ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ
ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ» .ﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺎﺋﻢ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻴﺎﻣﻪ
ﺍﻻ ﺍﻟﺠــﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻈﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﻟﺴــﻬﺮ
ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎء«.؛ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ
ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪﺑﺴــﺎ ﺷﺐﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺵ
ﺟﺰ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺳــﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺎﻩ
ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ »ﺻﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﺐ ﺧﻴﺮ
ﻣﻦ ﺻﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﻦ«.؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ
ﻗﻠﺐ ،ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ
ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ :ﻣﺮﺩﻡ! ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ
ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ،ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ
ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ،ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ
ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ
ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ «...ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ
ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺳﻔﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﺶ
ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻌﺎﻣﺶ ،ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ.
ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﺶ
ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ .ﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻣﺎﻥ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍﻣﺎﻥ
ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﻌﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ .ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ:
»ﺻﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻋﻦ ﻟــﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻴــﺎﻡ«.؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﻟﺬﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ،ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ .ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻌﺎﻡ
ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﺶ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ .ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻰ
ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ.
ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ
ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ» :ﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ
ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺘﺎﺑﺪ«.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ،ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ
ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ
ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ،ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ
ﻛﻪ »ﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺭﺑﻪ« .ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ» :ﺗﺎ
ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻣﺎﻩ
ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛
ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺒّﻬﻨﺎ ﻋﻦ
ﻧﻮﻣــﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻓﻠﻴﻦ )ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻏﺎﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻦ( ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ
ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ .ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ
ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ .ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﻣــﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ...ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ،ﺩﺭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ«.ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ
ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ .ﭘﺲ
ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ.
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ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ
ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ
ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ،ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ
ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ »ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧــﺰﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
»ﺧﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ
ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺸ ِﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ،ﺟﺪﻳﺖ
ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺒﺎﺕ
ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈــﺮ »ﺧﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭘﺲ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ؛ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ
ﻭ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ.
ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻲﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ
ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ
ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺮ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﻙ ،ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ -ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ
ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﺪ -ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻗﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ،ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ،ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻣﻴﻞ
ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ
ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ
ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﻱﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﭘﺮﺑﺮﻛﺖ ،ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ
ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ
ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ .ﭘﺲ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ،ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ،ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺮﻫﻔﺘﻪ ،ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ
ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ
ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ
ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ
ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ،ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴــﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ
ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﭘﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ
ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ
ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ» :ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ 162ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ
ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ،ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ .ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ
ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ 126ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ 116ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ
ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﺯ 162ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ
ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ 137 ،ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ 25ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ 73 ،ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ 89ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﭼﺎﭘﻲﺍﻧــﺪ «.ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ
ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ 6285 ،ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ
ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ .ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ
ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ،ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ،ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺭﻭﺯ ﺿﺮﺑﺖ
ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺭﻭﺯ ﺿﺮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ
ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻥ
ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ
ﺿﺮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ،ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ
ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ(« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ
ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ،ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ
ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲِ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ .ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ
ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ
ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ
ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻡ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ
ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ 104 ،ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ 12500ﺭﻳﺎﻝ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ »ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ«» ،ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ
ﺧﻮﺍﺏ«» ،ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﻏﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ«» ،ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(«» ،ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﻣﻠﺠﻢ«» ،ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ«» ،ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺷــﺐ
ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺻﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ
ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ«» ،ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ« ﻭ ...ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ» :ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ
ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ)ﻉ( ﺗﺎ ﺧﻼﻓــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ«،
»ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺑﻦﻣﻠﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(
ﺗﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄــﺎﻡ«» ،ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭﺻﻰ
ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(«» ،ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﻡ«،
»ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻦﻣﻠﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(« ﻭ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ«.
ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ
ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ
ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎپ
ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ
ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ،ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ »ﻏﺮﺭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻢ«
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ
ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺸ ِﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ
ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ؛ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ
ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ
ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ
ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﺑﻦﻣﺤﻤﺪﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ
ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﻛﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﻟﻘﺐ
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎﺻﺢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ
ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺣﻜﻤﺖﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻻﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ 10760ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ 91ﻓﺼﻞ
ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ
ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺍژﻩ
ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻭﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥﻳﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ .ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﺑﻦﻣﺤﻤﺪﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ
ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﻏﺮﺭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻢ« ،ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﺣﻆ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ
ﺍﻣﻴﺮ )ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺣﻆ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳــﺎﻯ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭘﺮﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ )ﻉ( ،ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﺑﻦﻣﺤﻤﺪﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ
ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ
ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ،ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﻤﻰ
ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ )ﻉ( «...ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ
ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ 9000 ،ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ 50ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ،ﺑﻪ
ﻗﻴﻤﺖ 4500ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ )ﻉ( «...ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﻲ »ﻏﺮﺭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻢ« ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ.
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ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ
ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﻦ ﺁﻛﻮﺏ
ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ :ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ
ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻮﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ
ﭘﺎﻥﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴـﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ
ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ،
ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺷـﻤﺎﺭﺩ.
ﺷـﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ،
ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ
ﺳـﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ .ﺁﻛﻮﺏ ،ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ،ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰﺍﻯ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﮔﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ
ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺗﻮﺭﺩﻭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﮔﻞ ،ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ
ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ «...ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ
ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺎﻩ ،ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ
ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ
ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ،ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ
ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ،ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺻﻮﻡ )ﺭﻭﺯﻩ( ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ،ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ
ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ
ﺟﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﻯﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻴﺎﺕ
ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ
ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ،ﺍﮔﺮ
ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ
ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻝﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ
ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳــﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ
ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ.
ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ،ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫــﺎ ،ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺞ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ .ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ
ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ،ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ،
ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻢ ،ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ
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ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ
ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﻗﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ،ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ،ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ،ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ
ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ.ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥـ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﭘﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ
ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ،ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﻻﺯﻡ ،ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ.
ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧــﺎﺹ ،ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ
ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ،ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ
ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ،ﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ،
ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ،ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺭﻭﺯﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ،ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺘﺎﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ
ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ
ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ
ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ،ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻳﻜﺘﺎ
ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻳﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳــﺖ .ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ
ﻣﻮﺟﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣــﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ
ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ .ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ،ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩﻥ
ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ.
ﭼﺸﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ،ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ،
ﺟﺰ ﺗﺎﺏﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ،ﺑﻪﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ
ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭﺡ ﺑﺪﻥ«ﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺷﺎﻥ» ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭﻧﺪ،
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ،ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ،
ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ» ،ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ« ﻧﺪﻭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ...ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ
ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻦ ،ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪ؛
ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺳﻨﺖ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﻃﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺭﺍ ،ﻛــﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ،ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ،
ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ
ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻫﻢﻛﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ .ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ
ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ،ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ
ﻏﺬﺍ ﺩﻫﺪ.ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪﻫﺎ ،ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ،ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ،
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ،ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ
ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ،ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ
ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ،ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺣﺘﻰ
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ
ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ
ﻧﻔﺮ ،ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻙ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭘﺲ ﺁﻳﺎ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ« .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ،ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻓﻌﻞﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻡ) ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ
ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ(» ،ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺮﺥ
ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﭼﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ
»ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ
ﻋﺒــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ،ﻋﻤﻼ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ،ﺍﻓﻘﻰﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻭﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯﻓﺮﺍﻓﺮﺩﻯﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪﻳﻌﻨﻰ
ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﻣﺎ
ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰﺭﺍﺗﺤﻤﻞﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢﺗﺎﺩﺭﺩﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥﻭﻓﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﻟﻤﺲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«.
ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ
ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ،ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ،ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺶ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ
ﺍﺳﻼﻡ،ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰﻭﺍﻓﻖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺭﺍﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻳﺎ
ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ
ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﻭﺏ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ،ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺩﻭﺍﻡ،
ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ،
ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ
ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ
ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ،ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ،ﺁﻧﺎﻥ
ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ،ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ] ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ
ﻓﻄﺮﻳﻪ[ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻨﺪ.ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ،ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ؟
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻢ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺑﻴﺶ
ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ
ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ.
ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ،ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ،ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺭﺳﻮﻝ
ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ] ،ﻓﺮﻭ[ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺐ ،ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻠــﻮﻉ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ
ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ
ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﻛﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪ
ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ .ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ
ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻜﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ
ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮ ،ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ،ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻭ
ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ،ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ
ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ،ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ .ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ،ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ.
ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ
ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ
ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﻮﺳﺲ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ
ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ
ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ،ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ 753ﻭﺍﺣﺪ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣــﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ،ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ،
ﺗﺎﻧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﻒ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ،ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﻮﺳــﺲ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ؛ -1ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ -2ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ
-3ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ -4ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ
ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ -5ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ
-6ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺣﺴــﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺒــﻲ -7ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻗﻤﻲ -8ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ -9ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺣﻤﻴﺪ
ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ.
ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ
ﺣﻴﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ،ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﻗﻒ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ.
ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻄــﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻬــﻲ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﺬﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ
ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ
ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ
ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ،ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ
ﺳﺎﻝ 1430ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ 1388
ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ
ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ،
ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ،ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ،ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ،ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ،ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﻭ
ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ،
ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ،ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ،ﻭﻗﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ
ﻣﻮﺑﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺨﻠﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ
ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ،ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ،ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ
ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ
ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟
96
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ،ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ
ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ
ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ
ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻋﻠــﻲ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ 1323
ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﻣﺤﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ
ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ،ﺳﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻚ ﭘﺸﺖ
ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ 7
ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﭼﻨﺒﻚ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ
ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ 6ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ
ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ
ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ 1345ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭﺱ
ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ،ﺷﻬﻴﺪ
ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﻭ ...ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ
ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 1346ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ
ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ
ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻣﻨﮕﺎﻡ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ،ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ
ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ 1351ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ.
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ،ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ.
ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ
ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎ
ﺳﺎﻝ 61ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ.
ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ،
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ
ﺷــﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ
ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ
ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ
ﻛﻨﺪ :ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ،58ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ،
ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ
ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ )ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ1360ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ (1362ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ
ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ،ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ،ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ
ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ
)ﻣﻬﺮ 61ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ،(66ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ) 1359ﺗﺎ ،(1362ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ
ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ) 1367ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ( ﻭ ...ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ
ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ
ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ
ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ،
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ
ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻟﻨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻰ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﻭﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰﺑﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﻭ
ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ
ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺟﺪﻯﺍﻭﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦ
ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﻛﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﺭﺍﺭﺳﻤﺎﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ
ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺣﺘﻰﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺑﻪﺁﻧﺠﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﺭﺍﻣﺘﻬﻢﺑﻪﺍﺧﻼﻝﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ
ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ.ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ،ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ
ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠــﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ -ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ -ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ 84ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ 84ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ
ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ
ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ 23ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ
ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ
ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ
ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ،ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﻫﻨﻮﺯ
ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻯ
ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ .ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ
ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ» ،ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ
ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ 84ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺲ
ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ .ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ 10ﺗﺎ 18ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ
ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ 84-85ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪ،
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ 10ﺗﺎ 14ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ
ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ
ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ،ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ
ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ
ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻌﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ.
ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ:ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ
ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ
ﻃﺮﺡﺟﺪﻯﺑﺤﺚﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﺩﺭﭘﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ.ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﺎﻝﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﮔﺮﻩﺍﻯﺍﺯﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﻧﻜﺮﺩ.ﺩﺭ
ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎﺍﺯ 9ﻧﻔﺮﻓﻘﻂﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮ)ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡﻭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ
ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ 86ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ،ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ،
ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ
ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﮋﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ
ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ
ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ.
ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ 27ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﺍﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ 61ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ
ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ .ﻫﻤﻪ
ﺟﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺭﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻭﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.ﻫﻴﭻﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯﺩﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻭﻗﻮﻉﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ.ﻳﻜﻰﺟﻠﺴﻪﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯﭼﻨﺪ
ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻢﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻰ
ﻫﻢﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎﺑﺎﺯﭘﺎﻯﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ،ﺍﻣﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ
ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﭘﺎﭘﻴﺶﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﻃﻰﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﻭﻓﺸﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ،ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ،
ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ
ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ
ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ
ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ
ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺷﺪﻩﺣﻜﻢﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ 27ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﺻﺎﺩﺭﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ
ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ
ﻋﻤﻞﺷﻮﺩ.ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻩﻛﻪﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﮔﺮ
ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ
ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ – ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ -ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ
ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ،ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ،ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﻡﻛﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯﺩﻭﺗﺎﻯﺍﻭﻟﻰﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ
ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻯ
ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ،ﻃﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ
ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ
ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ،ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ
ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ،ﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺑﭽﺴــﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ،
ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ
ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ.ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ
ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ
ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ،ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ
ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ 1/5ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ،
400ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ 550 ،ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻭ 50ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ،
14ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ 30ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ
ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ،ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﭘﺮﻃﻤﻄﺮﺍﻕﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺟﻬﺎﻥﺭﺍﻳﺪﻙﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ.ﺗﻮﮔﻮﻳﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ 27ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ
ﺣﺘﻰﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺁﻥ،ﺧﻠﻠﻰﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
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ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ
ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻚﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ
ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛
ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ
ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﺯﻳﺮ
ﺳـﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑـﺰﺭگ »ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ« ﺍﻭ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ
ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ
ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ.
ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ
ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ ،ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ
ﺳـﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﻫﻴﭻﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯﺩﺭﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦﻭﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ
ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭﻟﻰﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﻭﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎﻭﺣﺘﻰﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ
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ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻧﻈﺮﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺸﻮﺩﺩﺭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺑﺤﺚﻛﺮﺩ،ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ،ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻨﺪ .ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ
ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ
ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻧــﺪ .ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ
ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ،ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ
ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ
ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ
ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ .
ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ).ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺗﻬﻴﻪﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺑﺪﻫﺪ(ﻳﺎﻳﻚﭘﺪﺭ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﺑﭽﻪﺍﺵﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺑﻪﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺳـﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ،ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ
ﻳﻚﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ .ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ
ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ
ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ،ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ،ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ
ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﻣﺜﻼ
ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ،ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ
ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ
ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻢ ،ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟
ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ
ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ
ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ،
ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ
ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ
ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ،ﻳﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ
ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺤﺚﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﻦﻧﻴﺴﺖ.ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻳﻚﻧﻬﺎﺩﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ...
ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻏﻠﻄﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ.ﻭﻗﺘﻰﺷﻤﺎﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ .ﻣـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ
ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ...
ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ،ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ،
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ؟ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ،ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ؟
ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ .ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ .ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ
ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ.
ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ،ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ
ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺁﻗﺎﻯﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﺑﺎﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﻫﻢﺯﺩﻭﺑﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺑﻪ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﻛﻤﻲﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺗﻄﻬﻴــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻭﻟـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠـﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ
ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ،ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ .ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ،ﻻﺍﻗﻞ
ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ،ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﻧﻪ ،ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ
ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ.
ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ،ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﻧﺨﻴﺮ! ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻳﻚﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻓﻬـﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻇـﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ؟ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ
ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ
ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ
ﺣﻮﺍﺱﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟
ﺑﻨﺪﻩﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﻛﻪﻓﻬﻢﻭﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ.ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ
ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥﺻﺮﻑﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺩﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰﺧﺎﺹﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ
ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ.
ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ
ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ؟
ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ.
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ 99ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ
ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ،ﻫﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺍﮔﺮﻣﻼﻙﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ،ﺧﺐﺍﺯﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑﻫﻢﺣﺮﻑﻭﺣﺪﻳﺚ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪ.
ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ
ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ
ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ
ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺧﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ؟
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ...
ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﻫﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ .ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ
ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ.
ﺧـﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟـﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤـﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗـﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ .ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﻰ
ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﭘﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ 17ﻳﺎ 21ﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ؟
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ.
ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳــﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ
ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ
ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ،
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ،ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ،ﺑﺤﺚﻣﺎﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﺁﻗﺎﻱﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲﻭﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ
ﺷﻤﺎﻛﻪﻧﻴﺴﺖ.ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﻣﺎﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺷﻤﺎﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪﻭﺳﻜﻮﺕﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪﻭﺣﺘﻰﺍﺯﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯﺧﻼﻑ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ
ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻌﺪﺍﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﻧﻤﻚﮔﻴﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ.
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ،
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ
ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ
ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ .ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟
ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ،ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﺮﺟﻊﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺳﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺧﻴﺮ .ﺑﻨﺪ 12ﻭ 13ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ
ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺧﺐ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴـﺶ ،ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ
ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ
ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ
ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ.
ﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪﺟﻮﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ.ﻓﺮﺽﻛﻨﻴﻢﺍﺻﻼﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ،
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ
ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺵﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ.ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺨﻠﻒﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ...
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ .ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ
ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﻭﻟﻰ
ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ
ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ
ﭼﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ،ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ
ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ
ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ،ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ
ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ،ﻳﻚ
ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ
ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ،ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ
ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ؟
ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ.
ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ
ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺍﮔﺮ
ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ،ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ
ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻳﻢ.
ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ.
ﺑﻠﻪ .ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ
ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳـﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ .ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ
ﺷـﺪ ،ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ،
ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺑﻠﻪ .ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨـﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ
ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ
ﺷﺪ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ
ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ.
ﺧﺐ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ،
ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ
ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ
ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ
ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ
ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺳــﺎﻝ 85ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺑﻜﻨﺪ،ﻭﻟﻰﻋﻤﺪﺍﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ .ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ
ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻰ
ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺑﺸﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟
ﺧﻴﺮ .ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ 85ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ
ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ،
ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ.
ﺧﺐ ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ
ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ...
ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ .ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ،
ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻻ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ
ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ .ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ
ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ
ﺑﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﺳﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻂ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﺪﻳﺪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ.ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﺎﺷﺪ،
ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ،ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻗﺪﻡﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﺑﻌﺪﻯﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ
ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ ،ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ:
ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﻛﺮﻳـﻢ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﻠﻘـﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ
ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ،
ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ
ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺳـﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ،
ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴـﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﺗـﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ
ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳـﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴـﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ
ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﺍﻭ ،ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫـﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺳـﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ،ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘـﻪ ﺍﺻﻠـﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘـﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ،
ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﺪﺍﺷﺖ
ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ،
ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔـﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳـﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ،ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ
ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ،ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ
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ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻔـﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﺳـﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ
ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
27ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ
ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ
ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
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ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ،ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳـﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ
ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺧﻴﺮ .ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﻣﻨﺎ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ .ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ
ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸــﺪ .ﻫﻴﺎﺕ
ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ،
ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.
ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ
ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ
ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ
ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟
ﻧﻪ .ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ،ﺑﻪ
ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ
ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ
ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ .ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ 10ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨــﺪﺍﺯﻡ .ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ،ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ.
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ .ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ
ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ]ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ[ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ
ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ
ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳـﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺧﻴﺮ .ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ
ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ
ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ .ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺷــﺶﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ،
ﺑﻪ 9ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ .ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ،
ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ -ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ-
ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺑﻠــﻪ .ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ
ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝﺷــﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ،
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ
ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ،ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ
ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ .ﺗﺎ
ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳـﺒﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ،
ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ .ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ
ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ،
ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ
ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﺶ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ –ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ -ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ،ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ
ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ
ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ
ﻟﻤﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ،ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ،ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ
ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ
ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ.
ﭘﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ
ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍ
ﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ؛ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ؟
ﺍﻟﻬﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ
ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ،ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ 10ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ
ﺍﺯ :ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ .ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻥ
ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ،ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ .ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ .ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ
ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ .ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ
ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ .ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ .ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ .ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ
ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ .ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ
ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ.
ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ،
ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ
ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ
ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ،ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ
ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨــﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ
ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ،ﺑﺮ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ،ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ
ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪ
ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ.ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ
ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫــﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ
ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ
ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ،ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ،
ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ.ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ،
ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ
ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ،ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ
ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ
ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ،
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ
ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭ ،ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ
ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ
ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ
ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ ،ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ
ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ
ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ
ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ
ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ
ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ
ﺗﻠﻪﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ
ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ
ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ
ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭ
ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ،ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ .ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ
ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ
ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ
ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻦ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ
ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ؛ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ
ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ
ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛــﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ،ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
»ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ
ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ» :ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ
ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ
ﺧﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻗﺮﺁﻥ
ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ،ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ
ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺣﻖﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ
ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ
ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺴــﻂ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ
ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮ
ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﺩ ﻛﻔﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ«.
ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ
ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ،ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ
ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺧﻮﺩ
ﻧﻮﺷﺖ» :ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 83ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ
ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ
ﻭﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ
ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ،ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ
ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ،ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ
ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ
ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ«.ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ
ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴــﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ
ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ
ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ
ﺩﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ
ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ
ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ،ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ
ﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ،ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ،ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺝ ﻭﺍﻻﻫــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ
ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺝ ،ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ
ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ،
ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ
ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ
ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ
ﮔﻔﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ،ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ،ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ
ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ
ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ
ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ،ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ
ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ،ﺑﺨﺶ
ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ
ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺑﺨﺸﻰ ،ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ،ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ
ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ
ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ
ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ
ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ،ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ
ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻮﺱ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ .ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ
ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ 5ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ 20ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ
ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ
ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ
ﺳــﻼﻣﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ
ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺐ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ،ﻃﺐ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻭ
ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ
ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ
ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ
ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ
ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ.ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ
ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ،ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ،ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ
ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻜﻮﻟﻰ ،ژﻧﺘﻴﻚ ،ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ،
ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ،ﺑﻴﻮﺍﻧﻔﻮﺭﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ،ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ
ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ.ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺬﺏ،
ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ
ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ
ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ
ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺬﺏ ،ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ،ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ
ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ،ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ
ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ،ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ
ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ،ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ،
ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ
ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ
ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ
ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ
ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻑ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ
ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ
ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ
ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ،ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ
ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻩ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ
ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮﻯ
ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ .ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ
ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ
ﺭﺍﻯﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ
ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
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ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ.ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ 50ﺳﺎﻟﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺋﻴﻦﺗﻦ
ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ،ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ
ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ
ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ
ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻴﻔــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ،ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ
ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ
ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ
ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ
ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ
ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ،
ﭼﻨــﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ
ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ،
ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ،ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ
ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ«.
ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ،ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ
ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ
ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ
ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ.ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ
ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ،ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ
ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ
ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺮﺿﻴــﻪ
ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ
ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻩﮔﺎﻧﻪ
ﺭﺍ
ﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ
ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ» :ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ
ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻥ ،ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ،
ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ «.ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻁ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺩﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ،ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﻳﻦﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﺭﺍﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ:ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲﺩﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﻲﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ،
ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ،ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ،ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ،ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ
ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ ،ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ )ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ
ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ،ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ،ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ،ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ( ،ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ،ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ
ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ،ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ
ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻ ،ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ،
ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ ،ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ،ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﻫﻲ
ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ،ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ،ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺪﻩ.ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ
ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ 10ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻩ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ:
ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ» :ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ« ،
ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ» :ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ«،ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ» :ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ« ،ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ» :ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺬﺏ ،ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ«
ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ» :ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ« ،ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺷﺸﻢ» :ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ« ،ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ:
»ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ« ،ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ:
»ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ،ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ« ،ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﻢ» :ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ،ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ« ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﻫﻢ» :ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ
ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ،ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ«.
ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ،ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ،ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ،ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ،ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﻫﻲ ـ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ
ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ،ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ«.ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ
ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺳﻮﺳﻦﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ؛ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ
ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻛﻪﻧﺎﻣﺶﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ
ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺍﻳﻦﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺷﺪ ،ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﺩﻭﺯﻥﺩﻳﮕﺮﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ،ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ 1344
ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ،ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ،ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ
ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵﻛﻤﺘﺮﺳﻤﺖﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺍﻯﺭﺍﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﻳﺎﻓﺖﺗﺎﺍﻭﺭﺍﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ
ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ
ﻛﻨﺪ.ﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ،ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻋﻠﻤﺎﺍﺯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺯﻧﺎﻥ،
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ .ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ
ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ
ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ
ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ «.ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺳﻮﺳﻦﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ،ﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﻫﻨﻮﺯﺩﺭﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ
ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ» :ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ
ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩﻣﻬﺮﻭﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ
ﺯﻧﺎﻥ،ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ»ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻢﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻫﻢﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ
ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ«ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺩ»:ﺣﺘﻰ
ﺩﺭﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻫﻢﺍﺯﺍﻭﺳﻮﺍﻝﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺻﺤﺖﺩﺍﺭﺩ
ﻭﺧﺎﻧﻢﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﺎﻋﻠﻢﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ
ﻋﻀﻮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ،ﻭﻱﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭ
ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«.ﺍﻳﻦﻋﻀﻮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰﻭ
ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﮔﻔﺖ»:ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺧﺎﻧﻢﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺻﺤﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷﺪ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﺟﺎﻯﺗﻌﺠﺐﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﭼﻨﻴﻦ
ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ،ﺳﻮﺳﻦ
ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ
ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺪﻱ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ
ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«.ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ،ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻫﻢ
ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
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ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ
ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ
ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻫﻔﺘـﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓـﻪ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ
ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ)ﻋـﺞ( ﻣﻲﮔـﺬﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ
ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ،ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﺍﻭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤـﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘـﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣـﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ
ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷـﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ
ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ.
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ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ
ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ
ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ 12ﺷــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ 9ﺷﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ
ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ.ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ
ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻰ.ﺁﺭ.ﺗﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ
ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ
ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ
ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟
ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ
ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ
ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ .ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ.
ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ .ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ،
ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ،ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ،ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ،ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ،ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ
ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ.
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ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ
ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﻧﺨﻴﺮ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ
ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ
ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ
ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ،ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟
ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ :ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ
ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ
ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮔـﺬﺭﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ
ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ
ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ .ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ.
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ
ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ.
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ
ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ 17/5ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
7/5ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ 10ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﺸﻮﺩ
ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ
ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ
ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ
ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ
ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ .ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ
ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ
ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺳــﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ .ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻧﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ
ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ
ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ
ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ
ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ.
ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ
ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻬــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺸــﺮ
ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ
ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ
ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ.
ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ
ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ
ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﻳﻚﻭﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ 50ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ
ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ 30ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻃﻮﻟﺶ
12ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ 30ﻋﺪﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ 180ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ
ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ 30ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ
330ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ
15ﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ.
ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ
ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟
ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻫﻤﻪ
ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ
360ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ
ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻗﻔﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺍﺛﺎﺙﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ
ﻃﻲﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎﻡﻭﺭﺯﺵﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺗﺎﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻠﻲﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺳﻌﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺩﺭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻭﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﺪﻳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ
ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ،ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ
ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻰ
ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ
»ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ،
ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ
ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ
ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ،ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ
ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ،
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ
ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ،ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ،ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ
ﻧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ
ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ
ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ؛ »ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ،ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ .ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ
ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﻗﺎﺑﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ
ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ .ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ «.ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺁﻗﺎﺑﻴﻚ ،ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﻲ
ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ
ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
»ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ« ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ
ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ،
ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.
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ﺷــﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ
ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ،
ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ
ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ
ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ »:ﻃﺮﺡ
ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﺰﺭگ
ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ «.ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ
ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ
ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ،ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ
ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ
ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ
ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ
ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳــﺎ ﻧــﻪ «.ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ
ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ» :ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ«.
ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ،
ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ «.ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕــﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ
ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ،ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻱ
ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ،ﺟﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ
ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ .ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ.ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ
ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ
ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ
ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ
ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺎﻭﺭ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ
ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ.
ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ،ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪﻱ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ
ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ» :ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ
ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ
ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨـﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ .ﺍﺯ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬـﺖ ،ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻥ
ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ
ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
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ﺑـﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ،ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ
ﺩﻭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﻠﺴﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﮕﻰ
ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ
ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ
ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ .ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ،ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ
ﻭﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ.
ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺣﻀﻮﺭﺁﻗﺎﻯﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﺁﻗﺎﻯﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ 30ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ
ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ
ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ
ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮﻯ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ
ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟
ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ
ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ
ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ
ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ .ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ،ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ
ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ
ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺘﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ
ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ،ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ
ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﺑﺰﻧﺪ .ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ،ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ .ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ
ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ
ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ
ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺑﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ
ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ
ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ،ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ،ﺟﻮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳــﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ
ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ
ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ .ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ
ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ
ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ،ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ
ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ
ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 1404ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ
ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ
ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ
ﭘﻴﺸــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ
ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ 1404ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ.
ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﻧﮕﻔﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
107
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ 10 ،ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ
ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ
ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ 120ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ
ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ 70ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ
ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ 70ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ
ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ 120ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«.
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿــﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤــﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ:
ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ
ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ 110ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮ
ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ
ﺳــﺌﻮﻝ
ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ
ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ
ﺑﻪ
ﺍﻯ
ﻋﺪﻩ
ﺗﺎ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪ
ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ،
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻓﺸﺎﺭ
ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ
ﺑﻪ
ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ،ﻳﻚﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ
ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺼــﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ 8ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ 8
ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨــﺪ .ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ
ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻏﺒــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ،ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪ«.ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ
ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ 38 ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ
ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ
ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ
ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ .ﺷــﻮﻙﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ،ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ
ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ
ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ
ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ
ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ
ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ
ﺍﻭ
ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ
ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﺩﺭ
ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ،ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ
ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻫــﻪ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ
ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ
ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ
ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ 134ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ 63 ،ﻫﻢﺳــﻨﺦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ،
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ
ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ 13ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ.
ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ 134ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ
ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻱ
ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ
ﻃﺮﺡ
ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ
ﻃﺮﺍﺡ
ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ،
ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺟﻠﺐ
ﺭﺍ
ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ .ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ
ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ
ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻤﻨﺎﻥ
ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ
ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ
ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ» :ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ
ﺷﻮﻙ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ
108
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟
ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ -ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ
ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ 2008ﭘﻜﻦ ،ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ 1387ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ
ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ
ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ 2008ﭘﻜﻦ ،ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ
ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ
ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ
ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﺤﻦ
ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ،ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ،
ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ.
ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ
ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ
ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ .ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤــﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ،ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ.
ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ
ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ
ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ
ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ،ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ
ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ
ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ »ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻓﺖ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ
ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ
ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ .ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ
ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ
ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ«.
ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ
ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ
ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ،
ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ «.ﺍﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤــﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ
ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ
ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ
ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ
ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ
ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ
ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ«.
ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ
ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺷــﻮﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ،ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ
ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻳﻤﻠﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ
ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ
ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ؛ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ
ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ
800ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟
ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ،ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ
ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ
ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ.ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺻﺪﻫﺎﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﺍﺭﺷﺪﻭﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ
ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵﻭﺭﻏﺒﺖﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﻭﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺑﻪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ،ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ،ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ،ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ
ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪﻭﺩﭼﺎﺭﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯ
ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻣﺘﻤﻠﻖ ﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ
ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯﺭﺍﭼﻮﻥﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻞﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺭﻗﻢﺯﺩ.ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺳﺒﻚﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻭﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻳﻚﺳﻮﻧﮕﺮﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ،
ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ
ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻰ
ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺻﻐﺮﺳﻨﻰ
ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ،ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ
ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣــﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ
ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ
ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ
ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ
ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚﭘﻜﻦ،ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻭﻛﺸﺘﻰﺩﺭﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﻗﺎﺑﻞﺭﻭﻳﺖﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ
ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ،ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ
ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻯ ،ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛
ﺩﺭﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻭﻝﻛﻪﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰﺣﻀﻮﺭﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻮﺩ،
ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ،
ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻃﺮﺡﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶﺭﺍﺑﺎﺟﺪﻳﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ
ﻗﻄﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺩﻩ
ﺷﺸﻢﺁﺳﻴﺎ،ﺳﻴﺮﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞﺁﺳﻴﺎﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ،ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ
ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ
ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﻠﻰﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ،ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺗﻲﺩﺭﺭﻭﻧﺪﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ
ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ
24ﭘﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ.ﺳﺒﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ
ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ
ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ.
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ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ
ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ
ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ
ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ
ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ
ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.
ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﺪﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﺧﻴﻠﻲ
ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻧﻔﺖﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ
ﺩﻫﺪ .ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ
ﺩﭼﺎﺭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲﺷﺪﻭﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱﻛﻼﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ،
ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ
ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ،ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﻭ
ﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭﺧﻴﻠﻲﺯﻭﺩﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ
ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ
ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ 2006ﻣﺤﺴﻦ
ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ
ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ
ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ
)ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ( ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ
ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ،ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ
ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ .ﺣﻀﻮﺭ
ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ
ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ
ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ.ﻓﻘﻂﻻﺯﻡﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ
ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ
ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ،ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ .ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ
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ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ
ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ،ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ
ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ 20ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳــﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ «.ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪ ،ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ
ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ
ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮگ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺖ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ
ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ
ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ
ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ،
ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ .ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ،ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ
ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ
ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟
ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ،ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ
ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ 83ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ 300ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ
ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟
ﻧﻪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ
ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ،ﮔﻮﻳﺎ
ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ
ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ.
ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﺳــﺖ .ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮگ ﺳــﻨﺪ
ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ
ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻫﺮ
ﻛﺲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ.
ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﻢﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟
ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ
ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ
ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ
ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍ ﻳـﻦ ﺭ ﻭ ﺯ ﻫـﺎ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺗﺤﻘﻴـﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤـﺺ
ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳـﺐ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ،ﭼـﻪ
ﻧﻈﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﺯﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳﻲﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ.ﺍﻳﻦﺣﻖﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟
ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﺯﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ
ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ،ﺑﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ،ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺳـﺎﻭﺭ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ
ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧـﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺎ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ
ﻣﺸـﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ
ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ.
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ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄـﻮﺭ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ،ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ؟
ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ.
ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ.
ﻧﻪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ
ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺷـﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ
ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﻳﻌﻨﻲ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ،
ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ .ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ
ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ
ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨــﺪ .ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ
ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ
ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺩﺭ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ
ﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ،ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ
ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟
ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ
ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ
ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ،ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ.
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ
ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﺶ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ
ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ
ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ
ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ.
ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟
ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ،ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﺪ؟
ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ
ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟
ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ
ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ،ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟
ﻧﺨﻴﺮ ،ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ.
ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ،ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎ
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ
ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ
ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ.
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﺎﻭﺭ ،ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ
ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﺪ .ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﻲ ﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧـﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ
ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ؟
ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ،
ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﺶ
ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ
ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ،
ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ.
ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ
ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟
ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ .ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ
ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ
ﻋﻴﺐﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.
ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ
ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
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ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ
ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ
ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﻤﻲ
» ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ
ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ .ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ «.ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ،ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ
ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ
ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ
ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺟﻮﺭﻱ
ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ
ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ
ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ.
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ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ
ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ
ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ،ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ
ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ
ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ
ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ
ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ
ﻛــﻢﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ
ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ
ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ
ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ
ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ
ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﻟﻮﻛﺎ ،ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ
ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍژﺩﺭﻱ ،ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ
ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻟﻮﻛﺎ ﺑﻮﻧﺎﭼﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ» :ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ.
ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ
ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ
ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ
ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ«.ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ
ﺩﻫﺪ ،ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺑﻮﻧﺎﭼﻴﭻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ
21ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ
ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ .ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ
ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟«
ﺍژﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ» :ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ
ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«.
ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ» :ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ
ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻔﺮ
ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳــﺨﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ
ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ
ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﺍﺯ
ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ
ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ
ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«.
ﻳﺎﭼﻴــﻦ ﺯﺭﮔﻮﻧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ
ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ
ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ
ﺧﻴﺮ ،ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ
ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ
ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ،ﺑﺨﺶ
ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ
ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ،
ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ
ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«.
ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ» :ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ
ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ
ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ«.
ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ
ﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ،ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ،ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ..ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ.
ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ
ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻴﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ
ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻣﻴــﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ
ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ .ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻴﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ
ﻧﺎﻗﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ
ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ«.ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻱ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ
ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«.
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ
ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ
ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ،ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ
ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ،ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ
ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ» :ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ .ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ
ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ
ﺗﺬﻛــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ
ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ،ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ
ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ
ﺑﺪﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ
ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳــﻲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ«.
ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ،
ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ» :ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ
ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ
ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ:
ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ
ﻗﻄﻌــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ
ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺤﺮﻱ
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ
ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ .ﺷﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ
ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ 18ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ
ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«.
ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ
ﻳﺤﻴــﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛــﻪ
ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ«.
ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ
ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ
ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ
ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨــﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ
ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ
ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ
ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ
ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ
ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ
ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ.
ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺭﺋﺎﻝﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ
ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ
ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ
ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ
ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ .ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ
ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ
ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.
ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ
ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ .ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ
ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ
ﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ
ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ
ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ .ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ
ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ .ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ
ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ.
ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ
ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ .ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﻚﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻓﺸﺎﺭﺗﺮ
ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ
ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ.ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ
ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ
ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ .ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ
ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ.
ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ .ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ،ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ
ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ
ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ
ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ
ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ
ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺤﺮﻱ
ﻭ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ
ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ.
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ
ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ
ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ .ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ
ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ
ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ
ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ
ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ
ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ
ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ.ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ
ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ،ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ
ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺑﻠﻪ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ،ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ
ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ،ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﭘﺲ
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ
ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
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ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ:
ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻢ
»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ
ﺑﺰﻧـﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻼﻧـﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ
ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ
ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ«.ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ
ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ
ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ
ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ
ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ
ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻣﺎ
ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ.
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ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨـﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ.
ﻣﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨــﻢ .ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ
ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ
ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ
ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ
ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ
ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ .ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ
ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ
ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ.
ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺘﺎﻥ ،ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ
ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ.
ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ
ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻣﺮﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ
ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ،ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ
ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ
ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ
ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ.
ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟
ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ
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ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ
ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ .ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ
ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ
ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ
ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻔﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.
ﭘﺲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟
ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ
ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ
ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 22/5ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ )ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺦ(
ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ.
ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟
ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ
ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ 61ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫــﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ
ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ.
ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺠﺮﺳﭙﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟
ﺑﻠــﻪ .ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺩﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ
ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ،
ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ،ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ
ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ
ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ
ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭ ﺍﻭ
ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ
ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ
ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ
ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ.
ﻣﺼـﺪﺍﻕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧـﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧـﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟
ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ .ﻫﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷــﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ
ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ
ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ
ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟
ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺠﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ
ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ
ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ،ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ
ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ .ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ
ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ .ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ
ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ
ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳـﺦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﻱ
ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟
ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ
ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ.
ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ
ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ،ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ،ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ
ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ
ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ
ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ.
ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ
ﺑـﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺳـﻔﺎﻧﻪ
ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟
ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ .ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ
ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﻣﺜﻠﺚ 15ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ 1388
