ماهنامه مثلث شماره 7

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮ ﻮﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩ ﻮ ﺭ ﻰ ﻋ ﻤﺎﺩﻯﻣ ﺎﻥﺩﻭ ﺖﻭﻫ ﺮﺭ ﺧﺮ ﺏﻛ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻄﻪ ﻳﺮ ﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤﺎ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮ ﺗﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻄﻒ ﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺩ ﻭﻭﺩﻱﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻴﮕﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻰﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ؛‬ ‫ﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﭼﺳﺭ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺒﺎﻝﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻖﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻣﺗﻭ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻴﻭ ﺍﺭﻣ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺍﻟ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺩﺩﺳ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺪ ﺭﻣﻭﺭﻳﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﭼ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻴﺒﺎﻝﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻮﻥﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳ ﺮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻟﻫ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻛﺯﺗﻭﺭ‪2. 0‬‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺳﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺩﺩﺍﺍﺳ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳ ﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭ ﻥ ﻣ ﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﻯﺳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎ ﻥ ﻭﺭ ﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍ ﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺩ ﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳ ﻴﻮ ﻥﻭ ﺍﻟ ﻴﺒﺎ ﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟ ﻴﺒﺎﻝﺷﺪ ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓ ﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮ ﻥ ﻫ ﻴﭽﮕ ﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎ ﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻜﻰ ﺍ ﺯﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗ ﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﻯﻓ ﺪﺭﺍﺳ ﻴﻮ ﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭ ﺯﺷﻰﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩ ﺍﻧ ﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ﻣﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﺪ ﻛﻪﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁ ﻥ ﻧﺎﻛ ﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻟﻤ ﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻊﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳ ﻴﻮ ﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺤﺒ ﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺧ ﺗ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ ﺍﺭ ﻫ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺵﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ ﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ ﺒﺮﻫ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺧ ﺒﺮ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺗ ﻫ ﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ ﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺒﺮﻫﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻛﺟﺮﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﻫ‬ ‫ﻣﺑ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻣﻲﺩﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺍﺣﺗ ﺩﻫ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺟ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻣﻲﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪ ﻐﻴﻴ‬ ‫ﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺗ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺑﻣ‬ ‫ﺟ ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﻫ‬ ‫ﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﮋ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺗ‬ ‫ﺿﺑﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺟﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﻫ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺭﻭﺗ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿ »‪Z‬‬ ‫‪fÄ‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪Yµ‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫‪/ Ê‬‬ ‫¸ ‪¸Ì‬‬ ‫ ‪ev‬‬‫€ ‪É‬‬ ‫‪^y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫‪Ì /a‬‬ ‫‪µÁ‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫‪Ã‬‬ ‫¼‪Z‬‬ ‫‹‬ ‫Š‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫€{‪Y‬‬ ‫‪»5‬‬ ‫‪/¹‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪00 /1‬‬ ‫‪3 8‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪00‬‬ ‫‪0 Ä/‬‬ ‫¨ ‪v‬‬ ‫‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪»Z Â‬‬ ‫‪1e‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪…Z§/ É|WZ«¾ˆu †°‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪… Z§ É|ZW «¾ˆu† °‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪… Z§ É|ZW «¾ˆu† °‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﺱﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻗﺎﻋﻜﺋﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺳ ﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌ ﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺑﺎﺎﻛ ﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﺑ ﺎﺑﺎﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔ ﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣ ﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪ʇŻ½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪026$/$6,5‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»Ä»Z¿Äf¨ÅZ][ÂyÄf¨Å‬‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁYÁZe­{-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»Ä»Z¿Äf¨ÅZ][ÂyÄf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»Ä»Z¿Äf¨ÅZ][ÂyÄf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪{Y„¿€^¯Y°‹ʋ»ZyʬÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪026$/$6,5‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪026$/$6,5‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﻤﺪﻱ ﻧ ﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑ ﻪ ﻫ ﺰﺍﺭد ﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻣ ﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻋﺘ ﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞ ﻫﺎﻱﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑ ﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮ ﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪¹ZÆ·Y¾Ìˆv»Ô£[Ânv»Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ÊÀ»Â»{Z‹€§Ê·Yʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y|̌¼m‰Á€§½Z¼Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z]ɁZ‬‬ ‫‡‪ZÅÄ //ËZ‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﻧﺠﻒﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻞﻴﻞﻓﺼ ﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣ ﻮﺭﺩﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﺑ ﻮﺗ ﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ ﻣﻘﺎ ﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒ ﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑ ﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺸﺎﻳ ﻲ ﺑ ﻪﺭ ﺋﻴ ﺲ ﺟ ﻤﻬ ﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴ ﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﻣ ﺸ ﺮﻭ ﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮ ف؛‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§µ{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ“kZu€Ì»Y,©Zv‡Yµ MÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫ ﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﺗﺮﺳ ‪،‬ﮓ ‪،‬ﺳﮑﻮ ت‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺳﺗﺌﮓ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌ ﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛ‬ ‫ﺑﺤ ﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻓ ﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺎلﺩﻭ ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕ ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺭ ﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮور ی ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪی ﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤ ﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧ ﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr»Y{Z]×Y|‡Y,½ZˁÂeZ¯|̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë|¼v»,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ»ʸŸ,ʨn¿ÁÓ‬‬ ‫]‪YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÌ¿\nfÀ»µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂWº‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳ ﭙ ﻟﻮ ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑ ﻨﺪﺭ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﺎﻳ ﺑ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑ ﺎﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺢ‬ ‫ﺼ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻋ ﻴﻞ ﻓ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺍﺳ ﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪,661 026$/$6,5‬‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ã{YÉ|u€‡º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y,É|̋ÂyÉ|Æ»Á|¼uY‬‬ ‫{¯‪É{ÁÁY{¾ˆv·YÂ]Y,ɀf¿Ô¯ʈ̟€f‬‬ ‫{¯‪¹€y|¼uY,ºÌ°u¾ˆv»,Âb‡Z^ŸʸŸ€f‬‬ ‫»‪¹€yÊ¿Y{‚ËZ“|¼v‬‬ ‫{‪cZ]Zzf¿YY†a½Z¼Æf»ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫]€‡‪É{Zf«YÄ¿ZzeYÁ{€°¸¼ŸÊ‬‬ ‫«€‪½Z³{€»­€Æ‹-¥€‹YÃZ³Y‬‬ ‫‪ʨz»ÉZžÌ]Á{ÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼¿ć{{Y{×Y¦Ì‬‬ ‫‪†Ì·Âb‡€aYʼˀ¯ÊËY|mÃ{€adŒa‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍ ﺭﮔﺎ ﻗﻩﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﮔ ﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨ ﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻦﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍﻱﻩﺩﺭﺑﺎﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻩﭘﺮ ﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ ﻴﻒﺳﺍﷲﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮ ت‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗ ﺌ ﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤ ﺮﺍﻥاﻣﺮﻳ ﮑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ ﻪ ﻣ ﺸﺎﻳ ﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍ د‪ :‬ﺑ ﻪﻫ ﺰﺍﺭ ﻟد ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘ ﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻭﺮﺧ ﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ د ﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫{‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€aÄ»Z¿®Ëd»|yd·Á{ZeZ¯d·Á{Y‬‬ ‫‪½Z”»{Z¼Ì‡Z°Ë€»MÁ½Y€ËYĘ]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪‰Á|Ë|m†ÌWÄÀÌ]Z¯{½Z‬‬ ‫]‪YÊËZÅÉZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ÁºÆ¿d‬‬ ‫‪ ·Á{Z]†¸n»¶»Z eÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÀ‡½ZËY€³d‡YÉZÅZœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uYY‬‬ ‫‪±€»ÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¯Za½Z^·Z—€^Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪©Y€ŸÊfÌÀ»YZ“ÁYÊ‬‬ ‫‪{d·Á{½Y|¬fÀ»ɁÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪.½Y€ËY¹Â‡ÂeY€aY-¾ÌeÂa€ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪dˆË–Ìv»½Z»Z‡Ä»Z¿Z¯Ê‬‬ ‫]€‡‪½Â˂˸eÊ¿Zfˆ]ZeÉZŵZˀ‡Ê‬‬ ‫]‪{¿{Â^¿Á{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z]®ËÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Z]h¸j»ÄËÁÉZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z] ɁZ‬‬ ‫‡‪ZÅ Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»Ä»Z¿Äf¨ÅZ][ÂyÄf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪: YÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z] Z‬‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﺘ ﺠﺐ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﻥ‪،‬ﺭ ﺳﻮﻝ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓ ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ ﻘﺎﺍﺑﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ ﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎ ﺝﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺍ‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪|Ì‬‬ ‫»‪¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê»ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY¾ËY‬‬ ‫{{‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘ ﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﻣﺎﻩﺘ ﻣ ﺘ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻭﺯﺍﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮ ﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫ ﺎﺩﻓﺨﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴ ﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺍﻳ ﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻗ ﺒﺎل ﻣﺴ ﻠﻤﺎﻧ ﺎﻥ ﭼ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘ ﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣ ﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪاﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲﺑ ﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫اﺭ ﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺎلﺩﺭ ﻗ ﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﺩﺭ ﻗ ﺒ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗ ﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗ ﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺑﻮﺗ ﺑﺮﺍ ‪:‬ﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻘﺎ ﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭ ﻫﺒ ﺮﻱﻣﺒﻨ ﻲ ﺑ ﮐﺮ ﻨﺎﺭ ﮔ ﺬﺍﺷ ﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺸﺎﻳ ﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴ ﺲﺟﻤﻬ ﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ ﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴ ﺮﺍ زﻱ‪ :‬ﺗ ﺼﺪﻱﻣﺸﺎﻳ ﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭ ﻋﻴﺖ ﻧ ﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣ ﺎﻓﻆﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨ ﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼمﻛﺎﺑﻴ ﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺍﻳ ﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﻗ ﺒﺎل ﻣﺴ ﻠﻤﺎﻧ ﺎﻥ ﭼ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘ ﻮﻟﻮ ف؛‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺗﺎﻣ ﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪاﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲﺑ ﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧ ﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮ ﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫{]‪Ê ·Y ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ]{ ŠËZ ¼¿ ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ Ìa‬‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS‬‬ ‫‪.IR‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﻳ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻪﺎﭘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻧ ﻛ‬ ‫ﻫﭘ‬ ‫‪-h¸j»Z]³Ád¨³{{Z¼fŸYÉYY€ÀÅZ]ÊÀÌ]ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€¨¿ZË‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ̴¿ZÆm©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪¾Ì¼¿ʼ̸‡…Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Yɀf¿Ô¯ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Æ]ºË€»Ê«€eZ“|̼u‬‬ 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‫ﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺭﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﺼﭘﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﻬ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺷﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫‪.ir‬‬ ‫‪MO SALAS‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺍﺑﻛﺎﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻔ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺲﻪ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺑ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘ‬ ‫ﺍز‬ ‫ﮑﺎﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺗ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋ‬ ‫ﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺍﻣﻣﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺑ ‪:‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫دﻟﻴ‬ ‫ﺸﮑ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺗﺍﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺍض ﻣﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﺎم‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺟ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫اﺳ ﺑﻗﻴ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺗ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪.ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSALA S‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﮔ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻱﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮑﺎﺭ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺑ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﺍزﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺟ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺍﺑ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻫﺮﺍﺑ ‪:‬ﻞ‬ ‫ﺰﺍﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺗﺍﻋ ﺘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭ ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ض ﻣﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‬ ‫ﺟ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻮف؛‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫اﺳﺩﺑ ﺑ‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺗ ﻮﭘﻮﻟﻣ‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪†ÌWZ]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ {Y{€» µÁYÃZ¼‹ µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388{Y{€» 25 / ¹Á{ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ã{YÉ|u€‡ º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y ,É|̋Ây É|Æ» Á |¼uY‬‬ ‫{¯‪É{ÁÁY{ ¾ˆv·YÂ]Y ,ɀf¿Ô¯ ʈ̟ €f‬‬ ‫{¯‪¹€y |¼uY ,ºÌ°u ¾ˆv» ,Âb‡Z^Ÿ ʸŸ €f‬‬ ‫»‪¹€yÊ¿Y{‚Ë Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪-Y ZʼnY‚³ Á Zŀ^y ,ZŶ̸ve ¾Ë€eÁZe‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZŒ» ½Y€v‬‬ ‫]€¯‪ÉYÃY ÊÀˆv» ÉZÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ê»Z£€“ {€°ËÁ €Ì̤e‬‬ ‫‪É|¿€ÅZ¨ ÉZ¨ f‡Y‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uY Ä] ¾Ì‡|ÀÆ» ʻԇY Ä »Zm Y|ŒÅ‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d·Á{ { ÊfˀË|» |Ë|m Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ“kZu€Ì»Y,©Zv‡YµMÊÌvË‬‬ ‫`‪?AE3>3E W‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻭ ﻭﺗﺤ ﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﻛﺎﺑﻴ ﻨﻪﺩﻫ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﺑﻴ ﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻛ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴ ﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺒﺎل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗ ﺒ ﺎل‬ ‫ﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻ ﻮﻟﮕ ﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫اﺭ ﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗ ﺑﺮﺍ ﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ ﻣﻘﺎ ﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭ ﻫﺒ ﺮﻱﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑ ﮐﺮ ﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷ ﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳ ﻲ ﺑ ﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬ ﻮﺭﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺼﺪﻱ ﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸ ﺮﻭ ﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ د‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴ ﺮﺍ زﻱ‪ :‬ﺗ‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜ ﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫ ﺘﻔ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻪ ﺧ‬ ‫ﻫﻔ ﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤ ﺎﻧ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻤ ﺎﻧ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛ ﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﻟﺤ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺍﺑﻮ ﺍﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺟ ﻳ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺍﻴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭد‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒ‬ ‫ﻭﻋ‬ ‫ﺷﮐ‬ ‫ﺼﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮ ﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬ‬ ‫ﺗﺭ‬ ‫دﻭ ﻟﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺑﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮ ﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫اﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺗ‬ 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‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان‬ ‫]‪d·Á{ Á YZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫]˜‪YZ] Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ä ˜]Y‬‬ ‫‪Y  ½ »Y€Ìa ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﮔ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺣﻤﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴ ﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻋ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﻟﺍﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﺿﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ ﺘﺿﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺴ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪.ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻥﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥﻔ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﮔﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺑﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺲﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮ‪::‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺪزﺑ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴا‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﮑ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻣ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺼ‬ ‫ﺗﺷﺍﺑ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺍ‪:‬ﺭﻪد‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﮑﺑﺰ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﻫﺪﺎﻴ‬ ‫دﻟ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺍﻋﺣﺻﻤ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺮﺍض ﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻛ‪:‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻘﻪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻮف؛‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺑ ﺑ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘ ﻮﻟﺩﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪.ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺲﻪ‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻱﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮ‪: :‬‬ ‫ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻧاﺍﺮزﺎﻣﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﮑ‬ ‫ﺸﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻣﺑﻮﻴﺭﺋﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﮑﮕﮋﺑﺍ‪:‬ﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭدﺍ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻴ‬ ‫دﻟﻧﺮﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺸﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺍﻋﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﺍض ﻣ‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﺎم‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺟ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫ﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒ ‪16‬‬ ‫اﺳﻣﺩﻧﺑ‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫»‪¹|¬»ÊuZ^»Z“€»Ô£¾°Å¯¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‡‪ŠÀ»¾ËM{YÂmÊ»€¯Yº›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË×Yc‚Ÿ\Ì°‹¼u‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì»Yw€ÅZ‹ÊŁԻ|¼v»ʇ|¬»É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ʠ̨‹}¿ɀ°Œeʼ‹ZÅÉ‬‬ ‫»‪ |Æ‬‬ ‫»‪Âˆ¿ZÆmZ“|¼v»½Z¼Ë€¿¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿YʸŸÊfËY|ž̈u‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âmd·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸʨ˜»€Ì»ʳ|¿Ä]ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫§‪·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ 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‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺭﺍا‬ ‫ﻥﻟﮕﻳ‬ ‫ﺶﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍ‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮ ﺮﻮ‬ ‫اﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻭﻟ‬ ‫ﺖﻫ‬ ‫ﻢﺭﻗﺒﺎﺩ‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﺮ‬ ‫ﮓﮑ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ﻥﺗﺌ‬ ‫ﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻨ‬ ‫ﺪﻳﺑﻧ‬ ‫ﺠ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺠﻒﺑﺎﻮﺭﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻋ‬ ‫ﻞﻓ‬ ‫ﺼﻴ‬ ‫ﺢ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺗ‬ ‫اﻣﻓﻣﻧ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ اﺭﺍ ﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ا ﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟ ﮕﺮﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼ŸÉY€]ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Z]MʸŸZ]µZ‬‬ ‫»‪Äf‹Y{€¼fˆ»”u‰Á½Z»Z‡ÕZ‡ÁµZ‡ÖfˀË|»½YÁ{¹Z¼e{įd‡YÖ¿Y€Ë|»Á‚m,¹€yÖ¿Y{‚ËZ“| ¼v‬‬ ‫‪{€¯Ö¼¿eÃZ´rÌŽÂ̇Y|§¾ËYį|‹µZ^Ì·YÁ{YÁÊ¿Z»ÁYÖfŒ¯{µZ‡ćÁµZ^Ì·YÁ½Â̇Y|§{µZ‡-d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪{ÁY”uZ»Y|À¿Y{Ö»xËZe֋ÁÕZŽÂ̇Y|§ÕZ‡Á¾Ë€eª§Â»YÖ°ËYÁY¶Ì·{¾Ì¼ÅÄ],{‹½ZÆm½Z»€Æ«ՁÁ‬‬ ‫¯Œ‪¹€yÖ¿Y{‚Ë{€¯ÕÁÄmÂf»Õ{ZˁÕZÅ{Z¬f¿Yį{Â]®Ìb¼·Y{Ö»Z¯Z¿½M¾Ë€f¼Æ»į|‹ÁÄ]ÁÕ{ZˁÕZÅŠ·ZqZ]Öf‬‬ ‫{‪d‡Y֋ÁÕZŽÂ̇Y|§ÕZ‡Á€Ìaž«YÁ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌWZ]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z]®ËÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪::‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺍد‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮد‪18‬‬ ‫‪//1 388‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪ŠË‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Z‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑ ﺎﺑﺎ ﺩ ﻟﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠ ﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗ ﻌﺎ ﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳ ﻨ ﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔ ﺍﺮﻳ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧ ﺘﻈ ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧ ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩ ﺭﺑ ﺭﺎ ﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻥﭘ ﻛﺎ ﺴ ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﺮﻃ ﻟﺎ ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋ ﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺍ ﻨ ﻴﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺍ ﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩ ﻟﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣ ﻨ ﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘ ﻴ ﺮﻭ ﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬ ﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧ ﺘﺨ ﺎﺑ ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳ ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ﺍ ﭘ ﺍﺮﺗﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺴﺮ ﭘ ﺗﻮ ﻴﻦ ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳ ﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺤﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳ ﺎﺯ ﻣ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻛ ﺭﺎ ﻧﺎ ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻮ ﻳ ﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺗ ﺎﺑﺴ ﺘ ﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳ ﺮﻳ ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺩ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﺷ ﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﻭ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﺳﺍﻭﻠ ‪//‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺗﺻ‪/‬ﻮﻣ ﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪1000‬‬ ‫ﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫{‪€e‬‬ ‫‪ÁYZ ˂˸e‬‬ ‫»‪½Â‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪]Y€ÌaÄq‬‬ ‫»‪½Â»Y€Ìa À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÁYZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪É Y €a‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫¼|‪É‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫»€ ‪-4‬‬ ‫‪uY‬‬ ‫ﺣ ﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎل ﺑﺎﻋﻠﻲ اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩ ﻣﭽ ﻴ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍ ﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛ ﺎﺗﻮ ﺯ ﻳﺎﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌ ﻘ ﻮﺑ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮ ﺛﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤ ﺎ ﻋﻴ ﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣ ﻄﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋ ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠ ﻔ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻ ﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃ ﺒ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫ ﺎﺷﻤ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄ ﻔ ﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ä·Z‡nÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺪ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻌﻪ ﺍ ﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬ ﻨﺪﺳﻴ ﻦ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺭﺋ ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻬ ﻨ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧ ﻈﺎ ﻣﻡ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺯﺎ ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5 4‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻝ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮدﺍد ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺩ ﻟﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠ ﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗ ﻌﺎ ﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳ ﻨ ﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔ ﺍﺮﻳ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧ ﺘﻈ ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋ ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩ ﺭﺑ ﺭﺎ ﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻥﭘ ﻛﺎ ﺴ ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﺮﻃ ﻟﺎ ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋ ﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺍ ﻨ ﻴ ﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺍ ﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩ ﻟﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣ ﻨ ﺘﻘ ﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘ ﻴ ﺮﻭ ﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬ ﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧ ﺘﺨ ﺎﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳ ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ﺍ ﭘ ﺍﺮﺗﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘ ﺗﻮ ﻴﻦ ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳ ﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤ ﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳ ﺎﺯ ﻣ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻛ ﺭﺎ ﻧﺎ ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗ ﻠﻮ ﻳ ﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺗ ﺎﺑﺴ ﺘ ﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳ ﺮﻳ ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﺷ ﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮ ﻧﻭ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺳ ﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗ ﺌ ﺗﺎ ﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺩﺭ ﻳ ﺑﺎ ﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎ ﻧ ﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓ ﺼ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍ ﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ ﻌﻔﺎ ﻱﺻ ﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐ ﻴﻴﺮﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮ ﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ ﻌﻔﺎ ﻱﺻ ﻔﺎﺭﻫ ﺮﻧﺪ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘ ﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋ ﻤﻠ ﻜ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧﺪ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻋ ﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩدﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥاﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨ ﻲﺍ ژﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻣﺸﺎﻳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨ ﻲ ﺍ ﺍژﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻣﺸﺎﻳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺪ ﻱ ﻧ ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺟﺎ ﻣﻌﻪﺍ ﺳﻼﻣ ﻲﻣﻬ ﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋ ﻤﻠ ﻜ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺯﺎ ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎلﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻋ ﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺭﺋ ﻴ ﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻬ ﻨ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧ ﻈﺎ ﻣﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5 4‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻝ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮدﺍد ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل ﺩﻭ ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﻗ ﺒﺎل‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍ ﺻﻮ ﻟﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫اﺭ ﺍ ﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﻳ ﻦﺗﺤ ﻠﻴ ﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒ ﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳ ﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴ ﻞ ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐ ﻴﻴﺮﺭ ﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣ ﻲ‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪É Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪d ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]ÓÄ] †¸n»Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿‪ |Å{ʼ¿ÉYº·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê»€Ì̤eYÄ¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫{]€‪®Ë€]Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê»ÊËZ¼À³‚]d·Á{ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨ ﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴ ﻦ ﺑﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎل ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫ ﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ﻠﺚﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳ ﻦ ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴ ﻞ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﺎ ﻭﮔﺰﺍ ﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍ ﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣ ﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ·k{ nHk²¼Q nHk pHn ,ÂThL{¼i pHn ,¬kºp pHn pHn kÅ JIT¨ IM .k@@ÃÀj ¾@@Äk@@À ·Ho@@«Äj » ·I@@Uj¼@i ¾@M Hn Â@T¶°@w pHn » Svú JIT¨ ¦Ä I¿¹U ÂzÄkºH SLX¶ Á¼w ¾M yÃQ JIT¨ .k¹¨ ¶ ϼdT¶ Hn ·ITìkºp ¾¨ SwH ¾Tÿ¿º ·A nj ÁpHn ·I«ÄHn ®Ä¼dU ¸ÿ±U ¦Ä IM I¿¹U n¼z¨ owHow nj (I{ nI¨ ®d¶ IÄ Ïq¹¶ Jnj) !!!kù¨ Âxº n»IM 021-22901392-93, 0912 120 75 66 .kù¨ ¾Mo\U Hn ·A ·I¶¼U 3500 IM ô£Î ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳـﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﻣـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﻉﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱﺧﻮﻛﻲ‪،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺭﻗﻢﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ‪20 ................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪21 .......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﭙﺎﺷﻴﻢ ‪22 ..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪23 ...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ‪24 .......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ‪26 ...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ‪28 ..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪29 ............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪40 ....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪42 ......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪43 ................................. ....................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﭘﺸﺘﻲ ‪44 ..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‪30 .......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻭﺿﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪32 ...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪33 .......................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2/2‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎ ‪46 .........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻚ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ‪48 ....................................................... ....................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮچ ‪49 ............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ‪50 .............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺑﺎ ‪52.................................................................. .....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ‪54 ..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪56 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪58...........................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ‪34 ..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪36 ..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ‪38 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ‪62 .......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪64 ...............................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ‪66 ..........................‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ‪70 ................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ ‪72 ....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪74 .........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ‪75 .....................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻩﻟﻴﺮ‪76 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ‪77 .........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ‪78 ......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﺴﺎﺯ ‪80 .............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ‪....‬؟ ‪83 ..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ‪83 ................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪84 .........................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪86 ........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﻝ ﺮﺳﺮ ﺨﺶﺭ ﻀ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮ ﻝ ﺮﺩ ﻡ ﺳﻤ ﻥ ﻪﻛ ﺭﮔﺮﺩ ﻲ ﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴـ ﻦ ﻄ ﻔﻲﺯﻭﺩ ﺮ ﺯﺩ ﮕﺮﺳﺮ ﻝﻫ ﻱ ﻩﺭ ﻀ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻪﻛ ﺭﺧﻮﺩ ﻥﺩ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺼ ﻑ ﺴﻔﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺼ ﺐﻏﺮﺏ ﺴ ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻡ ﻦ ﺪﺭﻥﺷﺪﻥﻭﻏﺮ ﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻤ ﺰ ﻞ ﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺷﺖﻫﻮ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﻋﻴﺪﺳﻌﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺎﻥﺟﻬﺎﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟ ﻤ ﻋﻲ‬ ‫اﻏ ﺯ ﺳ ﻝ ﺤﺼ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺷ ﻉ‬ ‫ﻲﺷ‬ ‫ﺳ ﻝ ﺟﺪ ﺪ ﺤﺼ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺨ ﺕ ﺷ ﻉ ﺟﺪ ﺪﻱ ﻱ ﺪ ﺱ ﺸﮕ‬ ‫ﻀ ﻪﺳ ﺩ ﻱﻛﻪ ﭽ ﺪ ﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻄ ﻲﺩ ﺸﮕ ﻫ ﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻄ ﻲﺩﺭﻛ ﺭ ﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﺯﺥ ﻮﺯﺵﻭ ﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮏﺳ ﻪﺳﻪﺟ ﺴﻪ ﺳﻪﺳ ﻪﻫ ﭻ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺙ ﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ ﻤ ﺴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺬﺷ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪ ﺴ ﺠﺪﺟ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻀﻲ ﻃﻼ ﻲ ﺲ ﻦ ﻤ ﺴ ﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺮ ﺖﻫ ﻱ ﺟ ﻤ ﻋﻲﺷﻬﺮ ﺰ ﺶ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭ ﺴ ﻞ ﺮﻫ ﮕﻲﻏﻔ ﺖﻛﺮﺩ ﻢ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻜﻄﺮ ﻪﺷﺪﻥﻭ ﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﮕﻲ ﺷ ﻱ ﺷ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺳ ﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮔ ﺖ ﮔﻮﻫ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻒﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪¨Å‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫‪Ì a‬‬ ‫‪µÁ/‬‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺣﺴﻦﻗ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺣﺴﻦﻗ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮدﺍد‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫‪5» /¹‬‬ ‫{‪Á‬‬ ‫‪à Z‬‬ ‫¼‬ ‫‹‬ ‫Š‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋاد‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪال‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪ʇŻ½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSAL AS.ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSAL AS. ri‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS . ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪001‬‬ ‫‪13/‬‬ ‫‪8{8‬‬ ‫€{‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان‬ ‫ﺑﺎزارﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان‬ ‫ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫داغ‬ ‫ﺟﺎم‬ ‫ﺟﻢﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫داغ‬ ‫ﺟﺎم‬ ‫ﺟﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫اﮐﺮان‬ ‫ﺳﺎلﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫اﮐﺮان‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮدﺍد‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﺗﯿﺮﻣﺎه‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫اول‪/‬ﭘﯿﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮداد‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪…Z§/ É|WZ¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‬ ‫Ÿ‪†°‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫اﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫Ÿ‪… Z § É|ZW «¾ˆu† °‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ 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‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺟ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪M OSA LAS . ir‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ ÂˀƋµÁY ¹Â‡ÃZ¼‹ µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ {Y{€» ¹Á{ÃZ¼‹ µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388{Y{€» 25 / ¹Á{ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ{ ÄÀÌ]Z¯ ½Â»Y€Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Z]h¸j»ÄËÁÉZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{d·Á{µZ^«{½ZËY€´·ÂYÁZeŠËYM‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪¾f‹Y~³ZÀ¯€]ÊÀ^»ɀ^źœ »¹Z¬»Ä»Z¿Ê]Y€eÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪{Y|¿d̟Á€Œ»ÊËZŒ»É|eɁY€Ì‹¹Z°»×YdËM‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀÌ]Z¯¹Ô‡,ÄÀÌ]Z¯š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫‪ÊÀÌ]ʼ¿Y½Z¼‡MįÊËZm‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫{ ‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧ ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳـ ﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪†ÌWZ]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ {Y{€» µÁYÃZ¼‹ µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪00‬‬ ‫‪0 Ä/‬‬ ‫¨ ‪v‬‬ ‫‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺎﺑ ﺩﺍ ﻣﭽ ﻴ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍ ﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ ﻛ ﺎﺗﻮ ﺯ ﻳﺎﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌ ﻘ ﺑﻮ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮ ﺛﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤ ﺎ ﻋﻴ ﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻣ ﻄ ﺮﻬ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ‪،‬ﻋ ﻠ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﺩﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺒ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺎﺷﻤ ﻃ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄ ﻔ ﻫ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ‪4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺳ ﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗ ﺌ ﺎﺗ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛ ﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫¿œ€‪ÉY€]Ê^mº¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y¹€fv»½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼ŸÉY€]ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á½Z»Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫¨‪38 Äv‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪54Äv‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388{Y{€» 18 /µÁY ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪» Â‬‬ ‫‪1e‬‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺎﺑ ﺩﺍ ﻣﭽ ﻴ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍ ﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛ ﺎﺗﻮ ﺯﻳ ﺎﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳ ﻌ ﻘ ﺑﻮ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣ ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮ ﺛﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤ ﻋﺎ ﻴ ﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣ ﻄﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋ ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻ ﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃ ﺒ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫ ﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺎﺩ ﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫§‪·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫»‪:ʼ‹ZÅ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM €œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪17 À¼¿ ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪:É|¿ÂyM …Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â» Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ {Y{€» µÁYÃZ¼‹ µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸veÁ~̨ÀeY| ]ºÅ{ÄÀÌ]Z¯½Â»Y€ÌaÊ¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎی داغ ﺟﺎم ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﺗﺮﯾﻦ اﮐﺮان ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪::‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩ ﻭﻟ ﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣ ﻨ ﺘﻘ ﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘ ﻴ ﻭﺮ ﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬ ﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺍ ﺘﺨ ﺑﺎ ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﺍﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﭘ ﺮﺍﺗﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘ ﺗﻮ ﻴﻦ ﺍ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳ ﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤ ﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳ ﺎﺯ ﻣ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛ ﺎﺭ ﻧﺎ ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗ ﻠﻮ ﻳ ﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺗ ﺑﺎﺴ ﺘ ﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺎﻫ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳ ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫»‪¹|¬»ÊuZ^»Z“€»Ô£¾°Å¯¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‡‪ŠÀ»¾ËM{YÂmÊ»€¯Yº›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË×Yc‚Ÿ\Ì°‹¼u‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì»Yw€ÅZ‹ÊŁԻ|¼v»ʇ|¬»É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ʠ̨‹}¿ɀ°Œeʼ‹ZÅÉ‬‬ ‫»‪ |Æ‬‬ ‫»‪Âˆ¿ZÆmZ“|¼v»½Z¼Ë€¿¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿YʸŸÊfËY|ž̈u‬‬ ‫ §‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âmd·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸʨ˜»€Ì»ʳ|¿Ä]ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr»Y{Z]×Y|‡Y,½ZˁÂeZ¯|̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë|¼v»,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ»ʸŸ,ʨn¿ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§µ{Z‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩ ﻭﻟ ﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣ ﻨ ﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘ ﻴ ﻭﺮ ﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬ ﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺍ ﺘﺨ ﺑﺎ ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﺍ ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﭘ ﺮﺍﺗﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘ ﺗﻮ ﻴﻦ ﺍ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻂ ﺯﻳ ﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺎﻥﻣ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻪﺳ ﺎﺯ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻛ ﺎﺭ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻮ ﻳ ﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺗ ﺎﺑﺴ ﺘ ﻧﺎﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺎﻫ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻲﺳ ﺮﻳ ﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﺷ ﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﻭ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ€j¯Y‬‬ ‫]‪YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a Ä»Z¿ ®Ë-d»|y d·Á{ Ze Z¯ d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪½Z”» { Z¼Ì‡ - Z°Ë€»M Á ½Y€ËY Ę]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪‰Á |Ë|m †ÌW - ÄÀÌ]Z¯ { ½Z‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ÁºÆ¿d‬‬ ‫‪ ·Á{Z]†¸n»¶»Z eÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÀ‡½ZËY€³d‡YÉZÅZœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uYY‬‬ ‫‪±€»ÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¯Za½Z^·Z—€^Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪©Y€ŸÊfÌÀ»YZ“ÁYÊ‬‬ ‫‪{d·Á{½Y|¬fÀ»ɁÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪.½Y€ËY¹Â‡ÂeY€aY-¾ÌeÂa€ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪dˆË–Ìv»½Z»Z‡Ä»Z¿Z¯Ê‬‬ ‫]€‡‪½Â˂˸eÊ¿Zfˆ]ZeÉZŵZˀ‡Ê‬‬ ‫]‪{¿{Â^¿Á{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z]®ËÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪان ﺑﺎزار‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫{ »‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e ÉZŠÀ›ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000/‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺎﺑﺎ ﺩ ﻭﻟ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ ﺗ ﻌﺎ ﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳ ﻨ ﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔ ﺮﺍﻳ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺍ ﺘﻈ ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩ ﺑﺭ ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﻭ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺎﻛ ﺴ ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﺮ ﻃ ﺎﻟ ﺒﺎ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﻉ ﻣﺍ ﻨ ﻴﺘ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺿ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ»ʸŸZ]³Ád¨³{YÁ[Zzf¿YÃ{€adŒa‬‬ ‫{‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uYd·Á{Zeɇ»d·Á{Y‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸYÉYÉY€]½Y€ËÁÊ]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½ÉYÁ[Zzf¿Y€‡€]µZnÀm‬‬ ‫‹‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§YcZ]Zzf¿Y{\¸¬eÄ^WZ‬‬ ‫‹‪½ZÌ]Y€v»ÁÉ{Z]MʸŸº¯†¿Z‬‬ ‫¿‪{Z‹YcYÁÄÀ˂³YÊËZÅÄf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‡€»‪.|ÀÀ¯Ê»Äq‰Á{½YY{ÄËZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪©Zv‡YµMÊÌvËÊ«{Z|¼v»€Ì»LÔ‬‬ ‫{‪€³{Ó§Z“|̼uɀ^À«‰ÂËY‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm…Z^Ÿ¹Ô¯Z^ˁ©{Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Á»ɀ´ˆŸÊÀ̈u{Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫§€‪½ZˁÂeZ¯Z“|̼u|¿ÂÀˆu½Á|Ë‬‬ ‫‪©{ZÉ|ƻʿZ¼uº‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫»‪Âb‡Z^ŸʸŸɸÅ{¾ÌˆuZ“|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪ɀ̐¿×Y| ‡ʻԇY¾ˆv‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪ÊËY€Ì»Ê‬‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ̴¿ZÆm ©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪¾Ì¼¿Ê¼Ì¸‡ …Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ɀi¯ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y - ɀf¿Ô¯ ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Æ] ºË€» - Ê«€e Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫]‪ʼ̸‡ ¾Ìˆu - ÁZŒ¯ ¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ ×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë Z“ - Ê¿Z¼u Ê‬‬ ‫‪·|Ì ‡ ʸŸ - Ã{YÊÌvË µÔm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZˀƋ ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ ﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫دوم‪5/‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺩ ﻭﻟ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠ ﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗ ﻌﺎ ﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﻭ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳ ﻨ ﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔ ﺮﺍﻳ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺍ ﺘﻈ ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋ ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩ ﺑﺭ ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺎﻛ ﺴ ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃ ﺎﻟ ﺒﺎ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺍ ﻨ ﻴ ﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ ÂˀƋ ¹ZÆqÃZ¼‹ µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ µÁY/ ¹Â‡ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫»‪É|¿€»Z“€Ì¸Ÿ-ÉY|¼f Ë€‹ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Z^y Z“|¼v» - ɀ¯Z‹ Ê^fn‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌÆ·Y ÀŁ - ÊËZ“ Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Âa€Ì¿ |¼v» - ¹|¬»Ê»Y€³ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¿€‪ÉZzf§Y Ä·Ó - Ê]Y€e ×Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪¹ZÆ·Y¾Ìˆv»Ô£-[Ânv»Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ÊÀ»Â» {Z‹€§ -Ê·Y ʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y |̌¼m -‰Á€§ ½Z¼Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪{Y„¿€^¯Y°‹ -ʋ»ZyʬÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ {Y{€» ¹Á{ÃZ¼‹ µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋ ﻤﻠ ﻜ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﻭ ﺪ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺭ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺯﺎ ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩدﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﺷ ﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩ ﺑﺭ ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮ ﻧﻭ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼ŸÉY€]ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Z]MʸŸZ]µZ‬‬ ‫»‪Äf‹Y{€¼fˆ»”u‰Á½Z»Z‡ÕZ‡ÁµZ‡ÖfˀË|»½YÁ{¹Z¼e{įd‡YÖ¿Y€Ë|»Á‚m,¹€yÖ¿Y{‚ËZ“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪{€¯Ö¼¿eÃZ´rÌŽÂ̇Y|§¾ËYį|‹µZ^Ì·YÁ{YÁÊ¿Z»ÁYÖfŒ¯{µZ‡ćÁµZ^Ì·YÁ½Â̇Y|§{µZ‡-d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪{ÁY”uZ»Y|À¿Y{Ö»xËZe֋ÁÕZŽÂ̇Y|§ÕZ‡Á¾Ë€eª§Â»YÖ°ËYÁY¶Ì·{¾Ì¼ÅÄ],{‹½ZÆm½Z»€Æ«ՁÁ‬‬ ‫¯Œ‪¹€yÖ¿Y{‚Ë{€¯ÕÁÄmÂf»Õ{ZˁÕZÅ{Z¬f¿Yį{Â]®Ìb¼·Y{Ö»Z¯Z¿½M¾Ë€f¼Æ»į|‹ÁÄ]ÁÕ{ZˁÕZÅŠ·ZqZ]Öf‬‬ ‫{‪d‡Y֋ÁÕZŽÂ̇Y|§ÕZ‡Á€Ìaž«YÁ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌWZ]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‪/‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺋﺭ ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻬ ﻨ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻈ ﻣﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪5‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﻔﺤ ‪4‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺋﺭ ﻴ ﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻬ ﻨ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻈ ﻣﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪5‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﻔﺤ ‪4‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﻗ ﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍ ﺻﻮ ﻟﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺗ ﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺭ ﺍ ﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥاﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺩﺭ ﻳ ﺎﺑ ﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎ ﻧ ﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓ ﺼ ﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍ ﺳﻤ ﺎﻋﻴ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]ÓÄ] †¸n»Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿‪ |Å{ʼ¿ÉYº·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﷲﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê»€Ì̤eYÄ¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫{]€‪®Ë€]Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê»ÊËZ¼À³‚]d·Á{ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪É Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪d ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪µY Z‬‬ ‫‡‬ ‫‪/ Ê‬‬ ‫¸ ‪¸Ì‬‬ ‫‪ve‬‬ ‫‬‫€ ‪É‬‬ ‫‪^y‬‬ ‫¿ ‪»ZÄ‬‬ ‫‪fÄ‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭﻡ ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻜﺲ ﺟ ﺪ ﺪﻯ ﺣﺴ ﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺷ ﻲ ﺳ ﻥ ﺖ ﺪ ﻲ ﺨ ﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀ ﺪ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺵ ﻲ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺪ ﻲ ﺳ ﺳﺖ ﻱ ﺴﺐ ﺷ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺧ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻤ ﺖﺧﻮ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺤ ﺝ ﻮﻝﺳ ﺳ ﻮﻥ ﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺯﮔﺬﺭﺻ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻀ ﻱﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻘﻼ ﻲ ﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺪ ﻥﺳ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺮ ﻱ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠ ﻪ ﻛ ﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜ ﺚ«ﺭ ﻪﺷﻤ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻉﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛ ﻥﻣﺠ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼغ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫اﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍد‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ دﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض ﺗﺸﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼم ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ اﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪ :‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮوری ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪال ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫اﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋاد ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ رﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ZʼnY‚³ Á Zŀ^y ,ZŶ̸ve ¾Ë€eÁZe‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪ 725‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ /‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ژﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﺒــﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫــﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫‪ 120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ‪ -‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺸــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻏــﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻋﺠﻠــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 5+1‬ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻻﺑﻲ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫــﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻲ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘــﻂ ‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺩ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬‫‪.1358‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ؛ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻮﺟﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ -‬ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍ ْﻗﺒَﻞَ ﻋَﻠﻴﻜُ ﻢْ ﺷَ ْﻬ ُﺮ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻏﻔﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﺭﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺭﻭﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻛﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ« ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺴــﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ( ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 65 ،64 ،63‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴــﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻐﻀــﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﻛﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎ! ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ؟« ﮔﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ 9 ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ 11 ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺗﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻮﻳﻲﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ« ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﭘﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻤﺒﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪«.‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ« ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺬﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺣﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺯﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺛﺎﺭﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ‪ -‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ‪ -‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ)‪ 9‬ﻣﻬﺮ( ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺷﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ )ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ (5+1‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ )‪ 9‬ﻣﻬﺮ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻞﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺷﺎﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻞﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺷــﺎﭼﺮﺍﻍ« ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺰﻳــﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 11‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻭﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭگ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻞﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻯ ﺷﺎﭼﺮﺍﻍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻃﻰﺳﺒﺰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1304‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ )ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻯﻫﻔﺖﺑﻨﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺖﺳﻨﮓ« ﻭ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ« ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻯ »ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1324‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ‪18‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ »ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7 9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﻳﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳــﻠﻮﺍﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻓــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺩﺍ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻯﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ‪x‬؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ!‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 23 .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 836‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 130‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 970‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 365‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 893‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭگ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﻗﺪﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ »ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ« ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﻗﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ‪ 6‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 84‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺠ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻐﺪﺍﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﮓ« ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪» :‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ »ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ -‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻔﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩﺵ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1359‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﺗــﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻂﻣﺸــﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ »ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﺋﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺑﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ ﻃﺎﺷــﻨﺎﻕ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ‪ 83‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 128‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻋﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺮ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺯﺍﺯ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻥﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭ ﺲ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺯﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺒﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻌﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻯ ‪ 41‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ‪ 09‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 09‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ 09 .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ‪ 09‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪09‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 099‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫‪ 09‬ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻫــﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺴــﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺸﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧــﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻧﻈــﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺗﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻱﻣﻲﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﻳﺶﺳــﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷـﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳـﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷـﻬﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻬﺎﺩﺕ ‪ 40‬ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺳـﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﺵ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬـﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫـﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ؟ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﭘﻴﭽــﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ! ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻣﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﺖ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ »ﺗﻮ«‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳـﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷـﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ 40 .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻔﺮﻡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓــﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 7‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﻚ ﻧﻤﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﭙﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔـﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷـﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴـﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻄــﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺳــﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳــﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻻﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻗﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘـﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺐﺟﻮﻳﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺬﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘـﻂ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺣــﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ‪،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻴﺐﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻳــﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻤﭙﺎژ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻛﺎﺭﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷــﻨﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻧﻘﺪﻭﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﺭﺍﺍﺯﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼــﺪﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ‪ 100‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ 80‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 20:30‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺣﺮﻑﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﭼﻨﻴﻦﺣﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻤﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﺣﺪﻭﻣﺮﺯﻱﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺑﺮﺍﻱﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰﻣﺮﺯﻱﻗﺎﺋﻞﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺍﻻﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻣﺎﻧﺸﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻳﻚﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻮﺟـﺐ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺧﺐ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌــﺮﺽ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻢﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻐﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﻴﺒــﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻟﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‪23‬ﻭ ‪25‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺝ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 23‬ﻭ ‪ 25‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻘﻄﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫‪30‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺩﺭﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻓـﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺤﺼــﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰ»ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳـﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻚﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺪﺍﻳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺴـﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ‪25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮ ﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻬــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧــﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴـﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺳـﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻲﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﻪ ﺍﻻﺋﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ«‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺼﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺖ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳــﺐ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﺴــﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﻼﺩﻳﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺼﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺻﺮﻳﺤــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫــﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑــﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳـﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳــﻜﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳــﺰﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻲﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﻚﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﮔﻪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ‪ 13‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫــﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺤــﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻧﻬـﻢ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧـﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨـﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻓـﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺣﺠـﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﺷـﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗـﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻈﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﻳﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘــﺪﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﻡ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 31‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ‪ .‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺫﻛﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺽ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ!« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺳــﺘﭙﺎﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻜﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ »ﻣﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭼﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺰﻣــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺳــﻠﻴﻘﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺟــﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭼﻚﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﻗﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﺶ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ؛ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1315‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ؛ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1330‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ )ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ( ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ؛ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1331‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1359‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1057‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﺋــﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻻﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺷــﺶ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻙ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳـﻚ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟـﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻢﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧـﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘـﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﺳـﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬـﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺸـﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴـﺖ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋـﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺿـﺮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘـﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻏـﺮﻭﻯ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳـﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻــﺐ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰﻫﻢﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻃﻴﻒﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯﺍﺯﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻗــﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺻﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﺴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻰﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳــﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪»،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻚ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜـﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻮﻙ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸـﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤـﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﭘﺴـﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﮔﻴـﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﺘـﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷـﺒﻬﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺑﺮﺧﻰﻫﻢﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﭘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠـﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼـﻚ ﭘﻨـﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺵ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﭼﺮﺍﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺑﻪﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﻋﻼﻗﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﭼﺴﺒﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻪﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘــﺶ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧــﻲﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻣﺤﻴﻂﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺪﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒــﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ‬ ‫– ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﭼﻮﻥﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺳــﺒﺰ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺁﮔﺎﻩﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺳــﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺤﺎﻡﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﻨــﺎﻙ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻗﻤﻴﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﺎﺑﻨــﺎﻙ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﺼﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﻗﻠﻤــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺝ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﺼﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ‪ -‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳــﺮﻙ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻜﺸــﻮﻑ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺒﺮﺟﻨﻮﺏ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ« ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ »ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯﭘﻮﺭ ﭘــﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻌﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻴــﺮﺍژ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﭘﺎﺩ( ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﺧﺒﺮﻯﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖﺑﻪﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻣﺠﻠﺲ)ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎﻡﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺤﺎﻡﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻪﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺤﺎﻡﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺖﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠــﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺳــﺒﺰ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺳﺒﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐﻭﺣﻔﻆﻗﺪﺭﺕﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣــﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﭼـﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭼﭗ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻳﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻳﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﻮء ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﺠﻤـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﻮءﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻮء ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮءﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻮءﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 450‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﭘﺎپ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻮءﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ ﺯﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺁﮔﻬﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳــﺪ ﺻﻔﺤــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻚﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻼگ‪ ،‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 450‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 450‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻫﻢﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘــﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴـﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢﺗﺎﭼﻪﺣﺪﻗﻄﻌﻰﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻴﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﺖﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻧﻮﻋﻰﻫﻢﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧــﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺨﻮﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﺷﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ » ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ« ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠـﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻃـﻼﻉ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﮔﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﻨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠـﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﻨﻚ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻳﺎ ‪ BBC‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 7 ،6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺧﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 60-70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ‪ 7 ، 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻫــﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺛﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱﺍﺵ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 250‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺑﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ NYU‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴـﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗـﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺷـﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ژﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ!ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ژﺳــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ – ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣـﺪﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﻰﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ! ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒـﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪-‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼـﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼـﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ؟ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻚﻛﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-1‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫‪-4‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪-5‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 27‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ« ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ*‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ‪30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻝ ﻫﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳـﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ »ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑـﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﻤـﻪ ﺧﺪﻣـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤـﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤـﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣـﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻨﮕـﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷـﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻛﻪﺿﺮﻳﺐﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻼﺳﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺁﻏﺎﺯﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑـﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﺎﻫﺶﻳﺎﺑﺪﻭﺍﮔﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸـﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣـﺰﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑـﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤـﺚ »ﺿﻌﻒ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻰﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﭘﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ )ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ (5+1‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؛ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ )ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ( ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﻳﺘﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺮﻳﺘﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ـ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ »ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﭘﺸــﺘﻰ« ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﭘﺸــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1972‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1993‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﮔﺸﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟« ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤــﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ »ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﭘﺸﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ »ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﭘﺸﺘﻰ« ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ »ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ«ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ؛ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ( ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻄﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﻨﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ »ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦﺳــﺎﻳﻨﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﺮ ﺳﻮﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ »ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ« ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻬﻠﺘﻰ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ »ﭘﻰﺟﻰﻛﺮﻭﻟﻰ« ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ« ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ »ﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻮ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ »ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺰﻡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 46‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ )ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ( ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪1980‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ )ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﻔﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻠﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻨﮕﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﺶﺗﻨﻬﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﺣﺴﺎﺏﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺗﻚﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺗﻚ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻚﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻜــﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻚﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﻧﻪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 8‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻚﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻚﻛﻴــﻦ )ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻚ ﻛﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻪ« ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮچ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ 45 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﺾﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮچ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﮔﻼﺱﺍﻟﻤﻨــﺪﻭﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ )ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴــﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ 239‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﻮﻥﺑﺨﺘﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻐﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻐﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻋــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ – ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻰ« ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻴﺘﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﺌﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ‪15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 2/2‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ » ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ « ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧـﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏـﺮﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘـﺐ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺷـﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﻣﺖ ﺭﺑﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻔﻞﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳــﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺠﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋــﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻨــﺪ؟ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗــﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻂ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺑﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﭽﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺑﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1385‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﻳﺴــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳــﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓــﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳــﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻـﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧـﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧـﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺴـﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔـﻆ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ! ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒـﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧـﻚ ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫‪ 384‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ‪ 57‬ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﺑﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﺭﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﺩﺭﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺁﻳﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻧﻴﻢﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳـﻪ ﺻﻔـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘـﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒـﺮ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻚﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲﻓﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺻﻜﻮﻙ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕــﻲ ‪ 139‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔــﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺩﺭﺟﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺯﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻮﻓﻖﻭﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺴــﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺍﻟﺤﻠﻘﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻟﻮﺙ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‪،‬ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺮ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴــﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 4‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺯﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿـﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺷـﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠـﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑـﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ )ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺠﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ )ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻋـﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻧـﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴـﻦﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﺗـﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻲﻭﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻗﻢﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧـﻲ ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗـﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤـﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿـﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗـﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻗﻢﻭﻋﻀﻮﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻗﻢﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢﺗﺎﻭﻱﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 550‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜــﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 62‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 500‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻠﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺶ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻠﺰﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖﻗﻢﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻗﻢﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻗﻢﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﺧﻮﺑﻲﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺎﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻗﻢﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊﺑﺮﺳﺮﺭﺍﻩﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺻﻨﻌﺖﺩﺭﻗﻢﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻢﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻣﺎﺷﺎﻫﺪﺟﻬﺶﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﺻﻨﻌﺖﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺶﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺻﻨﻌﺖﺑﻪﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻻﺯﻡﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﻭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕﻣﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺯﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺭﻛﻮﺩﺑﻪﺭﻭﻧﻖﺑﺮﺳﺪﻭﻋﻼﻳﻢﻧﺸﺎﻁﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﮔﺬﺭﺍﺯﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻧﻖﻣﺸﺨﺺﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻭﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﺣﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳــﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﺳﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﻔﻴﻠﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ‪ 95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«ﺭﺍﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﻫﺮﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺑﻪﺑﺤﺚﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﺷــﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻧﺎ«ﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞﺗﺮﻳﻦﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻭﻟﻰﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎﻣﻨﺒﻊﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺻﺪﺭﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩﻗﺪﻡﺑﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪﺣﻮﺯﻩﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﻧﺠﻒﺁﻣﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪».‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻧﺎ« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﺻﺪﺭﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺯﺳﻪﺑﺨﺶﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭ‪،‬ﺳﻪﺍﺻﻞﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺳﻼﻡﺑﺮﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪«.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﺻﺪﺭﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﻮﺩﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﺤﺚﺭﺍﺑﻪﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪﻭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﺍﺻﻞﺗﻚﺷﻜﻠﻰﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖﻛﻪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯﻭﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺻﻞﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﻳﺎﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺭﺍﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖﺑﺮﺳﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﺻﻮﻝﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺑﻴﺎﻥﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﻛﺘﺎﺏﺻﺪﺭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩﻛﻪﺍﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺪﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ)ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﻟﻰﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﻘﺮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻛــﻮﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺣﺒﺎﺏﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺷــﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺒﻐﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓــﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺪ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺷــﻚ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻤــﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺰﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻒ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺭﻛﻮﺩﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺩﺍﻣﻦﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺩﻫﻢﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥﺗﺼﻮﺭﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﻨﺠﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺯﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮﻃﺮﺡﻣﺴﻜﻦﻣﻬﺮﻳﺎﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺘﻪﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺷﺪﻥﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﻭﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪1/5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻋﺪﻡﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻭﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯﻭﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻥﺑﻪﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﻣﺴﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻮﺩﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ؛ﻃﺮﺣﻰﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺑﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪110‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﭽﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻲﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1395‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻠﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿـﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗـﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗـﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳـﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻘﻒ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻡﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳـﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴـﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺳـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﺑﺨﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻧﻴﺰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻭﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲﺻﺪﻭﺭﻣﺠﻮﺯﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺰﻛﺎﻫﺶﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻫـﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋــﺰﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻼﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠـﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫـﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 850‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ‪ 180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺟﻬﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺳـﺎﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻜﻞﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳـﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻙﺷﺎپ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴـﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺟــﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓــﻼﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻙ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻲﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻟﺒﻪ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳـﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺧﻼء‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻻ ﻣﺨﺎﻃـﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻤـﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘـﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨـﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺸـﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘـﻲ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺣـﺬﻑ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺗـﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻧﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻫﻨﺮ« ﺷــﻚ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻛﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳـﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺏ« ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﺶ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ‪ X‬ﻭ ‪ Y‬ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺸــﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺭ! ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳــﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮ ﮔﺎﻭ ﭘﻠﻨﮕﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﺪﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺮﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﻨﻔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﺷﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺧﻼء ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺗﺮﺩﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺠﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻟـﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻭﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘـﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻝﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮﻝﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺶ؟! ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣـﺪﺕ ﻧﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒــﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺷـــﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸــﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴــﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ‪ -‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ )ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪» - 2‬ﻧﻘــﺪ«ﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﻪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ‪ -‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﻴﻢﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ )ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺑﻪﺣﻘﻮﻕﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮﻳﻪﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻲﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻠﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ ‪ -‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ....‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﻴﺰﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻢﻣﺂﺑﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏــﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ )ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑــﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ )ﻛﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺺ( ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﮕﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ )ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،(1348‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ »ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ «....‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺁﻥ ‪45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻐﻔــﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪- 6‬ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻲﻧﮕﺎﻩﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖﮔﺮﺍﻱﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﻢﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭗﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤــﻼﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ )ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻋﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ(‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﻄﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺷﻜﻦ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ،1388‬ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻰ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ« ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻴـﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﷲ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ« ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‪» ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳـﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷـﻴﺮﻳﻦ« ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﺻﻠﺢﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ« ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵﺫﻭﻕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺗــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻛﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣــﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻋﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗــﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 1383‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻰ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ« ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺮﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧــﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺟﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪» :‬ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﻭﻯﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄــﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ »ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ« ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ« ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠــﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﺯ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ«‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻰ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻰ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﻨﮕﺎﻩ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1325‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ »ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ«‬ ‫)‪ (two much‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻴﻮ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍﺱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1995‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠــﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺵ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪﺧﺖ ﻣﻬﻴﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺨﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ« ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﺻﻠﺢﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ »ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺩﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )‪ (1387‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ‪ 426‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﻴﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺨﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺵ ﺑﺨﺘﻴــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺟــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﻭﺯﻳﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﺗﺸــﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ»ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳــﺰﺍﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧــﺎﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ!‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛـﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﺑﻪﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺩﺑــﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﺰ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴــﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﺸــﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1372‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1380‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﻤﮕﺸﺘﻪ )‪ -1380‬ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻭﺱ )‪ -1381‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ( ﻭ ﺍﻏﻤﺎ)‪ -1386‬ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ )‪ -1381‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻰ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮ )‪ -1382‬ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻓﻼﺡ( ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫)‪ -1386‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ )‪-1384‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺪﻻﻥ )‪-1385‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ)‪ -1385‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ )‪ -1386‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ( ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ )ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ(‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ )‪-1383‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ )‪ -1384‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻓﻼﺡ( ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻜﻢ ﻛﻦ )‪ -1383‬ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ( ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫)‪-1387‬ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻖﻛﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ )ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺭﺍﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻳﻚﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻃﻨﺰﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺟﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻃﻨــﺰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ )ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ)ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ( ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑــﻮﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ )ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺐ ﺳﺮﺩ)‪ ،(1383‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ)‪ (1384‬ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴــﻦ)‪ (1385‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺨﻤــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺐﺳــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖﭘﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﻭﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ( ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺐ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﺒﻨﻢ ﻗﻠﻰﺧﺎﻧﻰ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ )ﺑﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻯ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺗﻨﺪ )ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ( ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟــﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠــﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻩﻟﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻼﻧﺘــﺮ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭ )ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺳــﻤﻌﻠﻰ( ‪-‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﭙﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫)ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺙ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺷﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩﻟﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺥ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧــﺪ( ﺑﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﺶ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﺶ ﻓﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻟﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﺒــﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻠﻴﻚﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﺑﻼژ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺥ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴــﻠﻄﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻟﻮﻥﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺣﺮﻑﺯﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺣﺎﻻﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰﻧﻘﺸﻰﺭﺍﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺷﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﭽﺴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻟﻌﻴﺎ )ﻫﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺗﻴﻨﻰ( ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺗﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺪﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺦﻧﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﭘﺨﺘﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﻟﺴــﺎﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟــﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﻳﻚ ﺷــﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻟــﻒ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫)ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ( ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺩﺑــﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻏﻴﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‪ 790-832‬ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻎﺑﻴﻚﺩﺭﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻣﻰﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪﻭﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥﺳﺎﻳﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺧﻴﺮﻫﻢﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺑﺎﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺩﺭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ )‪ (1382‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻫﻜﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺦﻧﻤﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ )ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ( ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪،‬ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺗﻜﻠﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺜﺮﻛﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺜﺮﻛﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻎﺑﻴﻚ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﻦﻫﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻨﺎﺗــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1387‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ« ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ‪ 110‬ﺳــﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺟــﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰﻓﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪ 110‬ﺳﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ )ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ(‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪110‬ﺳﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 50‬ﺳﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﺪﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺖﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ؛ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﺎﺣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻤﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺑﻊﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ‪ 20‬ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺟﻨﺒــﻲ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟُ ﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺜﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،86‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﺭﻣﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ«‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪69‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؟« ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓﮔﻠﺸــﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ« ﻭ »ﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﻧﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،86‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻤﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻰﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻏﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺴﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪23‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ )ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ( ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪40‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ‪ 34‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﻭﺍﻭ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱﻧﻴﻤﻪﺍﻭﻝ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ »ﻭﺍﻝ ‪ -‬ﺍﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ»ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢ«ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦﺷﺪﻭﻫﻤﻪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻣﺘﺎﻛﺮﻳﺘﻴﻚﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺑﺎﻻ)‪(Up‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪:‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻛﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺘﺮﺳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻛﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳــﻚ ﻟﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪:‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺟﻴﺎﭼﻴﻨــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﮕﻠﺴﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﻧــﺎﺱ ﺭﻳﻮِﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯﻧــﺮ )ﻛﺎﺭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻜﺴــﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﭘﻼﻣﺮ )ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﺰ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺘﺮﺳﻦ‬ ‫)ﺩﺍگ‪ /‬ﺁﻟﻔﺎ( ﻭ ﺩﻟﺮﻭﻱ ﻟﻴﻨﺪﻭ )ﺑﺘﺎ(‪ 96 .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻛﺮﻳﺘﻴﻚ‪ 88 :‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻜﺴﻦﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪78‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵﺭﺍﺑﺎﺑﺴﺘﻦﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺑﺎﺩﻛﻨﻚﺩﺭﻫﻮﺍﻣﻌﻠﻖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻔﺮﺑﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵﺗﺤﻘﻖﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻻ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 289‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺠﻴــﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻳﮕﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﻨﻚ ﻫﻠﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﻻ« ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 431‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ -1 :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ -2 .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﻜﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ -3 .‬ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺍ ﭘ ِﻠﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻜﺴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻜﺴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻛﻮﺭﻻﻳﻦ)‪(Coraline‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣـﻞ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻲﻣــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺯﺍﭼﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻭﻧﻮ ﻛﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ‪ :‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻣــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺪﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﻠﺮ ﺟﻨﻴﻨﮕﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻱ ﺳﻨﺪﻝ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻛﻮﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﻧﻴﻨﮓ )ﻛﻮﺭﻻﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺮﻱ ﻫﭽﺮ )ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ /‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺝﻣــﻦ )ﭘﺪﺭ‪ /‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺪﺭ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭﺯ )ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻚ(‪ 100 .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻛﺮﻳﺘﻴﻚ‪ 80 :‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺻﻞﺷــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻛﻮﺭﻻﻳﻦ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫِﻨﺮﻱ ﺳِ ﻠﻴﻚ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵﺑﺎﺗﻴﻢﺑﺮﺗﻦﺩﺭﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ»ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﻤﺲ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻛﻮﺭﻻﻳﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻳﺎﻥﺗﻴﺮﻩﻭﺗﺎﺭﻧﻴﻞﮔِﻲﻣﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻭﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻚ ﻻﺳــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺳﻦﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻴﻜﻞﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺁﻥﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﻛﻮﺭﻻﻳﻦﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻨﻲﺗﻴﺮﻩﻭﺗﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻲﺿﺮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ« ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮ)ﻭﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻣﻬﻴﺞ(ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺳﻠﻴﻚﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﺁﻥﺯﺷﺘﻲﺻﺮﻑﻭﻧﺎﺏﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺲ«‪».‬ﻛﻮﺭﻻﻳﻦ«ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪147‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ 75/286/229‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﺩﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯ‪120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ -1:‬ﻧﻴﻞ ﮔﻲﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‪ 21‬ﻣــﺎﺭﺱ‪) 2007‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺮگ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ« ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪10‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻓﻀﺎﻱﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﺍﺯﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺛﺮﻱﺗﻴﺮﻩﻭﺗﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺑﻪﺟﺰﻳﻜﻲﺣﺬﻑﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪-2.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪100‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱﺗﺎﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ »ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‪/‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ«ﻱ )‪(Stop/Motion‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ)‪(Monsters vs. Aliens‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺏ ﻟﺘﺮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺭﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﺭﺳــﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺏ ﻟﺘﺮﻣــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺒﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻠــﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪:‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻜﻤــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﻳﺲ ﺁﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻳــﻚ ﺩﺍﭘﻜﻮﻳﻜﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻟﻴﺴــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻥ )ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﻓﻲ‪/‬ﺟﻴﻨﻮﺭﻣﻴﻜﺎ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺚ ﺭﺍﮔﻦ )ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻭ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪ ،(.‬ﻫﻴﻮ ﻟﻮﺭﻱ )ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻙﺭﻭچ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻞ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ‬ ‫)ﻣﻴﺴــﻴﻨﮓ ﻟﻴﻨﻚ( ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺳــﺎﺗﺮﻟﻨﺪ )ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺑﻠﻴــﻮ‪ .‬ﺁﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 94‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻛﺮﻳﺘﻴﻚ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 56‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺳــﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚﺑﺰﺭگﺷﺪﻥﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻳﻚﺟﻴﻨﻮﺭﻣﻴﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺍﺯﺭﺍﻩﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻛﺎﻙﺭﻭچﻛﻪﻧﺎﻡﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩﻭﻣﻴﺴﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﻚ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻠﻜﺴﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺣــﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺗــﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠــﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫)‪ (B Movie‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺳــﺎﺗﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻮ ﻟﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻫﺎ )ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺮﻳﺪﻳﺒﻞﻫﺎ( ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 198/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺭﺩﻳﻨﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻯ )‪ (D 3‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﻱ‪.‬ﺗﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﻲ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ )‪Ice Age:‬‬ ‫‪(Dawn of the Dinosaurs‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣـﻞ ‪:‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻟــﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻳــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮگ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﺭﻳــﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪:‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﭘــﺎﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﺘﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻧﭗ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﻜﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﺗــﻪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮ )ﻣﻨــﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺋﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﺮﻱ )ﺩﻳﺌﮕﻮ(‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻟﮕﻴﺰﺍﻣﻮ )ﺳــﻴﺪ( ﻭ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺕ )ﻛﺮﺵ(‪ 94 .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻛﺮﻳﺘﻴﻚ‪ 51 :‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ :‬ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻱ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺦﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻟﮕﻴﺰﺍﻣــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺋﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ‪ «3‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 807‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ‪ 314‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﺮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪-1:‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺑﺎﻙﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻛﺮﻭﻛﻮﺩﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﺑﺎﻙ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ‪1930‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 1940‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -2 .‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -3 .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 670‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 147‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 651‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-4‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﻗﺴﻤﺖﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺍﻟﻲﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻳﻚﻓﻴﻞﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﻙﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﺗﺎ »ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺎ« ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻼﺩ ﻛﻔﺮ«‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫»ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺿﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺲ ﻋﻠﻬﺬﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻻﻏﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻠﻌﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪.....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﻚﺳﺎﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻘﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﻧﻔﻲ« ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ »ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ »ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸــﺒﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ »ﭼﻴﺰﻱ« ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻜﺸﻮﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻞ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ« ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ« ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ« ﺩﺭﺧــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚﻣﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺗﻠﺦﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲﺭﺍﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻭ »ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ«‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ »ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﻩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ« ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻼﻝﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺎﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨــﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﺭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺸﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻃﻨــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻨﺦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﺮﻏﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺸــﺮﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ »ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ« ﻭ »ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻱ«‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳــﺰﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﺣﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺒــﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪» .‬ﺣﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻬﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧــﻪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻮﺭ« ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ﻧﻘﺪﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ )ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻔﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺼﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻰﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻼﻃــﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳــﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿــﻰ( ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﺺ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ )ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺷــﻚ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺒﺐﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ‪ ISI‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻣﻰﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻕﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ )ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ( ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻕﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣـﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣـﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ »ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤـﺎﻅ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻐﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣـﻰ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺟــﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑــﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻡﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣــﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟــﻼﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﻏﺮﺑﻰﻭﺍﻡﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﺑﺪﻭﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺗﻮﺟﻪﺷﻮﺩﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺷــﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻦﺗﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻄــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧـﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺡﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻـﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺱﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻧﺨــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗــﺪﺭﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳــﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔـﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏـﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻠﻜﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻙ ﭘﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﻭﻋﻘﻼﻳﻰﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻫﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠـﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺷـﺘﺎپ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﺋﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺣﺠﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓـﻼﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺍﺋﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺳــﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺒﻴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪﻛﻪﻏﺮﺏﻳﻚﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗـﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎﻯ ﺷـﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻣﻐﺮﺏﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰء ﺟﺰء ﻧﻤﻰﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﻟــﺐ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻐــﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺴﻴﻮﺱ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃــﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻧﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺑﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫــﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻮﺥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻭﺵ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ » :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺖﺗﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻜﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻬــﻰ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺠــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ*‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻚﺳﺎﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻦﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻢﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ـ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻪﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤــﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‪ (1 :‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‪ (2 ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ‪ (3‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺴﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂﻛﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﮔﻰ« ﻭ »ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺴﻨﺪﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻜﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻫﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺏﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻞﻛﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﺥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻕﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻕﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫»ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺤﺚﻧﻴﺰﺗﻮﺟﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺛﺮﻫﻨﺮﻯﭼﺮﺍﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪﻭﺩﺭﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺑﻪﭼﻪﻫﺪﻓﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭﭘﺲﺍﺯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺮﺳﻪﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺣﺪﻭﺩﻭﺛﻐﻮﺭﻫﻨﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻧﻮﻉﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺍﺯﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻛﻪﺗﻮﺳﻂﻳﻚﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﭼﻮﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺧﻠﻖﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺟﺰﻭﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪﺻﺮﻑﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻓﺮﻡﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺛﺮﻯﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﻨﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥﺑﺤﺚﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢﻭﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰﺩﺭﻫﻨﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﭘﺎﺳﺦﻣﺎﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻏﺎﻳﺘــﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺍﺯﻓﺮﻡﻫﻨﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺮﺍﺕﺩﺭﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺑﻪﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻣﺎﺭﺍﺍﺯﻫﻨﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰﻭﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶﺁﻥﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩﻋﻠﻮﻡﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠـﻊ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳــﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳــﺪﻩ ‪1300‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻡ ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻗﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒــﻖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﮔﻨﻮﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻨﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬‫ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬‫ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1304‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺟــﺰﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺍﻭﻝﻭﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﻈﺎﻡﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻼء ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻼء ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣــﻮﺩﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻔﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﻢﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻝﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﭼﺎﺭﮔﺴﺴﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﺍﺯﻓﻬﻢﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺧﻮﻳﺶﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻫﻨﻮﺯﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥﺗﺒﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﺑﻪﻓﻬﻤﻲﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮﻧﺎﺋﻞﺷﺪﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﻓﻜﺮﻯﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻛﻪﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﺍﺯﭼﻨﻴﻦﺗﻜﺜﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻳﻚﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻋﻤﺪﻩﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝﻏﺮﺏﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬ﻳﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﺟﺪﻳﺪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻛﻪﻣﻦﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻪﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﺍﺯﺳﺎﻳﺮﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏﻏﺮﺏﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﺴﻞﺑﻪﻏﺮﺏﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪﻳﻚﺷﺒﻬﻪﻧﻤﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩﻭﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺑﻪﻏﺮﺏﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪﺑﺎﻓﻬﻢﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺍﺯﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﺳﻨﺖﻭﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪﺭﺍﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺍﺯﺁﻥﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺑﻪﺳﻨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻏﺮﺏﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﺩﻗﻴﻖﻭﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯﺁﻧﭽﻪﺩﺭﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﺴﺒﻰﻭﺑﺮﺧﻰﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪،‬ﻏﺮﺏﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻚﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻭﺭﺍﻩﻭﺭﻭﺩﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕﻏﺮﺏﺭﺍﺑﻪﻓﻀﺎﻯﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﻢﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻣﺠﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﺍﺯﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﻭﺍﻻﻯﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰﻭﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﻣﺪﺭﻥﺷﺪﻥﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﻭﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯﺍﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻣﺎﻡﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺑﻪﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺍﺯﺗﻔﻜﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻣﺎﻡﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﺠﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ژﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻢﺧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻧﻔﻰﺳﺒﻴﻞ؛ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻣﻬﻢﻭﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻪ ‪ 141‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻦ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻟﻠﻜﺎﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺒﻴﻼ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺍﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ )ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖ( ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻰ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻻﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﻻﺣﺮﺝ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻻﻳﺠﻀﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﻔﺰﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻰ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺴــﻠﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﻮﻻﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﻔﻰ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،15‬ﺹ ‪209‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻼ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﻮﻻﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭژﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻌﻠﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻌﻠﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳــﻨﺪﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻼ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻤﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻀﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﺫ ﺑﺎﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻣﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﻣﻨﻮﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺛﺎﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺋﻤﻪ)ﻉ( ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺆﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻌﻪ ﺧﺒﻴﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺫﻫﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﻛﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﻟﻪ ﺟﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺣﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺭﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻪ ‪ 2‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧــﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺛﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭﺍﻥ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻡﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳﻼﻡﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺑﺪﺍﻥﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝﺩﺭﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﺬﻣﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﺣﺘﻰﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﺑﺎﺁﻥﻭﺍﺟﺐﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﻰﺍﺳﻼﻡﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺁﻥﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻻﺯﻡﺑﻪﺫﻛﺮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﺮﺍﺩﻓﻘﻬﺎﺍﺯﺣﻔﻆﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺣﻔﻆﺑﻴﻀﻪﺍﺳﻼﻡﻭﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖﺍﺯﻛﻴﺎﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻭﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻫﺠﻮﻡﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﻢﺩﺭﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪﺍﻻﻣﻪﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐﻭﺗﺤﺬﺭﺍﺯﺣﻴﻞﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏﻭﺗﻬﻴﻪﻗﻮﻩﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺮﺑﻴﻪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪،15‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪ 203‬ﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺣﻔﻆﺍﺳﻼﻡﻳﻚﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﺯﺍﻋﻈﻢﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺗﺸــﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻻﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﻻﺿﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ »ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻧﻮ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ‪ H1N1‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺣﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴــﺮ‪ 88‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘــﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒــﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻭﺩ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪﺍﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓــﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺩﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻁﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳــﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰـ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻏﻠﺘﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 16 ،15‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺳﺎﻝﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸـﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺎﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻲﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﺑﺮﻭﺯﭼﻨﻴﻦﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﺫﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥﺧﻄﻮﺭﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺑﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻲﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻛﻪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﺳﺖﻃﺮﺡﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﺮﻭﻉﺳﺎﻝﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒـﻂ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱﻛﻪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱﻛﻪﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺭﻛﻮﺩﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺁﺛﺎﺭﺳﻮﺋﻲﺑﺮﭼﻬﺮﻩﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﻧﻈﺎﻡﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺟﻌﻔﺮﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ‪،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﺤﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩﺑﻠﻜﻪﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻱﻛﻞﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡﺗﻠﻘﻲﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲﻣﺜﻞﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥﭼﻨﻴﻦﻃﺮﺣﻲﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﻪﻛﻞﻧﻈﺎﻡﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻟﻄﻤﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﭼﻨﻴﻦﻟﻄﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﻭﻗﺖﻭﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲﻭﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻛﺸﻮﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷـﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻢﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺗﺤﻘﻖﻭﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱﻋﻠﻤﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺩﭼﺎﺭﻳﺄﺱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻱﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﻪﺳﻄﺢﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻣﺪﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﭼﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺯﺑﺮﻭﺯﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲﻣﺜﻞﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﺳﻄﺢﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺍﺯﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻲﻧﺴﺒﻲﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢﻭﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻮﺵﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﻴﻢﺗﺎﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺑﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﺭﺑﻂﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺻﻼﺩﻳﺪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲﻣﺜﻞﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻧﮕﺎﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﺍﻳﻦﻧﮕﺎﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﻛﺸﻮﺭﺣﺎﻛﻢﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺍﻳﻦﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺭﺍﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻨﺠﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕﻣﺜﺒﺖﻭﻣﻨﻔﻲﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪﻥﻟﻄﻤﻪﺑﻪﺳﻄﺢﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﻳﻦﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺷﺪﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻞﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲﺧﻮﺩﺷﻤﺎﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪﺑﺎﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﺸﻜﻞﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭﺭﺍﺣﻞﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺸـﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺍﺻﻠﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻬﻴﻪﻧﻘﺸﻪﺟﺎﻣﻊﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﺟﺪﺍﺑﻮﺩﻥﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺑﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻋﻠﻮﻡﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺳﺎﻝﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻜﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻰﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻧﺸﺎﻥﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻣﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢﺍﺯﺍﻭﻝﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻗﻀﻴﻪﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢﻛﻪﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﺑﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ*‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻚﺑﻪﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ*‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺯﻧــﮓ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ‪ 88-89‬ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺷــﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻨﺠﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻰ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻈــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﭻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻛﻤﻲﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﺖﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎژﻳﻚ! ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻗﻔﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻝﺑﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻴﭽﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺨﺼﻴــﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 12‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿــﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺠﺶ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻰ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻴﻄﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺳﺎﻝﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻋﺖﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭼــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﮔﺰﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ – ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ –ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ -‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 87‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﻋﺘﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ )ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ( ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 85‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1385‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ )ﻋﺘﻒ( ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪، 86‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 99‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 3‬ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ )ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪(1383‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1383‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ )ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ(‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﻣﺴـﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴـﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴـﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺤـﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴـﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻭﺟﻪﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳـﺒﻖ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺍﺯﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫـﺎﻱﺁﻥﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻼﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺷــﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭽﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧـﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛـﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓـﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴــﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؛ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻫﻔﺘـﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜـﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺁﻥﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺑﻪﻫﺮﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﻣﺎﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻭﻝﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢﺍﻣﺎﺍﮔﺮﻓﻜﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﻭﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﻛﻪﻳﻚﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﺻﻠﻰﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻏﻔﻠﺖﻣﺎﻋﺎﻣﻞﺍﺻﻠﻰﺑﺮﻭﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻋﻠﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺑﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﻣﻮﻓـﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧـﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛــﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ؛ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻟﻨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪19‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ )ﺟﺮﺩﻥ( ﻣﻰﻧﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻇﻬﺮ ‪21‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺢﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﺾ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻃــﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮﻛﺶ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻇﻔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻓــﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﺶ – ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺞ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻮﺍﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔــﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ‪ 83‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ )ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 1980‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪1992‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺷﻤﺴــﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺯﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ؛ »ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻦ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯﺑﺎﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 1982‬ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺯﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧـﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧـﻲ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟـﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪﻭﺑﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﮕﻲﺧﻮﺩﻓﻀﺎﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺮﻭﺯﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺴـﺮﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸـﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟـﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﺁﻥﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺭﺍﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻋﻀﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃـﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳـﺎﻱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻢﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺩﺭﭼﺮﺥﺩﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺥﺩﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻚ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺘﻬﻠﻚ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻼچ‬ ‫)ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻮﻟــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﭼﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴــﺰﺍﺩﻩ؛ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧــﺮﻡ ‪-‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗــﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺗﺎ ‪1368‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻛﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﻓﺸﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻧﺴﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﭘﺎ ـ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ـ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ »ﻭﺩﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻠﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴــﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ـ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ـ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ـ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1369‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺣﺬﻑﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ‪ 1994‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻣﻘﺼﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻓﻌﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺣﻴﻄﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺑﺎﻭﺭﻭﺩﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩﻓﻌﺎﻝﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ـ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ـ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1994‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪،1376‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ـ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧــﺶ ـ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥﭘــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪2 .‬ـ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪3.‬ـ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎﭘﺨﺶﻧﺸﻮﺩﻭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﺶﻓﻴﻠﻢﺁﻗﺎﻱﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﭘﺨﺶﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ـﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ـ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖﺑﺎﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷﺮﻛﺖﺩﺭﺍﺟﻼﺱﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺑﺪ« ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴــﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﺶ‬ ‫ـ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ـ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪109‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 8‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 60‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻮﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﻠﻘـﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 72‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳـﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻲ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺰﺋﻲﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻧﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻧﺎﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧــﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧـﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﺴــﻮﻃﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺁﻣﺎﺝﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻳﻚﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻭﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺭﺯﺵﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﭼﺎﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳـﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺷﻤﺴـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸـﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺴـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳـﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺮﺟﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 25‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 62‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺳــﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺷــﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﻭﻛﻮﻫﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻌﻠــﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎ ﻓــﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﺱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺨــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬـﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺍﺳﻼﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﻳﺖﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻮﭘــﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻜﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺑﻨــﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺸــﺒﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1334‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺸــﺒﺪ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻃﺎﻭﻭﺳﻲﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﻬﻢﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ ‪ 1956 -‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 63-67‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻐﻀﻮﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﺰﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ »ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻌﻠــﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 57‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ - 1997‬ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 19‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪1367‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻦ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1327‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1376‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1371) 1992‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻲ( ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 74‬ﻭ ‪82‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1351‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 81‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 92606‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ »ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺷــﻬﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1388‬‬