ماهنامه مثلث شماره 8

‫ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ‪:‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻢﺯﻣﺎ ﻪ ﺎﻓﺮ ﻕ ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺮﻭ ﺰ ﻣﺸﻜ ﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 148 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎ ﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻤﺨﺎ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺒﻲﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺪیﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻜﺮﺩی ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭ ﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿ ﻛ ﻮﺯ ﻥ ﺩ ﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻮ ﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻤ ﻲﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ ﻮ ﻘ ﺳﻢﺭ ﻮﻓﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺷ ﻮ ﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿ ﺷ ﻥﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫Ÿ ¸‪É|¿€ » Z“€Ì-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ وﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍ ﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﯾ ﺮﯾﺘﻰ‪ 2 0‬ﺳﺎﻝﺭو ﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿ ﺎ ﯾﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰو ﻣﺪﯾ ﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩو‬ ‫ﻣ ﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﯾﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰوﻣﺪ ﯾﺮ ﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﯾ ﺮﯾﺘﻰ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭوﺳﺎىﺳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ و ﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍ ﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣ ﺴﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰو ﻣﺪﯾ ﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩ وﺭ ﺍﻥﻣﺪﯾ ﺮﯾﺘﻰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝﺭ وﺳﺎى ﺳﺎ و‬ ‫ﯾﺰ ﺩ ﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺍﻧﻰﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎوﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻮﻥﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺩى ﯿ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭ ﺎﺎى‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺗ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻊﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝﺍﻧﺘو‬ ‫ﯿﮏ ﮐﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎىﺑوﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺘﻰ‪.‬ﻰﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺍو‬ ‫ﮐﺸﮐﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰﺩﺭﻦﺍﺯﻧﺁﻥﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍوﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝﮐوﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥوﺭو‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩىﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥﻫ ﺩﺎىﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮ‪17‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ؛‬ ‫وﺯىﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺸ ﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻰﺍ ﺍوﺳ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﯾﺰ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎى ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻮﺟﻪﺩوى‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻫﯿ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩىﻓﺪﻣﺘ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﻫﺎى وﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻊﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ و‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻧﯽﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﺍو‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ‪.‬ﺍو‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﯾﻦ ﮐ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍو ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻪﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺒﺎﻝو‬ ‫ﺭوﺍﻟ ﯿ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪو‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺩى ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎى ﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ؛ﺑﺎ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﮐ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺷﻰﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﯾﺰ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى و‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥوى ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺳﺎى ﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺎى ﻓﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ وﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻊﺩﻫ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭو‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭙﯿﮏ وﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺳوﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻟﻤ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻰﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻖ ‪.‬ﺍو‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﯾﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪﺳﻪﺍوﻣﻬﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ و‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ وﺍﻟﺭو‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﻫ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎىﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﭼ‪17‬ﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺸﺘﻰﺑﺎﻗﻬ‬ ‫ﮐ ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-Y‬‬ ‫Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‚‪ZÅ ‰Y‬‬ ‫€‪» ½Y€v³ÁZÅ‬‬ ‫‪] ^y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY ,ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÃY¶Ì¸v‬‬ ‫»‪ÊÀˆv‬‬ ‫‪e ¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÁZe‬‬ ‫] €¯ ‪À‬‬ ‫“€ ‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫‪{Y„É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪{€°‬‬ ‫{‪¿ ËÁºÅ‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪e | ÀÆ‬‬ ‫€‪{ ÊfË‬‬ ‫‪Ê»Ô‬‬ ‫‪É|¿ €‡Y‬‬ ‫»|‪Ë‬‬ ‫¨‪ÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Ä »Zm‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫Œ|‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¨ ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪f‡Y‬‬ ‫‪Å‬‬ ‫‪-Y‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZʼnY‚³‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ v ] Á€ZÅ^yÉYÃY‬‬ ‫¸‪, ZÅ ¶Ì‬‬ ‫»‪Ê Àˆv‬‬ ‫‪v e¾Ë‬‬ ‫‪É ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪€ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪e¯€]e‬‬ ‫“€‪Ê»Z£{Y‬‬ ‫¼|‪„ ¿É‬‬ ‫‪{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪uºYÄ‬‬ ‫‪€Å Ì̤e‬‬ ‫{‪{¾ḋ·Á‬‬ ‫»‪|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫€¿|‪ {É‬‬ ‫‪ÊfˀË‬‬ ‫‪ʻԇY‬‬ ‫‪Å‬‬ ‫¨‪| »Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ä ‬‬ ‫¨‪|ÉZ‬‬ ‫|‪Ë‬‬ ‫‪Zm‬‬ ‫‪mY  f‡Y‬‬ ‫‪Ä|¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪ŒÅ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧ ﺒﺮﻫﺑﺎﻭﮔﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﺮﺍﻥﺵ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺍﻱﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻭﮔﺰ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻞ ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺮﻳﻦﺗﻣﺤﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏ ﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻢﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦﺩﻫ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺎﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﻱﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺭﻭﻳ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﻧ ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺪﻳ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺟ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﺎ ﺑ ﻭﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻦ ﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺿﺮ ﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧ ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺤﺮﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑ ﻭﮔ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻦ ﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺯﻩﺗ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ ﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻔ ﺟ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺰﺍﺭﺵﺸﻫﺎﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮ ﺍﻥ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱﺧ ﺒﺮﻫﺎﻭﮔ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ ﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛ ﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻳﻜ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺘﻲﻣﺩﺭﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳ ﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺸﺪﺍﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮدﻩ اﻧﺘﺨﺎب وﺯﺭا دﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ و ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫اﮐﺜﺮ وﺯﯾﺮان‬ ‫اﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﯿﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫ ﺎی و ﯾﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎیو ﯾﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻱﺍ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑﺍ ﻟﻮﺍﻘ ﺳﺎ ﻢ ﺳ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬ ﺪ ﻱ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺷ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺨ ﺑﺎﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ ﺩﮔﺎ ﻩ ﺘﻣ ﻬﻤﺎ ﻥ ﭘﺲﺍ ﺯﻧﺍ ﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺶ ﺑﯿﻨﯽ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ اﺯ ﺭای اﻋﺘﻤﺎد دﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ و ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﯾﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭای‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽاوﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﻤﺪﻭ ﻣ ﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷ ﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍ ﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ ﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘ ﻬ ﻤﺎﻥ ﭘ ﺲ ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘ ﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻭ ﻬ ﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷ ﻴ ﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ ﻘﺎﺳ ﻢﺳﺮ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺯﺍ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê»€Ì̤eYÄ¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫{]€‪®Ë€]Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» ÊËZ¼À³‚] d·Á{ ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]ÓÄ] †¸n»Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪ |Å{ʼ¿ÉYº·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿ Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪É Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪¹ZÆ·Y ¾Ìˆv»Ô£-[Ânv»Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ÊÀ»Â» {Z‹€§ -Ê·Y ʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y |̌¼m -‰Á€§ ½Z¼Ìa‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr»Y{Z] ×Y|‡Y ,½ZˁÂeZ¯ |̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë |¼v» ,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ , ʨn¿ ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§ µ{Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪{Y„¿€^¯Y °‹ -ʋ»ZyʬÀÌ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧ ﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺮﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻲﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺴﻦﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﻢ‪،‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻜﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍ ﻟ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫وﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻲﺮﺧﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺮ ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠ ﺐ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮ ﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺭﺋ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋ‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻫﻢاﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭیﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭیﺑﺤﺮان‬ ‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎد‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮاﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫اﺳـﻔﻨﺪﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﯿﻢ‬ ‫داﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮد‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭا‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫دﻗﯿﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫اﯾﺮان‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪاﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﯾــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﯾــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﭙ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻤﻲﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻩﺟ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﭘ ﺸ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧ ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﭘﺸ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻫﻢاﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭیﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭیﺑﺤﺮان‬ ‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎد‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮاﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫اﺳـﻔﻨﺪﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﯿﻢ‬ ‫داﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮد‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭا‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫دﻗﯿﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫اﯾﺮان‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪاﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﯾــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﯾــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻫﻢاﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭیﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭیﺑﺤﺮان‬ ‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎد‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮاﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫اﺳـﻔﻨﺪﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﯿﻢ‬ ‫داﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮد‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭا‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫دﻗﯿﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫اﯾﺮان‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪاﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﯾــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﯾــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻫﻢاﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭیﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭیﺑﺤﺮان‬ ‫اﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎد‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮاﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫اﺳـﻔﻨﺪﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﯿﻢ‬ ‫داﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮد‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭا‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫دﻗﯿﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫اﯾﺮان‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪاﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫اﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﯿﺬ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫اﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﯿﺬ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻫﺎی‬ ‫وﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻫﺎی‬ ‫وﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫†‪Z:‬‬ ‫‪W‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫†‪Z:‬‬ ‫‪W‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫†‪Z:‬‬ ‫‪W‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﻙﺍﻣﺍﻗﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﺍ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﻜ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻗﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﺱﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻗﺎﻋﻜﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺏﻮﺏﺑﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧ‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺭی‬ ‫ﯿﺢ‬ ‫ﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫ﻓﺼ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞﻨﺎ ﻓﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤ ﺎدﻋ ﺭﯾ ﺑ‬ ‫ﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻮﺭد ا‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻣﻮﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭد‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖد ﻣﮔوﺭ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷ ﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺨﮔﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺮﺘﻣ ﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﻙﻫﺎﻗ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﻦﻧﺮﺎ ﻪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺨﻬ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﺷﺑﺭﺗ‬ ‫ﻑ‬ ‫ﺮﻑ؛ﺩﺯﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻩﻭﺮ ﺩ ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺩﺭ ﺍ‪4‬ﺍﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻜﺮﺩ ﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻱﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﺍﺮﻜ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩﻗ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻲﻋﺮﻧﻭ ﻗﻠ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺑ ﺮﺭ ﺳ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻟ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳ ﻧﻴﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﭙ ﻮﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻲﺩﺍﭘ ﭘﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﻲﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﻳﺍ ﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺳ ﻛﺮﻛﺮﻳﻤ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺪﺍﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺩﻩ ﺟ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺸﭘ ﻠﻣﺜ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧ ﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻤﺎﻧ ﻪ ﺯﻧﯽﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮنﮐ ﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪدﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪاﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﯿﺬو ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺤ ﺮان اﻣ ﺮﯾﮑﺎدﺭ اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻮﺭدﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫وﮔ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﺭ ﻣ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫دﺭ وﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪:Y ÊË‬‬ ‫‪ÊË ZÅZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z f ³‬‬ ‫] ]‪¨ ZZ‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱﻳ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺠ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐﻭ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺘﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﺮﺍﻨ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻴﺮ ﺴ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻕﺭﺍ ﻋﻮ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ ﺍﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻓ‬ ‫ﻝ ﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻢﺁ‬ ‫ﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻲ ﺋﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ ﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻘ‬ ‫ﺑﺍ ﻟﻳﻮﺍ‬ ‫»‪|Ì ÂY¿ yÊ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê » ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ Ë‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮاﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺌﺎﺗﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮ ﻫﺎد‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮانﺗ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﺮدﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔ‬ ‫ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﮔﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭی‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﯿﻞﻋﯿﻞ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺭد‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﺭ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫ﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ دﺭ ﮔ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺩﺍﺩﺩﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺮﺩﻩ ﺟ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺏﺑﺎﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧ‬ ‫ﻫ ﻔﺘﻪ ﺧ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪،‬ﺮاﺳﺳﻟﺪﮑﮑﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻮت‬ ‫ﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺨ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎدﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان ﺗﺌ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫وﮔ داﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺎﺭ ﺮﮔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖو‬ ‫ﮔﻔ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞا ﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻣ ﺍﺻ‬ ‫ﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍضﻧﮋ ﺗﺍﺩﺸ‪:‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋ‬ ‫ﮐﺎ ﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤ‬ ‫ﯿﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﺎﻓﻆﺣﮐﺎﺑ‬ ‫ﺮﺧﻲدﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﺮان‬ ‫ﺧﺪاﺣ‬ ‫ﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮاﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺮﻫﺎد‬ ‫دان ﻓﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮوﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤ ﺮاناﻣ ﺮ ﯾﮑﺎ دﺭ اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣ ﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻮد‬ ‫ﻮبﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻗﯿﻘﻪﻧ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭا‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫اﯾﯽ د‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫ﺗﯿﻢﮐﻪد‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﺎم ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫ﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯداﺷﻘ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻳﻌ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯدا‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺠﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫دﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﺛ‬ ‫ﻛﻮ‬ ‫یﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫دﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ا‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫وﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ای‬ ‫ﭘﺮوﻧ ﺪﻩ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﻋﺴ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻦ ﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺷ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺭ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻱﻗﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﺱﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻗﺎﻋﻜﺋﺪ‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫‪h ¸j » Ä»Z¿ Äf¨Å Z] [ Ây Äf¨ Å‬‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä »Z¿ Äf¨Å Z ] [ y Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﻱﺮﻡﺮﻡﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ ﺧﺑﺧﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺍﻤ‬ ‫ﺪﻧ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺰﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻢ ﻳﻠﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻜﻴﻢ‪،،‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿ‬ ‫ﺿﺍ‬ ‫ﺪﻤﺍﻮ ﻜﺭﻴﻟ‬ ‫ﺣﺣﺑ‬ ‫ﯾﮋﻩﺍﺑ‬ ‫وﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻣﺮ ﺤ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫وﺘ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﻣﻧ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،،‬ﻮﺭﻛ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺎ ﺴﭙ‬ ‫ﻫﻋ ﻴﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻠﻲﻮ‬ ‫وﮔ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘ ﺩﺮﻋ ﻋﺘﻛﻠ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺖﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ ﺩﻛ‬ ‫ﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻳ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺑﻮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻛﻼﻧ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤ ﺮان اﻣ ﺮﯾﮑﺎدﺭ اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫»‪¹Z Æ·Y ¾Ìˆv‬‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ ÂaÊ ‡Á{€§ µ{Z‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪MOSA LAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿Äf¨ÅZ][Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr‬‬ ‫]‪Ê‬‬ ‫—^‪Z‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪Â‬‬ ‫‪‹Y¬ Ë‬‬ ‫]‪»Y{Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{Z‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫¨‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪],®Ë‬‬ ‫¿‪ʨn‬‬ ‫‡|‬ ‫»˜‬ ‫‪,ɀi‬‬ ‫‪YÃZ‬‬ ‫‪¯,½Z‬‬ ‫{‪ÁÓ‬‬ ‫¯‪ˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪¶]{̟Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY|̼u‬‬ ‫€‪¼Ã‡Y| ¿Á‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪MO S ALA SR. I‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Âa ʇÁ {€§ µ{Z‬‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. 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IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻬﻢﻭﻣ ﻧﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﻥﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﮔ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﮔﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻠﺲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﭘ‬ ‫ﻣﺠ‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥﻧ‬ ‫ﻮﻳﻋ‬ ‫ﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺗﻠﺍﻳﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺭﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺭﺑﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻧﺘﺳ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻳﭘﭘﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺑﻫﻤ‬ ‫اﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﯾﺰک‬ ‫ﮔﻤ ﻧﺎ ﻪﺯ ﻧﯽﭘ ﯿ ﻣﺮا ﻮن ﮐﺑﺎ ﻨﯿ ﻪ ﻫد ﺑﻢ ﻌﺪا ﺯﺗ ﻨﻔ ﯿ ﺬ ﺗ ﺤﯿﻠ ﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎی وﯾﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪:‬‬ ‫دوﻟﺖدﻫﻢ‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮا ﯾﺎندﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩاﯾﺎن دﺭ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮ‬ ‫ا ﺭاﯾﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ اﺭاﯾﺶ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﯿﺬ وﺗﺤﻠﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﯿ ﺗﺬ و‬ ‫دﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ اﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ اﺯ‬ ‫دﻫﻢﮐﺎ ﺑﯿﻨ ﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮاﻪ ﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮔ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻦﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭ ﮔ ﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﮐ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺼﺪﻱﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺗ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭمﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﷲ ‪:‬ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺍﺑﻮﺁﻳﺖ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮد‬ ‫ﯿﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮبﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺭاﻧ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎنﻗﯿﻘ ﻪ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫داﯾﯽد‬ ‫ﻮف؛‬ ‫ﺗﯿﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﮐ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎم‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬ ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺼﺪﻱﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺭ ﻫﺒ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴ ﺗ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭمﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑ ﻮﺗﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺎﻓﻆﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺍ ﺑﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻟﮕ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰ‬ ‫ﺸﮑﻞ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍض ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﻋ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻧﺎن ﮐ ﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪاﺣن‬ ‫اﯾﺮا‬ ‫ﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻣ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪{ €°¸¼½ ŸZÉY‬‬ ‫‪»Z‬‬ ‫‪€]ÉY‬‬ ‫‪‡ ÿÁ€| a‬‬ ‫‪†54‬‬ ‫‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪ÌWZ]|ÀÂƳ» Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪¹Zœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ 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ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﺋﺪﻱ ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|À ËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪º Ì¿Z » Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Â1000‬‬ ‫¨ ‪e / Äv‬‬ ‫‪100 /13 88{ Y{ €» 18µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/ ÃZ¼ ‹ / µ ÁYµZ‡Ê¸Ì¸v‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪e ,ɀ ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫¯‪¦Ì ¸ve Á~̨ Àe Y |  ] ºÅ{ Ä À Ì]Z‬‬ ‫‪½Â »Y€Ìa Ê¿ Ä¿Z¼ ³‬‬ ‫‪É{ÁÁ‬‬ ‫‪¹€y‬‬ ‫¼|‪à {Y‬‬ ‫‡€‪É|u‬‬ ‫‚{‪Ê¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Y{ uY‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ºÌ°‬‬ ‫‡‪Ë º‬‬ ‫¼|“‪Z‬‬ ‫¬‪· YÂZ‬‬ ‫]‪u]Y·YÂ‬‬ ‫»‪,Év‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪Y €,É|̋Â‬‬ ‫¯‪f¿Ô‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÂbʈÌ‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪‡Z‬‬ ‫¯‪y €f‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Æ{» Á€f{|¼uY‬‬ ‫¯‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫|‪ÊÀË‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫§‪° ‡·Y€z‬‬ ‫‡ ‪,²‬‬ ‫‪{Z€eZXe‬‬ ‫‪ŀ§ ½Y{€³‬‬ ‫‪Z] ³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z ¯Z] ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ d ¨³‬‬ ‫§‪½ Zf ˆ¿ Z¤‬‬ ‫]‪Y { Z° ˀ »M ½Y €v‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻮﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻭ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ ﮔ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧ ﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫دوﻟﺖدﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ل ود د‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ندﺭدﺭ ﻗﺒ ﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺎن‬ ‫ﻮﻟﮕﺮاﺮا ﺎﯾ‬ ‫اﺻ ﻮﻟ ﮕ‬ ‫ﺶﺗﺗ ﺎﺯﺎﺯﻩﻩﺻا‬ ‫ااﺭﺭاﯾاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫اﺳـﻔﻨﺪﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ دﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎلدﺭ دو‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن دﺭ‬ ‫اﺭاﯾﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻩ اﺭاﯾﺶﺗ ﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫اﺳـﻔﻨﺪﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻔﯿﺬوﻔﯿﺬو ﺗﺤ ﻠﯿﻒ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﻨاﺯ ﺗ ﻨ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ اﺯ‬ ‫دﻫﻢﮐ ﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮنﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻤﺎﻧ‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ د ﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل د وﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﺭ ﻗﺒﺎ ل‬ ‫اﯾﺎند ﺭ‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﺮﮕﮕﺮاﯾ ﺎن‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻩ ﺻ ﻮﻟ‬ ‫اﺭاﯾﺶﺎﺗ ﺯ اﻩ‬ ‫ﺭا اﯾ ﺶ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫اﺳـﻔﻨﺪﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﻱﺸ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻱ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﻤﺮ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﺷﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم ﺟ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺮ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺍﻣ ﻮﺗ‬ ‫ﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺨﺮاﻟﺪﺳ ﮑ‬ ‫ﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﺮﻫﺎد‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺗﺮ ﻓ‬ ‫انﺗﻓ ﺌﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫وﮔ دﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻮ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﮔ ﮐﺎﻔﺖﺭﮔ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻔﺖ ﮔو‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔ‬ ‫ﻨﺪ م‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻼﻗﻪﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﺪاﺣﺎﻓﻆﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽﺻ‬ ‫ﻫﺰ‬ ‫ﺸﮑﻞ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍض ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺍﺣ ﺗ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﯿﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ اﯾﻭﺮاندﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﺤ ﺮاناﻣ ﺮﯾﮑﺎ دﺭاﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن‬ ‫ﺗﺮ ﺑﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻮد‬ ‫بﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻘﻪﻮﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺭا‬ ‫دﻗ ﯿ‬ ‫ﻤﺎن‬ ‫اﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻮف؛‬ ‫اﺳ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﯿﻢ د‬ ‫ﻮﭘﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﺎم ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑ ﺟ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺼﺭی‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭی‬ ‫ﯿﺢ‬ ‫ﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫ﻞﺑﺎ ﻓﻓﻨ ﺪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞﯾ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺎ ﺭﻋدﯿ‬ ‫ﺠﻒﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭدد ﺳا‬ ‫وﮔ ﻣﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻮﺑﺎﺭ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺖو‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖدﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ دﺭ‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ دﻫﻢ‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﺭﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎنﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن دﺭ‬ ‫ا ﺭاﯾﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ اﺭاﯾﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮاﻟﺪ ﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮت‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ‪،‬‬ ‫دانﺮﻫﺎد‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻓ‬ ‫وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮدان‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮔ ﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮان اﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎدﺭ اﻓﻐﺎﻧ ﺴﺘﺎن‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺼﯿﺢ‬ ‫دﺭﯾﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫دﺭﻋﯿﻞ ﻓ‬ ‫ﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺭدﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫اﺳ‬ ‫وﮔﻮﻣ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭد‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ دﺭوﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫اﺳـﻔﻨﺪﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻦﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻴﺖﻧ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺼﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪:‬ﺭﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺟمﻤﻬ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮑﺎﺭمﺷﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﷲﻣ ﺑ ‪:‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑ ﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋ‬ ‫ﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﺑ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴ ﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺸﮑﻞﻫ‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ ﺑ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍض ﻧﺗ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺍﻋﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨ ﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠ‬ ‫ﯿﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎل‬ 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½Y|¬fÀ» ɁÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪. ½Y€ËY ¹Â‡ ÂeY€aY -¾ÌeÂa €ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪dˆË –Ìv»½Z»Z‡Ä»Z¿Z¯Ê‬‬ ‫]€‡‪½Â˂˸eÊ¿Zfˆ]ZeÉZŵZˀ‡Ê‬‬ ‫]‪{¿ {Â^¿ Á {Â‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ‪100 /13 88‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻩ ‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗ‬ ‫»‪YZ] ½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ»h¸j‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪d·Á{ Á YZ‬‬ ‫]‪Á YZ‬‬ ‫‪] Ę]Y ½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a ÉY‬‬ ‫‹‪.d‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂Ë‬‬ ‫‪Äq Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪¸eÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪]{À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫»‪¿ ½Â‬‬ ‫‪{ Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫{ ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾــﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾــﻪ‬ ‫‪YZ] ½Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫»‪|¬fÀ» h¸j‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪d·Á{ÁYZ‬‬ ‫]‪ÁYZ‬‬ ‫»‪] Ę]Y½Â‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪Y€Ìaɽ»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Y Ã|¿Á€a ÉY‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪.d‬‬ ‫‪‹~³ ÄqÄq‬‬ ‫¸‪ʿ ˂ËÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪eÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪]{À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËZ¼¿ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Â‬‬ ‫‪{ 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ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪-‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ 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ÊËZ“ Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Âa€Ì¿ |¼v»- ¹|¬»Ê»Y€³¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¿€‪ÉZzf§Y Ä·Ó - Ê]Y€e ×Y‬‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺶ ﺑﯿﻨﯽ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ اﺯ ﺭای اﻋﺘﻤﺎد دﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ و ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﯾﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭای‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽاوﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩای دﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﮏ ﺑﺎﺯداﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖوﮔﻮﻫﺎی وﯾﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩای دﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﮏ ﺑﺎﺯداﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖوﮔﻮﻫﺎی وﯾﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ 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/1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫اﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﯾﺰک‬ ‫دﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ اﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﯿﺬ و ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪدﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮنﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫اﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﯾﺰک‬ ‫دﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ اﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﯿﺬ و ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪدﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮنﮐﺎﺑﯿﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽﭘﯿﺮاﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫اﺭاﯾﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ اﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮاﯾﺎن دﺭ ﻗﺒﺎل دوﻟﺖ دﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âmd·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ÁºÆ¿d‬‬ ‫‪ ·Á{Z]†¸n»¶»Z eÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÀ‡½ZËY€³d‡YÉZÅZœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uYY‬‬ ‫‪±€»ÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¯Za½Z^·Z—€^Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪©Y€ŸÊfÌÀ»YZ“ÁYÊ‬‬ ‫‪{d·Á{½Y|¬fÀ»ɁÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪.½Y€ËY¹Â‡ÂeY€aY-¾ÌeÂa€ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪dˆË–Ìv»½Z»Z‡Ä»Z¿Z¯Ê‬‬ ‫]€‡‪½Â˂˸eÊ¿Zfˆ]ZeÉZŵZˀ‡Ê‬‬ ‫]‪{¿{Â^¿Á{Â‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪̸ ¸v‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪54Äv‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 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ɀf¿Ô¯ ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Æ] ºË€» - Ê«€e Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫]‪ʼ̸‡ ¾Ìˆu - ÁZŒ¯ ¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ ×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë Z“ - Ê¿Z¼u Ê‬‬ ‫‪·|Ì ‡ ʸŸ - Ã{YÊÌvË µÔm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZˀƋ ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫€‬ ‫ ^‪y‬‬ ‫‪»Ä‬‬ ‫¨‪38 Äv‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]MʸŸ Z] µ Z‡ 4‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎل ﺑﺎﻋﻠﯽ اﺑﺎدی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎلﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﯽاﺑﺎدی‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/ ‡Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫{‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿ É|¼uY d·Á{ Ze ɇ» d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY ÉY ÉY€] ½Y€ËÁ Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½ ÉYÁ [Zzf¿Y €‡ €] µZnÀm‬‬ ‫‹‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§YcZ]Zzf¿Y {\¸¬eÄ^WZ‬‬ ‫‹‪½ZÌ]Y€v» Á É{Z]M ʸŸ º¯ †¿Z‬‬ ‫¿‪{Z‹Y cYÁÄÀ˂³ Y ÊËZÅÄf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‡€»‪.|ÀÀ¯Ê» Äq ‰Á { ½YY{ÄËZ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe Äv¨ {Y{€» ¹Á{ÃZ¼‹ µÁYµZ‡ ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr»Y{Z]×Y|‡Y,½ZˁÂeZ¯|̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë|¼v»,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ»ʸŸ,ʨn¿ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§µ{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ f‬‬ ‫‪¨Å‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ 8 /¹ZÆq ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ µÁY/ ¹Â‡ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪… Z§/É|ZW «¾ˆu :† °‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]ÓÄ] †¸n»Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿‪ |Å{ʼ¿ÉYº·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼ŸÉY€]ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Z]MʸŸZ]µZ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬ﺟﺰو ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺩوﺭﺍﻥﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﺭوﺳﺎىﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥوﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥوﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ وﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻰ ﺍو ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽوﺍﺭﺩ وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﮐﻪ ﺍﯾﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﯿﻦﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍو ﺭﺍ ﯾﮑﻰ ﺍﺯﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﯾﻦﺭوﺳﺎى ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥﻫﺎى وﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍو ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎى ﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﺭوﺑﻪﺭو ﺷﺪﮐﻪﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ ﺑﻮﺩﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎىﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪوى ﮐﺮﺩ ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ وﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﯿﺮﺭوﺳﺎى ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥﻫﺎى وﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪†ÌWZ]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z]®ËÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‬ ‫ ‪ Ä‬‬ ‫¨ ‪v‬‬ ‫‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ 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‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘ ﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘ ﻬ ﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ 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ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪20..............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪21 .............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟ ‪22 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ‪24..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻢﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪72 ........................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ‪74 .....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺻﺎﻑﻛﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺕ‪48 .....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ 50 ..........................................................‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ‪ 51..................................................................................‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪52 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪54............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪56 .........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ‪58 ...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ‪76 ..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ‪60 .................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﻬﻦ ‪77 ...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪78........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ‪80 ..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ‪82...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪84 ..................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪86 ...........‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ‪88 .................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪26 .........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪28.........................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪29..........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺦ ‪30 ............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪31 ...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ‪33........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 34...................................................................‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ‪ 36..........................................................................‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪54‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻢﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺭ‪62 ...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ‪64 ..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ‪90 ..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ 65 .............................‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪92 ..............................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪94 ....................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 38 ............................................................‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﭼﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ‪ 39 ..................................................................‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ‪» 40 ..........................................................‬ﭼﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ 68 ............................................................‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪96 ................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻢ ‪ 42 ....................................................................‬ﻫﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻲ؟ ‪ 71.......................................................................‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪98 .................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮋﻩ ﻪﻫﺸﺖﺳ ﻝﺩ ﻉ ﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺠ ﻪﺩﺭ ﺠ ﻪ ﻦﺷـﻤ ﺭﻩ ﺚ ﺯﺧﻮ ﻲﻫﺸﺖﺳـ ﻝﺩ ﻉ ﻘﺪﺱ ﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﻪ ﺴ ﻞﺳ ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻈ ﻲﻭ ﺮﻫ ﮕﻲ ﻦﺩﻭﺭ ﻥ ﻲ ﺮﺩ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺿﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮋﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺩ ﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻ ﺩ ﻪ ﮕﻮ ﺪﺩﺭﺟ ﮓ ﻮﺩ ﻢ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺩ ﻉ ﺯ ﺟﺮ ﻯ ﮏ ﺭ ﻦ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺪ ﻪﺳ ﺳ ﻮﻥ ﻋ ﻤ ﺩ ﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻢ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺮ ﺐ ﺩﻡﻫ ﻱ ﻘ ﻲﺟ ﮓ ﺷ ﺪ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺟ ﮓﻫ ﭻﻋﻼ ﺖﺳﻮ ﻲ ﺪ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻜﺮ ﻲﻛ ﺪﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﻮﺣﻪ ﻲﺧﻮ ﺪ ﻢ ﺷﺐﻫﻢ ﻲﺭ ﻢﻋﻤ ﺕ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ‪:‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 148 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺳﻮﻱ ﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺩﻮ ﻤگ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﻬ ﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻱ ﺟ ﻥﺧﺴ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻛ ﻮﺯ پﺳ ﻤ ﻯﺟ ﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷ ﻔﻜﺮﻫ ﺭﺯﻭﺩ ﺭ ﺪ ﻢﺷ ﻥ ﻞ ﻦ ﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻋ ﻰﺩ ﺭﺩ ﻬﺮﺟﻮ ﻰ ﻢﺟ ﮕﻰ ﺴ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ژ ﺲ ﺾ ﺮﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺮ ﻫ ﻢ ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘ ﮕﺮﺩﺩﺭﺳ ﻤ ﻱﺟ ﮓ‬ ‫ﺮﺧﻮﺏﻫﻤ ﺸﻪﺭ ﻫﺶﺭ ﺪ ﻲﻛ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻪﺟ ﻱﻛ ﺭﺷ ﺱ ﺳﺮ ﺯ ﻲﮔﻤ ﺭ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻜﻲ ﻮﺩ ﻜﻲ ﻮﺩ ﺼﻪﺟ ﮕﻲﻛﻪ ﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﺤﻪ ﮋ ﻪ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺳ ﻝ ﺩ ﻉ ﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻑ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺸ ﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺵﻫ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻣ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺎ‪،‬ﺍ ﻱﺧ ﺒﺮﺑﻫ ﺎﻭﺤ ﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﻞﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺤ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺭ ﺗﻱﺮ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛ ﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﮋ ﺍﻏﺎﺮﺩ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﻧﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻢ ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺩﻫﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺩﻭﺪﺳﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﻫ ﻳﺮﻧﺮﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻣﻳﻌﺎﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻔﺎ ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳﺘ ﻌ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻤ ﻧﺎ ﻪ ﻧﺯ ﻲﭘﻴ ﺮﺍﻣ ﻮنﮐﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﺍﺯﺗ ﻨﻔﻴ ﺬﻭﻭﺗﺤ ﻠﻴ ﻒ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔ ﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫ ﺎ ﻱ ﻭﻳ ﮋ ﻩ ﻣﺜ ﻠ ﺚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê»€Ì̤eYÄ¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫{]€‪®Ë€]Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» ÊËZ¼À³‚] d·Á{ ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]ÓÄ]†¸n»Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪ |Å{ʼ¿ ÉYº·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿ Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪ÉY€] Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪‰ Á‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫{ 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‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫»€{‪/1388{Y‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫»€{‪/1388{Y‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪{€°‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¨‪54Äv‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫»€{‪/1388{Y‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS . ri‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS. ir‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSAL AS. ri‬‬ ‫ﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺼﺭ‬ ‫ﺎﻋﻴﻞﺑﻨﻓﺪ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺑﻨ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻣﺑﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺩﺭﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪dŒaMOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪dŒaMOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪dŒaMOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪M OSALAS . ir‬‬ ‫`‪?AE3 > 3 E W‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻧﻴ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻦﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍ ﻳﻦ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫‪| Ì¿Ì ¿ÂYÂy‬‬ ‫¼‪Y yÊ »ÃZ Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪¼‹‹¾ ËYË Y‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﮓﺳﺪﻳﻜﻮﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻟ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮓ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻓن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍنﺗﺌ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Y€v‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫]‪½Y€v‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j‬‬ ‫‪| Ì¿ YÂy Ê‬‬ ‫{  ‪ »ÃZ¼‹¾Ë Y‬‬ ‫{ ‪| Ì¿ YÂyÊ» à Z¼‹ ¾ ËY‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫{‪|Ì¿Y ÂyÊ»ÃZ ¼‹¾ ËY‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻲﺯ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫‪: YY ÊË ËZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ZÅ ZfZf¨³¨ Z]Z³‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫‪‘Y€fŸY‬‬ ‫‪¶°Œe‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫]€‪Êy‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ»Zu‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Y‚Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ä«Ô‬‬ ‫»‪¹|À‬‬ ‫‪dËM‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫»‪¹Z°‬‬ ‫‹‪ɁY€Ì‬‬ ‫‪É|e‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪d̟Á‬‬ ‫¿|‪{Y‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‪¡Ô]Y‬‬ ‫‹|‪Ê]Y€eÂ]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»¬‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ºœ ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^Å‬‬ ‫»^‪ÊÀ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪¾f‹Y~³‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Y ÊËZÅ Zf¨ ³Z‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫]‪: Y ÊË ZÅ Zf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪µ{Z‬‬ ‫§€{‪ʇÁ‬‬ ‫‪Âa‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪µ{Z‬‬ ‫§€{‪ʇÁ‬‬ ‫‪Âa‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À ¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎنﻳﺎﺩﺭنﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺶﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﮕ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺻﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺯﻩﺍﺻ‬ ‫ا ﺭﺍﻳﺶﺗﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪,ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ^y‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪‰Y‚³‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u-Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫»|‪ÊfˀË‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y|ŒÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä »Zm‬‬ ‫‪ʻԇY‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ì‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫‪{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫“€‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫]‪½Y€v‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¨ f‡Y‬‬ ‫¨‪É|¿€ÅZ‬‬ 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ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪54Äv‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388{Y{€» 18 /µÁY ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫¼‪Z‬‬ ‫‹‬ ‫Š‬ ‫‪Ì a‬‬ ‫ ‪µ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫»‪¹|¬»ÊuZ^» Z“€»Ô£ - ¾°Å¯ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‡‪ŠÀ»¾ËM {YÂm - Ê»€¯Y º›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË ×Yc‚Ÿ - \Ì°‹ ¼u‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì»Y w€ÅZ‹ -ÊŁԻ |¼v» - ʇ|¬» É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ʠ̨‹ }¿ - ɀ°Œeʼ‹ZÅ É|Æ‬‬ ‫»‪Âˆ¿ZÆm Z“|¼v» - ½Z¼Ë€¿ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y ʸŸ - ÊfËY|Å ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ̴¿ZÆm ©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪¾Ì¼¿Ê¼Ì¸‡ …Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ɀi¯ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y - ɀf¿Ô¯ ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Æ] ºË€» - Ê«€e Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫]‪ʼ̸‡ ¾Ìˆu - ÁZŒ¯ ¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ ×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë Z“ - Ê¿Z¼u Ê‬‬ ‫‪·|Ì ‡ ʸŸ -Ã{YÊÌvË µÔm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZˀƋ ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫»‪É|¿€» Z“€Ì¸Ÿ- ÉY|¼f Ë€‹|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Z^y Z“|¼v» -ɀ¯Z‹ Ê^fn‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪-‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫¿œ€‪ÉY€]Ê^mº¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y¹€fv»½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫¨‪38 Äv‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫¨‪38Äv‬‬ ‫»‬ ‫‪ ¹Á‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪½ ÉYÁ [Zzf¿Y €‡ €] µZnÀm‬‬ ‫‹‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y cZ]Zzf¿Y { \¸¬eÄ^WZ‬‬ ‫‹‪½ZÌ]Y€v»Á É{Z]M ʸŸº¯ †¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪©Zv‡YµM ÊÌvË - Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»LÔ‬‬ ‫{‪€³{Ó§ Z“|̼u -ɀ^À« ‰ÂËY‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm …Z^Ÿ - ¹Ô¯Z^ˁ ©{Z‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388{Y{€» 25 / ¹Á{ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ §‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âmd·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫§‪·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫»‪:ʼ‹ZÅ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM €œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪17 À¼¿ ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪:É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â» Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪54Äv‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388{Y{€» 18 /µÁY ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‬ ‫ ‬ ‫‪{{Y‬‬ ‫€‬ ‫{‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿ É|¼uY d·Á{ Ze ɇ» d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY ÉY ÉY€] ½Y€ËÁ Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫¿‪{Z‹YcYÁÄÀ˂³YÊËZÅÄf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‡€»‪.|ÀÀ¯Ê» Äq ‰Á { ½YY{ÄËZ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺑﺎﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺍﺯﺍﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ ﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ 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‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê»€Ì̤eYÄ¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫{]€‪®Ë€]Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» ÊËZ¼À³‚] d·Á{ ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪É Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪d ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫»‪ʼ‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪É|¿ÂyM…Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â»Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‬ ‫ ‬ ‫‪Äv‬‬ ‫¨‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫¿¼‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺮ ﻱ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠ ﻪ ﻛ ﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜ ﺚ«ﺭ ﻪﺷﻤ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻉﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛ ﻥﻣﺠ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮ ﺪ‬ ‫ﮔ ﺖ ﮔﻮﻫ ﻲ‬ ‫{‪cZ]Zzf¿YY†a½Z¼Æf»ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫]€‡‪É{Zf«YÄ¿ZzeYÁ{€°¸¼ŸÊ‬‬ ‫«€‪½Z³{€»­€Æ‹-¥€‹YÃZ³Y‬‬ ‫‪ʨz»ÉZžÌ]Á{ÃZ]{ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼¿ć{{Y{×Y¦Ì‬‬ ‫‪†Ì·Âb‡€aYʼˀ¯ÊËY|mÃ{€adŒa‬‬ ‫‪ÊÀË|·Y€z§{Zŀ§Z]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪c°‡,²‡€eZXe½Y{€³Z¯Z]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫]‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y{Z°Ë€»M½Y€v‬‬ ‫‪É|À]ZË{¦n¿Z]³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫{»‪t̐§¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y{Â‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪026$/$6,5‬‬ ‫Ÿ  €‪| Ë| m‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»Ä»Z¿Äf¨ÅZ][ÂyÄf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z]ɁZ‬‬ ‫‡‪ZÅÄ//ËZ‬‬ ‫`‪W‬‬ 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‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺑﻪﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ؛ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﻣــﺮﺩﻩ ﻫــﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻳــﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻴﭗ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺮﺑﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻨــﮓ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻡ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻌﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ »ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ«‬ ‫ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻣﻴﺎﻥﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱﺟﻨﮓﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱﺑﻪﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺁﻳﺎﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺣﻀﻮﺭﭘﻴﺪﺍﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱﺗﻤﺎﻡﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻪﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﻟﻤﭙﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴــﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﺶ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺸــﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ »ﭼﺮﺍﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻡ؟« ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻛــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ، 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱﺟﻨﮓﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻫﻢﺍﺯﻋﻤﺪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻟــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‪/‬ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻧﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ» ﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺒﺮﻱﺳــﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺩ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪. 80‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1359‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻔــﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺑﻔﺮﺳــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺗﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻗــﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺮﺍﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﺠــﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺛﺎﻣﻦﺍﻻﺋﻤﻪ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 250‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻘــﺪﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻏﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﻟﻰﺍﷲ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺣﻨﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ‪15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪598‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 27‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 1367‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻨﮕﺘــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﺩ ﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﺗــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﺍﺥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ )ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ( ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻈﻤﺖﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 9 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭژﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭژﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭژﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻗﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﻜﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻨﮓ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 11 ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢﺳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙﻛﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 13 ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﭽــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒــﻰ ﻣﺪﻋــﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪Analysis of critical ricochet angle using two‬‬ ‫‪ space discretization methods‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ )‪ (Engineering with Computers‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ‪Ricochet of a tungsten heavy‬‬ ‫‪alloy long-rod projectile from deformable‬‬ ‫‪steel plates‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2002‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ Physics D‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﻨﭽﺴــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺡ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ‪ 937860‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺑﺎﻛﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻣﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺗﻌﻠﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻻﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺠﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ‪ 73‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺗﺮﺍﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪73‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻭ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﺒﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎﺭﻙ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻤــﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻰﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 17‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 27‬ﻭ ‪ 28‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻣﺰﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪58‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ )ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﻣﺸــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫‪ 785‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪ 263‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ 785‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ‪94‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 421‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ 15/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻧﻈﺮﻯﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﺭﺍﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﻠﻘﻰﻛﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﻟﻜﻨﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ( ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧــﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟« ﻛﻪ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﻌــﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﻗــﻮﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﻫﺮﺗﺰﻭگ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫــﻮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﻜﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻟﻴﻜﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺗﺰﻭگ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﻮﻳﻴﻞ ﺣﺴﻮﻥ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﻄﺒــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗــﻰ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣــﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤــﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ » ﺑﻨﻰ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﮔﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﺭﺭﺍ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻮ ﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻋﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺳﻮﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﻰ ﻭﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺳﻮﺭﻭﺱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺳﻮﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻻﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 220‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﺹ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺪ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻗﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻏﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1340‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ )ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳــﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﺎﻥﻭﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻭ ﻧﺎﻳــﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻳــﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 50‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮﺧﺪﺍﻯﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻯﺑﺮﭘﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺑﺮﭘﺎﻛﺮﺩﻥﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳــﺰﺩﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ‪78‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺸ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻮﺭ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺟﺎﻯﻧﮕ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻯﺩﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻳﺰﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺴ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﻛﺸﻒﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﻨﻚ ﺩﻭﻭﻳﻠﭙﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻭﻳﻠﭙﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ژﺍﻙ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2004‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ )ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (2003‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﻨﻚ ﺩﻭﻭﻳﻠﭙﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻭﻳﻠﭙﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺠﻮﺟﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻚ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺑﻪﻧــﺎﻡ ﻧﻴــﻜﻼ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ »ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺩﻟﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻐﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺯﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺳــﻮﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒــﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﺤﻴــﻲ ﻛﻴﺎﻥﺗﺎﺟﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺝﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪﺳــﻜﻮﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺩﻥﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖﻭﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﻤﻪﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪﻳﺎﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱﺩﺭﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﻣﻲﺷﺪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﺍﺍﮔﺮﺑﻌﻀﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕﻭﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻧﺸﺪﻭﺭﺩﺷﺪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺩﻳﮕﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱﻭﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺩﺭﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺩﺭﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻭﻝﺁﻧﭽﻪﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻃﺮﺡﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﻫﻢﺍﺩﻋﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻭﻫﻢﻣﺘﻬﻢﺁﻥﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺯﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻩﻭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻫﻢﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎﻣﻘﺼﺮﺩﺭﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺯﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﺎﻧﻊﺁﺭﺍﻡﺷﺪﻥﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺍﺯﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸﺎﻥﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﺯﻃﺮﻑﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻭﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲﺻﺎﺩﺭﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻭﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﺩﻗﺖﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻛﻤﻚﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺳﻌﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﺑﺎﻃﺮﺡﺑﻌﻀﻲﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻭﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎﻫﻢﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﺯﻫﻤﻴﻦﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻲﻭﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﻦﺑﻌﻀﻲﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺿﻤﻦﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩﻭﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﺩﻥﻣﺴﻴﺮﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﻣﻬﺎﺭﻭﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱﻗﺒﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺭﺍﺱﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻻﺯﻡﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻞﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻳﻦﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﻛﺎﻫﺶﺣﻮﺯﻩﻧﻔﻮﺫﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺤﻨﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱﺍﺳﻼﻡﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﻳﻨﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﺎﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﺻﺤﻨﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﻛﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺑﺎﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉﺍﺯﺍﺳﻼﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥﺩﻳﻦﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺩﭼﺎﺭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻭﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺭﺍﺣﺲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﻫﻢﺁﺛﺎﺭﻭﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺍﺵﻣﻨﻔﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭﻫﻢﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺁﻥﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻭﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺁﻭﺭﻭﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﺷﻮﺩﻭﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﻳﻚﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻭﻝﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉﺷﺪﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎﺍﮔﺮﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻛﻢﻭﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﺶﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺣﻖﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺪﻓﻄﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ »ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﺷــﺮﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼ«‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺩﻟﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺧﺘﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳــﻢ ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻮءﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺮﻳﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻡ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﻜــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺛﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻧﻤﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﭼﺸــﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﺎﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣــﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻏﻴﺒﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑـﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑـﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸـﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒـﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬـﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻣﺘﻨﻲﻛﻪﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﺍﺯﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﺁﻥﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥﻭﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥﻧﻈﺎﻡﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﺒـﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳـﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳـﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗـﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﻠــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬــﺪﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺠﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜـﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣـﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷـﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﻘﺪﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻛﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﻠﻤــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﺑﻰ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻘــﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﻄــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﻗﺎﺋـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃــﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻭﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﺑﺮﭼﻪﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﻧﻘﺪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳـﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘــﺰﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨــﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺟﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻭﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻉ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳـﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻊ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥﻛﻪﺑﺮﻟﺰﻭﻡﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦﺟﻨﺎﺡﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕﻣﺎﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺍﺯﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰﻧﻴﺰﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺮﻃﺮﺡﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻭﻝﭘﺲﺍﺯﻃﺮﺡﻧﻜﺎﺕﻣﻨﻔﻰﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰﺭﺍﺑﺮﻫﺮﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺳﻮء ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺧﻮﺩﻧﻴﺰﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺻﺪﻣــﻪ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺤﺚﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ«؛ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺮﻳﺒــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺿﻞﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓــﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺳﻮء ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺐﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺬﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﺷــﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ »ﻫﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ«‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻧﻈــﺮ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻰﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻢﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﮔﺮ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ »ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺮﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴﺖﻋﻨﺼﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫‪5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻃﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻴﻔﻲﺍﺵ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﻌﺐ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺧﻄــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻛﻴﻞﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻘــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷــﺎﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺍﻟﻒ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻇﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﻢﻃﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺬﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫــﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺷــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﺨﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻴــﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ«؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺗﻴﺰﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫»ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤـﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘـﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳـﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻚﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳـﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌـﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳـﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳـﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗـﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨــﺪﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴــﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻮﺍ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﺌــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻـﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻛﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺷﺮﻁ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻫﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ؟« ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﻤﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ -‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻌﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 40‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؛ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪ 54‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓــﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻧﮕﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺗﺤﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ »ﺗﻮﻫﻢ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻔﻆ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ«‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺗﺤﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ« ﻭ »ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟« ﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟« ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ 20 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛــﺮﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﺰﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ؛ﻳﻚﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫»ﻫــﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ«؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻢﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺼﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺺ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻗﺺ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻗﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣــﺖ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1387‬ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‪ 12،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻑﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻴــﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻰﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻭﻯﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﺩﺍﺩﻭﺩﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﺿﻮ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺪ ﺳﻴﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﻳﺨــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷــﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ 8‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻧﺰﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 92‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﺍﺯﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ؟« ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 42‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪ -2‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -3‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﺸﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪» .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ«‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ »ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻭﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻳﻤﻦﻭﺩﻻﻳﻞﻭﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ؛ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1990‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﻭﺣﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺻﻌﺪﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﻐﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋــﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1962‬ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻳﻤﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2002‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 650‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ )ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ( ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﮕﻨﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﻮء ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1964‬ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳــﺪﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺳــﺎﻃﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻــﻼﺡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﺎﻃﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻛﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﻱﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ؛ ﭼﺮﻳﻚ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﻛﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻴﺸﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﭼﺎﻙ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻚ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻝ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖﺍﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1964‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻛﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1964‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺥﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻨﮓﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﻲﻋﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻐﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺪﻳﺮﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻨﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﻨﻲﻋﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻄﺶ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﮔﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﻭﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻫﻢﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥﺩﺍﻍﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺻﻌﺪﻩﺑﻪﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱﺯﻭﺭﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﻭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶﺧﺪﺷﻪﺑﻪﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺁﻏﺎﺯﺟﻨﮓﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻳﻤﻦﻧﻴﺰﺩﭼﺎﺭﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﺑﻪﻋﺼﺮﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﻨﻲﻋﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺑﺎﻳﻚﺗﻴﺮﺩﻭﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯﻳﻤﻦﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﺯﻭﺩﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪﺗﺎﻳﻤﻦﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺣﻴﺎﻁﺧﻠﻮﺕﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺎﻗﻲﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻧﺒﺮﺩﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻭﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﺟﺎﻱﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگﺭﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚﺩﺭﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱﻭﻫﻢﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭼﺮﻳﻚ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﻨﻲﻋﺸﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮕﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﺼــﺮﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﻨﻲﻋﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳــﺒﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻣﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺯﻳﺪﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰﺑﻦﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻭﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺑﻪﻓﻠﻚ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1964‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳــﻴﺪﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷــﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻦ« ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦﻧﻴﺰﺍﻭﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻟﻰﺍﻭﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻦﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻭﺳﻌﻰﻛﺮﺩﺧﻼءﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺩﺭﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪﺭﺍﻛﻪﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳــﺞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004-5‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺍﻟﺒﻴﺾ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺾ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﺳــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻪﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻚﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻧﺠﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻢﻛﻴﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻤﺐﺍﻓﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺎﻟــﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻚﻛﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻤﺴــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺳﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻛﻼﺷﻴﻨﻜﻮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‪-‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘـﻰ ﻳﻤﻨـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳـﻚ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴـﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔـﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦﺣﻮﺛﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪﺍﻭﺭﺍﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸـﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ 42‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥﺯﻳﺪﻯﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺗـﻼﺵﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎﺁﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﻮﺵﺳﻠﻔﻰﻫﺎﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰﻛﻪﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦﺣﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻨﺒﺶﺍﻭﺩﺭﺳﺖﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﻳﻤﻦﻋﻤﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨـﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺷﻴﻌﻪﺯﻳﺪﻯﺍﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯﺑﺎﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥﻭﺳﻠﻔﻰﻫﺎﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺍﺯﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶﺍﺯﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﺍﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(ﻭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎﺑﺎﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻭﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦﻛﺎﻣﻞﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﻣﺎﺑﺎﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺳﺎﻣﻪﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩﺩﺭﭘﻰﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸـﺮﻯ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸـﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧـﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺤـﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﺷـﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸـﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺪﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻌﻠـﻰ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧـﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 40 ،30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﻭﻗﺘﻰﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺷﺒﺎﺏﻣﻮﻣﻦﺭﺍﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺳـﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷــﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ‪ 92 ،1991‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻴﺪﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ‪،4‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺋـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺷـﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤـﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜـﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺳـﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰﻭﻓﻜﺮﻯﻳﻚﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻛﺎﻣﻼﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﺑﺎﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴـﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴـﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸـﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘــﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺠــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﻨﺒﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻓﻌﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤـﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷــﺎﻓﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷــﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺎﻓﻌﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒـﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨــﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨـﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫـﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨـﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶﺳـﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻳـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘـﻰ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜـﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻛﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ! ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ؟ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺳــﻠﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪-‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ)ﻉ( ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺴﻦﻇﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫـﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎﭘﺸــﺖ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﻨﺜﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺸـﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ! ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗــﺮ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1962‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺑﺎﻋﺪﻡﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺯﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫـﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻧﺸـﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﺘﻜﻠﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﺍﺣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻳﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‪30 0‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﻗﻮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 85‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻣﻰﺯﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺳـﻠﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﻭﻗﺘﻰﻛﻪﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ‪ 100‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ 90 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠـﻰ ﻣﻬﻤـﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺬﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔـﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺳﻠﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺳـﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺤﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳـﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺸﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄـﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻥﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﻔﺮﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ «...‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ! ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺘـﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘـﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟـﺢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻤـﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤـﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﺮﺳـﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺷـﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﺪﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺑـﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠـﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺳــﻠﻔﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺳﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺯﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺳـﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷـﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﺧﺐﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻳﻤﻦﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻰ ﻣـﻦ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻘﺘـﺪﻯ ﺻـﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻦ ﻧﺼـﺮﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴـﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫـﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳـﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﺼــﺮﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻚ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧــﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛــﻰ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲﺑﺎﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺣﺴﻴﻦﺣﻮﺛﻰﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﺼــﺮﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺛﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻓﻘﻂﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿـﺎﻉ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺸـﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 54‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭘﻤﭗ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ »ﭘﻤﭗ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﻟﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﭘﻤﭗ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ« ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ »ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ« ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1362‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮچ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﻨﺸــﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﮔﺮﻳــﻦﻛﺎﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻚﻛﻮﺭﻣﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳــﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣــﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺍﻳﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻳــﻦﻛﺎﺭﺕ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ »ﮔﺮﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺕ« ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻊﺗﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻪﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧــﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳــﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺴـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫـﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺴـﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺳـﺨﺖ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ‪ 134/9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 134/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﻣﮕﺮﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻭﺯﻥﻭﺍﺭﺯﺵﺭﺍﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺒــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺤﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻓﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻒﭘﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺵﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺵ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﭘﺎپ ژﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺗﻰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺷﻰ ﭼﺸﻢﻧﻮﺍﺯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖﺗﺎﻧﺎﻡﺻﻨﻌﺖﻭﻫﻨﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﺁﻣﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﺍﻳﺎﻣﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﮔﻦﻛﻠﻴﻨﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺰﻥﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻯﺍﺯﻋﻠﻰﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰﺍﺯﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﻭﺍﻓﺸﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺯﻳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺵﻣﺪﺍﻡﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱﺑﺰﺭگﺭﺍﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺩﺭﻣﻨﺰﻝﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻧﻘﺶﺑﺴﺖﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻚﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ﻓﺮﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺩﺭﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯﺍﻋﻴﺎﻧﻰﺑﺎﺗﺰﺋﻴﻦﻣﺪﺭﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﺮﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﭼﻨﻴﻦﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﻟﻰﻗﺪﺭﻯﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺷﻬﻴﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻﻧﻘﺶﻓﺮﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺁﺛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺛﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﻨﻰﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺷﻜﻮﻩﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖﮔﺎﻩﺳﺮﺩﺳﺘﻪﻣﺨﻔﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﺎﻓﺮﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﺷﺎﻳﺪﻛﻠﻴﺪﺷﻬﺮﺕﺭﺍﺑﻴﻞﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺯﺩﻛﻪﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﻪﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﺭﺍﻧﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓــﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﺵﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺩﺳــﺘﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﻟﺨﺮﺝﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻀــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻓــﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺯﺗﻠﻪﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻙﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻰﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺭﺍﻩﺭﺍﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺩﻩﺗﺎﻓﺘﺤﻰﺑﺰﺭگﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺧﻂ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻬﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﺣﺘﻢﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﺶ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻳﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺑﺎﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢﻛﻪﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎﺷﺎﻣﻞﺧﺮﻳﺪﺑﺮﻧﺞ‪،‬ﺳﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻤﺶ‪ ،‬ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﻭﻗﺘﻲﻫﻢﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲﺭﺍﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻲﻭﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺗﻼﺵﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﭘﻮﻝﺁﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲﻛﻪﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺑﻴﻦﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﻳﺪﻩﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲﻫﻢ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻓﺮﻭﺵﻏﻴﺮﺳﻨﺘﻲﺳﻌﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻧﻴﺰﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﻭﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ _ ﻋﻀﻮﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖﻭﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻏﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 19‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 24‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪ MD‬ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ‪ 15‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧــﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 407‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 210‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺩﺭﻫﻠﻨــﺪﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﻭﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻳــﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﻬــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺗــﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺳــﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ SMS‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺎﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺭﻓﻊﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷــﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2007‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 692‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2008‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 502‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 0/23‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ‪ 1/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 0/13‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2008‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪ 727‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪39‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 21 ،2008‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 800‬ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨــﮓ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻌــﺎ ‪ 46‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 20 ،2008‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 407‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪19‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪9، 737‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 737-900‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 737-100‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ‬ ‫‪ 873‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 281‬ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2007‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪11‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪ 727‬ﻭ ‪ 747‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪11‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪ MD‬ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ‪ 15‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﻳﻜﻲﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 24‬ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧــﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 727 ،707‬ﻭ ‪747‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧــﻮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 180‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﻧـﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗـﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 22‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧــﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ‬ ‫)‪ (600-A300‬ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ‪ 100‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 36‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 36‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 83‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 58‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪28‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺑﻠﻴــﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 24‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ‪ 174‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪136‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﻭ ‪38‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﻮﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳـﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ ﭼـﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳـﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫـﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺷـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌـﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻌﻨـﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺮﻓـﺖ؟ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺻﻨﻌـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳـﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗـﺎ ﭼﻪﺣﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﭼـﻪ ﺣـﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫــﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪18‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ ،ATR‬ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ‪50‬‬ ‫‪37‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ ،BAE‬ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ‪،100‬ﻳﺎﻙ ‪42‬‬ ‫‪69‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪ MD‬ﻭ ‪ 727،707‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ‪ ،154‬ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ‪ 320‬ﻭ ‪321‬‬ ‫‪32‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ‪ (600_300)،310‬ﻭ ‪A300B2B4‬‬ ‫‪12‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪747‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﮔﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗــﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻧﻴﻮﺯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ -‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2008‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫_‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪2007‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 38‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 66‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪1383‬‬ ‫‪1384‬‬ ‫‪1385‬‬ ‫‪1386‬‬ ‫‪1387‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 487‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 105‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 91‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 109‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 475‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 170‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 422‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 548‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 919‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪1383‬‬ ‫‪1384‬‬ ‫‪1385‬‬ ‫‪1386‬‬ ‫‪1387‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 77‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 519‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 98‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 36‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 110‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 889‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 921‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 63‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 350‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺧﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺟﺎﺕ‬ ‫_‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫‪42‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫_‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻲ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻨــﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺷــﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 83‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ‪ 410‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 843‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 896‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ‪ 1387‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 900‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 356‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪220‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 166‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪83 -84‬‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨــﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 13/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 29‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ 506‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 532‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 323‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ‪ 980‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪378‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 511‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 555‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪411‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ‪ 904‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭ ‪ 794‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 356‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 220‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪166‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﻰ ‪ 29‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 826‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 23‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪577‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 350‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 268‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 103‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 898‬ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 213‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 103‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،57‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ‪ 465‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 77‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 265‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 110‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 150‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 1/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻨــﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ‪ 164‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻭ‪ 173‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ‪ 231‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡﮔﻨﺪﻡﺑﻪﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ 58‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‪ 453‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 781‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ 60،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻭ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ 23‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‪ 24‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 412‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ 62،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ‪ 840‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 771‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪539‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪21،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 918‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 261‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ 11‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 835‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ 890‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻰﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ‪23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ »ﻧﺦ ﻧﻤﺎ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻱ »ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻐﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻌﺮﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻻ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ« ﻭ» ﺩﻭﺩ ﻋﻮﺩ« ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪1334 -1388 :‬‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ – ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 54‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲﮔﺮ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻠﺐ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺮﺯﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺎﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ – ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺻﻔﻮﺕ« ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﻔﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺻﻔــﻮﺕ« ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨــﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ »ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺪ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺎژ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﻻﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺑﻪﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻤﺎﻉ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺐﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫)ﻣﺪﻭﻻﺳﻴﻮﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﺤﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ »ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ« ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ – ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻱ »ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ« ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻢﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺏﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺎژ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺑﻰ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻔــﺖ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻴﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺒﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺒﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ – ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﺰﺍﺩﻩ )ﺗﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠــﻲ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ )ﻧــﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫)ﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽــﻪ( ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ )ﺗﻤﺒﻚ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﻴﺪﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ ‪-‬ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻚﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﮔﻞﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺗﻚﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ژﺍﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﭼﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﻪﺍﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﭼﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺑﺴــﻄﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1383‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫـﺎﻱ »ﻣﺸـﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺍﻏﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 51‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ‪ 51‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺗﻤﻨﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻌﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻟــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﻋﺖﮔﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 60‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺮﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲﺣﺘﻲ( ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﭙﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑــﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺟﺴــﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺯﻡ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺎﺛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺻﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ« ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺤــﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺶ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‪ ...‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫)ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ( ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؟ ﻳــﻚ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﻩﺯﻳﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺋﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺋﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺷـﺨﻮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴـﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳـﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰﺑﻪﺑﺎﻗﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﭘﺴﺖﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻳــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ )ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﻻﻱﻫﻨﺮﻱﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﺭﺯﺵﺁﻥﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻛﺎﻫﺶﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺧﻮﺩﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪﻭﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻭﻋﺮﺿﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﻨﺮﺩﺭﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﺎﻣﻞﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻛﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻟـﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬـﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳـﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﻣﺸﻜﻞﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻭﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪-‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﻳﻦﻣﺸﻜﻞﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣــﻲ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻫﻨﺮﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻤﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻲﺷﻚﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕﺩﺭﻫﺮﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺣﻮﺯﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻠﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠـﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺳــﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﻠﻖﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﻨﺮﻱﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﻤﻪﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﺍﺯﺣﻮﺯﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻮﻳﺪﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻓﻌﺎﻝﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﻭﺑﺨﺶﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺷﺎﻫﺪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻫﻨﺮﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻣﺘﻦﻭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﺎﺻﺮﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺎﺷﻮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ »ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪» 80‬ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ« ﻭ »ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻰﺧﻂ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ »ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ 80‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳــﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﻯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴــﺮﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ـ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺻﺒﺎ ـ ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺭﺩﻯ ـ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺴﺴﻮﺍﺭ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ژﻳﺎﻥ ـ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ـ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﺪﺑﻴﮕﻰ ـ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ـ ﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺯﺭﻭﻗﻰ ـ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ـ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ـ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻬﺎﻧﻰ ـ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ـ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺠﻢ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯﻃﺮﺡ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯـ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻯـ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ـ ‪1382‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﺏ ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ...،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻣﻬﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖﺳﻦﻭﻋﺸﻖﺑﻪﻧﺨﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺍﺯﺗﺮﻙﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﻧﻮﻩﺧﻮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯﺟﻮﺍﻥﻭﻣﻌﻠﻢﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﺸﻘﻰﺗﻠﺦﻭﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥﺣﺘﻰﺑﻪﻣﺪﺩﻋﺸﻖﻫﻢﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺁﻥﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺍﺯﺫﻫﻦﺩﺧﺘﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﺪﻭﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖﺩﺭﻧﺒﺮﺩﻯﻛﻪﺑﻪﻳﻚﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺹﺳﺨﺘﻰﭘﺲﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﭽــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻــﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻠــﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﭼــﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 250‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ‪10‬ﭼﺮﺥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻄﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺴﻄﻴﺢ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺖﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ‪ 80‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺣﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻘﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻛﺴﺴﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺼﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ )ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺷﺐ« ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ(‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» .‬ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺐ ﻭﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﻡﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻢﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺠﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻛﺴﺴﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺠﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ‪ 9‬ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺠﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺠﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫــﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻓﺮﻭﺗــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﺏ ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﻌﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻼﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ( ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺟﻤﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 140‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 85‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ‪ 255‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ )ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ( ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪57‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺴﺴﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺪﺍﻛﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1/5‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ) ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ( ﻭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ( ﺍﺯ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺳــﻮﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻛﺸــﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻛﺴﺴــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ »ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﭘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﺠﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ »ﭼﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻰﺍﺯﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ»ﭼﺎﻯﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ‪ – 1 D‬ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ـ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ـ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﺸﻴﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﭼﻴﻪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﺎ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ...:‬ﺑﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ‪...‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﭼﻴﻪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻢ ﻭﺍﷲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻴﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻴﮕﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﻧﺨﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸــﻨﻤﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻫﺨﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺠﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻧﻄﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺭﻩ‪...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‪ ...‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﮔﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺑﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺟﻴﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻲ ﺍﻭﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ؟ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳّﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﮕﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ؟‪ ..‬ﻫﻤﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻢﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺑﮕﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﺗﻔﻨﮕﺸﻪ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﻧﻄﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻋﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻦ؟ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻏﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺮﺯﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻱ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺸﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮ ﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺸـﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻗﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻴﮕﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ؟ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻥ ﻣﻴﺠﻨﮕﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﮕﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻤﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺮﻧﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺸــﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺸﻪ‪،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﺟﻠــﻮ ﺑﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﭼﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺘﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﻣﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﻮﻧﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻻﻏﺮﻭﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺗﻪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻩ ﻣﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻣﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻗــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪...‬ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺠﻤﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪... :‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻨﻪﺵ ﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﺠﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﺎﺳﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﺘﻪ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﻪ ﺍﻭﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻧﻄﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻪﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻧﻄﺮﻓﻢ ﻗﺸﻮﻧﺘﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﻪ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺗﻪ ﭼﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﻮﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷﻌﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﻣﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻥﻛﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻨﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﺠﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻙ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻒ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﺟﻴﻎﻛﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻝ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭼﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻳﻢ …‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺮﻛﺰﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻲﻗﺮﻳﺐﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺮﻛﺰﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴـﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲﺭﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻــﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻲ ﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻛﺎ ‪،‬ﭘﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﮔﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺴـﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺑﻲ ﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ »ﺑﺎﺭﻻﺥ« ﻭ »ﻛﻠﻮﻳﺘﺲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﭘــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ »ﮔﻮﺗﻪ« ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﺘﻮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ »ﺑﻲﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ »ﺩﺑﻲ« ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗـﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲ ﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗــﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺴـﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﻀـﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘـﺲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧـﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻢﺑﺎﺷﻤﺎﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﻫﺮﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﻳـﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓـﻲ ﮔﺎﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺴـﭙﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻱ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ« ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺼـﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘـﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ 87‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻲﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻬﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺿﻊﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧــﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪﺑﻪﺧﺮﺝﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣـﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﺻﺮﻓﺎﺩﭼﺎﺭﻧﻮﻋﻲﺑﺪﺳﻠﻴﻘﮕﻲﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ 70‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪﻭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺄﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻮﺯﻩﻳﻚﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺁﻥﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺗﺎﺳﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻓﻌﻠﻲﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻜﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷــﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﻫــﻮﻝ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫»ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ -‬ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ »ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄــﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺁﺭﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻏﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻓﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﺒﺖ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﻟﻌﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ »ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ« ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ« ﻭ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ »ﺣﺰﺏﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺍﺵ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫»ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻓﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻣﻨﺤﻂﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﭼﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻧﻮﺭﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﻚﺑﺎﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﻮﻝ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺯﻫﺮ ﺳﻤﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ »ﺳﻢ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﻞ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﺮﻳﻚ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻢﺷــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻼﻥﺍﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ »ﻣﺴﻠﻜﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﻭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜــﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻮﺩ« ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ« ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪» .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻃﻨﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺻﻮﻝ« ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡ« ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪»: ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻖ« ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ« ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ »ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻣﺪﻧــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺪﺩ« ﻭ »ﺗﻌﻬﺪ« ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺭژﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﭼﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1789‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ» ﻟﻮﻳﻰ« ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1787‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1787‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪» ،‬ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ»ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1614‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻣﻪ ‪ 1788‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1788‬ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ‪ 1789‬ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻳﻚﺟﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1789‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ »ژﺍﻙ ﻧﻜﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼــﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 1789‬ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ »ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦﻫﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻨﺠــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﭗ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﭼـﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ« ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷـﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺠﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ»ﭼﭗ«ﻭ»ﺭﺍﺳﺖ«ﭼﻪﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺑﻪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫»ﭼﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1986‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1986‬ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1986‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻐﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻃــﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻋـﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕـﻮﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺻﺪﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤـﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴـﻢ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴـﻪ ﻓﻴﻼﺩﻟﻔﻴـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪1930‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗـﺐ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣـﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳـﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻳـﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﺖﺍﻟﻌﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻼﺗﻔﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻠﺘﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﭼﭗ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﻠﺘﺴـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺣـﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕﻛﻪﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝﺍﻳﻦﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺖﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺛــﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠـﻮﻙ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴـﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺶ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻓﺘﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1986‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻻﺑﺸﺮﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﻗﺮﻭﻥﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒــﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡﺑﻪﺣﻘﻮﻕﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺤﻮﻝﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺟﺪﻯﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺮﻭﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﺳﻨﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺗﺤـﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﻂﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴـﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻼﻥﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺳـﺖﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻫــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺖﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﻭﺷـﻤﺎﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪﻛﻪﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﮕﺎﻩﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺑﺎﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳـﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺖﻧﻴﺰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻭﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻋﻨﺼﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺖﻭﻛﻠﻴﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺖﺭﺍﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺖﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﺣﺮﻛﺖﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴـﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻛﻞﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻞﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ!‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﭼﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍ‪-‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1789‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ )ژﻳﺮﻭﻧﺪﻳﻦﻫﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﻬﻦ )ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺴﺘﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟــﻰ( ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﺍﺕﻃﻠﺐ )ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﭼﭗ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘــﺲ‪» ،‬ﭼــﭗ« ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ )ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ‬‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺭﺍﺛﺖ‬ ‫ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ‬‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ )ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ( ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮ ﺭﺑــﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓــﺮﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺿﺪﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭼﭗ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺰءﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺰء ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﭼﭗ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳــﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻌﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻍ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼــﭗ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ )ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﮕﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫــﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ »ﻭﺿﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﮕﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﻠــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ«‬ ‫)‪ (Sittlichkeit‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺣﻖﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﮕﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ـ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﮕﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﻮﺋﺮﺑﺎﺥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻫﮕﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺋﺮﺑﺎﺥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1841‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ )ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺯﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺋﺮﺑﺎﺥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻮﺋﺮﺑﺎﺥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪1843‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﺯﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫»ﻛﻞ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻮﺋﺮﺑﺎﺥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺛﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﮕﻠﻲ »ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺛﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﮕﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‬ ‫»ﻫﺴﺘﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺤﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﺎﻃﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺎﺧــﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ‬ ‫»ﺟﺒﺮﻯ‪-‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻒ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ« ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ‪1932‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺩﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ‪1968‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴــﺪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺩﻭﺭﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﻛﻬﺎﻳﻤﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻮﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖﺍﺯ»ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻭﻣﻠﻞ«ﻳﻚﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻠﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﺎﺣﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ »ﻣﮕﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻱ« ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﻮﻻﺳــﺘﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﻠﺐﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻟﻮﻳﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1750‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻮﻳــﺪ ﻻﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻴﺎﺗــﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ »ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ«ﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ »ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻘــﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﺘﻢﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺴــﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳــﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘــﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴــﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿــﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﭙﻨﺴــﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣــﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﻴﻠــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧـــﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﻛﻮﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ )ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻭﺭﺯ( ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻛﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﺘﻢﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻲﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋــﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﭙﻴﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻦﺳــﻴﻤﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻠــﻲ )ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋــﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻔﻘــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ!( ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1914‬ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺮﻣﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1848‬ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺿﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﻣﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛــﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺋﻮﺗﺴــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1914‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﻙﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ!« ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺸــﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻋــﺎﺩﺕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣــﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻨﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﻙﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﻙﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻂ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺌﻮﺍﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ »ﻧﮕــﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺭﺕ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻓﻴﺰﻳــﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺴــﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ »ﻧﮕﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻑﭘﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ »ﻧﮕﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺭﺕ« ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨــﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ(‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫـﺎﻱ »ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧـﻰ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭﻗـﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﭙﻬﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫـﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ« ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺗـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴـﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻚ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ »ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﭼﭙﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﭼﭙﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﮔﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1979‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺣﺠﻢﺁﺛﺎﺭﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ »ﭼﻨﺪﻋﻠﺘﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ »ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼــﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜــﻼ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴــﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣـﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫»ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛــﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1962‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪132‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺶ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺛﺎﺑـﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱﻣﺜﻞﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺩﻻﻳﻞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﺎﻋﺚﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ« ﺗﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﻧﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ« ﺳــﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺗﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ« ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻘﺪﻭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻋﻠﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺮﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﻧﻘﺶﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻫـﻢ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘـﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑــﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺠﺎﺳـﺖ؟ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗـﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻯ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻔﻊﮔﺮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻔﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻔﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻏﺒﻄﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺗــﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿــﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺷـﺮﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻣـﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫـﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺳـﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻂ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸـﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ -‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻜﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻜــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺭﺑﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﻝ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳـﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﻳـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻌﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷــﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ« ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳــﻚ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ«ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻋــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ« ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ »ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ »ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺏ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝﻭﺭﻭﺍُﺑﺮگﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺿﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣــﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(139‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋــﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫــﺎ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻔــﻲ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫)‪ .(collectivism‬ﺟﻤﻊﺑــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ‪» ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛــﺲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1869‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻛﻮﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻟﻜﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﻧﻔﻲ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ«‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ« ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺴــﻴﺐ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻔــﻜﺎﻙ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻨﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ »ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ »ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ »ﻣﺸﺨﺺ«ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ! ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺁﺩﻭﺭﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﻛﻬﺎﻳﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺮﺩﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻤﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰﻛﻪﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﺟﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺟﺬﺍﺏﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺑﺮﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰﭼﻮﻥ»ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ«ﻭ»ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯِ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰِ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﻭﺍﺟﺪﺍﺻﻞﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰﺷﺪﻥﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﺟﻠﻮﻩﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ« ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﺩﻭﺭﻧــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﻛﻬﺎﻳﻤــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ »ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻱ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ« ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲِ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞﻛﺎﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﺣﻠﻘﻪﻣﻐﺰﺷﻮﻳﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱﺟﻌﻠﻲﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐﺑﻪﻗﺒﻞﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﺘﻦﺁﻥﻭﺣﺪﺕﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺭﻛﻬﺎﻳﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻭﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥِ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺑــﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋــﻢ ﺁﺩﻭﺭﻧــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﻛﻬﺎﻳﻤــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﻧﺪﻭﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲﺍﻛﺴﻴﺮﺣﻴﺎﺕﺻﻨﻌﺖﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺮﺩﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻤﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﮋﺩﻡ ﺑﻰﺳــﺮﻭ ﺗﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ؛ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ »ﻙ« ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ »ﻳﻚ« ﻓﺼــﻞ »ﺍﻭﻝ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ »ﺝ« ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 4‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ )ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺒﺨﺸﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ )ﺳﺎﺑﻖ( ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺑﻴﻤــﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪﻧﻬﺎﺩﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟــﺰﻭﻡ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﮋﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺩﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 29‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫–ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ – ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 465‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 300‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 137‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 498‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 29‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫– ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ – ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺰﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﻄﻌــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰﺣﻮﺯﻩﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻏﻴﺮﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‪،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ؛ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﺼــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‪،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪ 350‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄــﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻏﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ‪ 139‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻏﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴـﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﺸـﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣـﺎﻩ ‪ 1386‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳـﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗـﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺷــﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﭼﻪﻧﻈﺮ‪،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻴﻦﻭ‪...‬؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ 15‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ‪ 15‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 54‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ‪ 350‬ﺗﺎ ‪400‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻏﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ )ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤـﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 86-87‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﺍﻳﻦﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺁﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪﻳﺎﺧﻴﺮ؟ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖﻛﺎﺭﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯﻭﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﺪﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯﺟﺰ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭﻓﺮﺩﻯﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺴﻨﺪﺁﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥﻧﻘﺶﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺧﻮﺏﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪﺩﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﻘﺶﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 27‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (54‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺁﻥ )ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ(‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﻓﺎﻩﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴـﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴـﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺍﺯﻧﻘﻄﻪﺳﺮﺑﻪﺳﺮﻯ)ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ(ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯﻫﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯﺣﻞﻣﺸﻜﻞﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴـﻴﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(1376-84‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨـﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻧﺸـﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒـﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﻧﮕﻔـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﭘـﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺛﺎﺑـﺖ« ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻓـﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫـﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 163‬ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑـﻪ ‪460‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘــﻰ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ‪7‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤـﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ )ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ -60‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪(59‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ‪ 9 ،‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﺪ )ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ(‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 69‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪،81‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ )‪ -60‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ (58‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻋــﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﺋــﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ( ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1359‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﭘﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ )ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪(60 -64‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺟﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺠﻔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬــﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،61‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 64‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ )‪(64 -68‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣــﻰﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻼﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ )‪(76-82) (68-72‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪،‬ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 82‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 82‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ – ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ -‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻌــﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌــﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-6‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ )‪(72-76‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﮓﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ )‪(82-84‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻛﻢﺧﻄﺮ« ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ )‪(84-88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑــﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺎﺑﻐــﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰﻗﺮﻥ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ )ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ(‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺯﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 69‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻛﺎﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﻢﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻬﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻘﺪﻡ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺒﮕﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺒﮕﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ )ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 48 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ /‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴـﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪ 28‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷـﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧـﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ‪28‬ﻣﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﺗﻌﺼﺒﻲﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﻳﻚﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎﺑﻪﻧﻘﺶﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺟﺪﺍﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺟﻨﮓﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪،‬ﺟﻨﮓﺭﺍﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺑﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﻭﺑﺎﻭﺭﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻛﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱﺭﺍﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺷﺪﻧﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻫﺎﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻗﺴﻤﺖﻗﻀﻴﻪﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻗﻀﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻛﻼﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻭﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺍﻳﻦﺗﺤﻮﻝﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 400 ،300‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﺎﺱﻛﺎﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﻧﻪﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﺑﺨﺶﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺟﻨﮓﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﺍﺯﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺑﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﭘﻴﺶﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪73،72‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺟﻠﺴﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺑﺎﺟﻨﺎﺏﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢﻛﻪﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺑﻪﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺜﺎﻝﺭﺍﺯﺩﻡ‪:‬ﺷﻤﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺗﺎﻥﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯﻱﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺷﻬﻴﺪﻫﻤﺖﻭﺷﻬﻴﺪﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﭘﺸﺖﻣﻴﺰﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻭﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥﺷﻤﺎﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ﭼﺮﺍﻣﺎﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺳﺪﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪﻭ‪....‬ﺍﮔﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊﺩﺭﺑﺴﻴﺞﺑﻪﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺩﻫﻴﻢﻭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺭﺁﻥﺟﻠﺴﻪﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻡﻭﺟﻮﺍﺏﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱﻫﻢﺍﺯﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﺭﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢﻛﻪﻓﺮﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱﺭﺍﻛﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺗﻮﻧﻞﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﻳﻚﺩﻫﻪﺩﺭ‪ 28‬ﻣﺎﻩﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺷـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﻤﻲﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﻢﺍﺛﺮﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺑﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻦﻭﻗﺘﻲﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺧﻴﻠﻲﺑﻪﻧﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻫﻢﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪﻭﺟﺰﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﻳﻚﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﺍﺯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺑﺎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻱﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻓﻄﺮﺕﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﺻﺪﺍﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻥﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻚﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡﻭﻣﻦﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺴﺘﻢﻛﻪﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﺩﺭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻱﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕﺟﻨﮓﺍﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎﻳﻚﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺟﻨﮓﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻤﭙﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷــﺐﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻛﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘــﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ )ﺹ( ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳـﻒ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄـﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺟـﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺷﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺴـﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 59‬ﺭﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻟﺸـﻜﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺁﻳﻪ »ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴــﻦ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻗﻮﺍ ﻣﺎﻋﻬــﺪﻭﺍ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻓﻤﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻟﻮﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻼ« ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 103 ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧـﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1376‬ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷـﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳـﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸـﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺳـﻌﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳـﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗـﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺗـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳـﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒـﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻤﻨﺪ« ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳـﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﺮﻗﺬﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣـﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1907‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1915‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗــﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 1322‬ﻗﻤــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 200‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄـﻮﺭ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﺎ ﻥ ﺩ ﺭ ﺑﻮ ﺳـﻨﻲ ﻳـﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﺐ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻦﻛﻴﺎﻧﮓ ﭼﻴـﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴــﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺘــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬـﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤـﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳـﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣـﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴـﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳـﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺼﺪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺷﻮ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﺗــﻲ ‪ ،72‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄــﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1958‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻮ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃـﻮﻝ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﻫﺸـﺖ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣـﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻂﻣﺸـﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤـﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺎﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋـﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺎﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋـﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1967‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 479‬ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺎﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗــﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺎﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﮔﻮﺵﺷﻨﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺎﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻠــﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻓﺎﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 479‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌــﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣــﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺑــﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻱ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1361‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺠــﻮﺯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼـﻮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏـﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻚﭼﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴــﻔﻠﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1917‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1917‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1921‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻘــﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫـﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻫﺪﻑﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺻﺪﺍﻡﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺎﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﺣﺘﻲﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﻋﺰﻳــﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳـﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋـﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1366‬ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻤــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ،598‬ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1366‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1367‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻃﺎﺭﻕﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻦﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻲﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1975‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﻌﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺧﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1975‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﻧــﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪1975‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢﻋﺮﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1368‬ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ‪ 20‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 479‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 6‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠــﺎﻭﺯ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 6‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1975‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1975‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨـﻲ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺟﻨـﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﭗﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﭗﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﻧﻴﺰﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﻣﺎﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﻧﻘﺶﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳـﻌﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻦﮔﻮﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻌـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1973‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻡﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮﺷـﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻚ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺳـﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻫﺸﺖﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺒﻖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳـﻜﻮﻧﺘﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳـﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣـﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫـﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1366‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴـﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴـﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺷـﻴﺪﻥ ﺟـﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 598‬ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻡﺯﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ‪ 598‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡﺯﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪598‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩژﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 6‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ 1000‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 2000‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 109 ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣـﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻠــﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﺶ‬ ‫‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺳــﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻠﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺻــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ‪ 598‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻫﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳـﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧـﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻــﺪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀـﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻴﺮﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ‪ 598‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻃﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ‪598‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡﺯﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻡﺯﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻟﺠﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴـﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷـﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳـﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣـﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻋــﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜــﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺷﻤﺎﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻼﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1362‬ﺧﻴﺒﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 7 .‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺘﻜﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﻞﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﻞﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻲ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﻘﻞﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻋﻘﻞﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳـﻜﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧﺴـﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻭ ﺣﺴـﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻋﺎﺻﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻌــﻢ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ »ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﻨﺞ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻨﺞ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻨﺞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻓــﺶ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﺎﺷــﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺼﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺼﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﺗﺎﭘﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﭼــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ؟ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﻨــﮓ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻲﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ )ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓـﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؛ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ( ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ! ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛـﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ؟ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣــﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳــﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴـﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔــﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺭﺿــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠــﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷﺐﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 115 ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳـﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺁﻗﺎﻱﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﺑﻴﻦﻧﺴﻠﻲﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﻭﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺟﻨﮓﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥﺩﺭﺩﻓﺘﺮﺍﻭﺩﺭﻣﺮﻛﺰﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 42‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻱ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ( ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺸــﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷـﻤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺟﻨﮓﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﻫﻤﻪﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﺧﺎﺻﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦﺣﻀﻮﺭﺭﺍﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﻫﻢﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ؛ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﻼﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻲﻓﺮﺩﻱﻛﻪﺍﺯﻳﻚﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺑﻪﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﭘﺪﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕﻧﺎﺷﻲﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓﺭﺍﺑﻪﺟﺎﻥﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵﺑﻪﺟﺒﻬﻪﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺷﻬﻴﺪﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡﺷﻮﺩﻭﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻟﻘﺐﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻛﻪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﻢﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺳﺠﺎﺩ)ﻉ(ﺗﻮﺟﻪﻛﻨﻴﺪﻳﺎﺑﻪﺳﺨﻦﺍﻣﺎﻡﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(ﻛﻪﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲﺍﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪﻭﺑﺎﺟﻨﮓﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﺎﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢﻭﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ 14،13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﻢﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؛ﻣﺜﻼﻛﺴﻲﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 19‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 27 ، 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﺣﺎﺿﺮﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺟﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍﻛﻪﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍﻛﻪﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓﺑﺒﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍﺩﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪﻋﺮﺿﻪﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻣﻦﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﺭﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﻓﻊﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱﻛﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﻘﻄﻊﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﺍﻣﺎﻣﻄﻠﺐﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻣﻌﻨﺎﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﺍﮔﺮﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺩﺭﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻓﺮﺩﻱﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺧﺐﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱﻣﻌﻨﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺗﻼﺵﻭﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺟﻨﮓﺭﺍﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻫﺮﺩﻭﺭﻩﺭﺍﺑﺮﺵﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢﻭﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻠﺖﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲﺩﺭﺳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ﺧﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪﻭﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻭﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻪ‪.‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢﻣﻠﺘﻲﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪﻛﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪﻭﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻘﻴﻪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﮔﺮﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﺎﺭﻱﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺭﻭﺣﻲﻭﺫﻫﻨﻲﺭﺍﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﻫﺮﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲﺍﺯﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻫﺮﻗﺸﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲﺭﺍﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢﻭﺁﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺑﻘﻴﻪﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺎﭘﻴﺎﻡﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﻳﻚﺣﻴﺎﺕﻃﻴﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﺳﻨﺒﻞﻫﺎﻭﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ‪،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺩﻡﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺟﻨﮓﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱﺑﻌﺪﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍ‪.‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻧﻴﺴﺖﺍﺯﺣﻴﺎﺕﻳﻚﻣﻠﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻤﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ »ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ« ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺸـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺳـﻴﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪117‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﻧﻮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ‪ 9‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪118‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﻤﺸﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﻤﺸﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺩﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺪﺍﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺳﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻬﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻟﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ »ﺩﺏ ﺣﺮﺩﺍﻥ« ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺴــﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﭙﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺸــﺪﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘــﻞ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻀﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ‪ 92‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﭙﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ‪ 77‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‪ 21‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺻــﺪﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻲﺻــﺪﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﺪ؟« ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 52‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻔﻲ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧــﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻲﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟! ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩژ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ‪33‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ‪ -‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻟﻨﺞ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺑﺮگ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺧﻂ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺎﺋﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣــﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺸــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ‪ 92‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻼﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻳــﻪ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ‪ 77‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺍژﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻟــﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﺗﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺳﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻞ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪(1 :‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ (2‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻭﻟﻲﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻖﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲ ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ (1 :‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (2‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﭘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﺸــﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗــﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ .‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ‪ (1‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ (2 ،‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (3‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ (4 ،1975‬ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪ؟! ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺣﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ؛ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻲ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻚ ﻭ ﺁﺭﭘﻲ ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﺸــﻬﺮ ‪ -‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ )ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺛﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺋﻤﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ( ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ– ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕِ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪1968‬‬ ‫)‪ 1348‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ( ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ) ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ (1933‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 55‬ﺗﺎ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻥ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻴــﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺳﻮﻡﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌــﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺷــﻮﺧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜــﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‪ 600‬ـ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪120‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻲ‪ ،54‬ﺗﻲ‪ ،55‬ﺗﻲ‪،56‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺗــﻲ‪ ،72‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﺷﻴﻨﻜﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ژ‪ 3-‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺭﻫــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺒﻚ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻘﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻢﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،1975‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ 1975‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 2/5 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺳﻨﻲ‪ 2/5 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳــﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴــﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺳــﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﻛﻼ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳــﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ 24‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 48‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﻨﺎﺭﻙ‪ 10 .‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‪ 10‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻳﻪ‪ 300‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻑ‪ 16‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻑ‪14‬ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺩﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋــﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳــﺖ )ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﻨﺖ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﻨﺖ ﺳــﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻫﻲ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺣﻔﺎﻇــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻔﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1353‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﻔﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲﺍﺭﺗﺶﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫‪،‬ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻐﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‪ 26‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1357‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪121‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻤﺎگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 6/30‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 29‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪) 1367‬ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ (1988‬ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ »ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﺯ ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪﻳــﺎﺭ« ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ‪ .1‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ »ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪﻳﺎﺭ« ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪1300‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ ـ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻤﺎگـ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻤﺎگ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 612‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪ 17‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1367‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻤﺎگ«‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1300‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻼﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻻﻧﺪﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻭژ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 350‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ‪ 615‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ‪ 80‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ 375 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪130 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ 350‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ »ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻤﺎگ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻤﺎگ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻭﻛﻮﻳﻮﻭﻳﭻ« ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻯ‬ ‫‪122‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ؛ ‪ 3‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪479‬ـ ‪514‬ـ‬ ‫‪522‬ـ ‪540‬ـ ‪582‬ـ ‪588‬ـ ‪598‬ـ ‪ .619‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪598‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ »ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺗــﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 39‬ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪4 .‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻳــﺺ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ـ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝـ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺗﻴــﺮ ‪ 1367‬ﻧــﺎﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ـ ﻭﻳﻨﺴــﻨﺲـ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ‪ 290‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪1367‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ« ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 598‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ ‪ 290‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ (1987) 598‬ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪598‬‬ ‫)‪ (1987‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ« ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪9 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪،598‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1367‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 26‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 9 ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 6‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪5 .‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ «1987‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1965‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ »ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺮﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﺗﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻟﻮﺗﺮﻛﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﺮﺍ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻻﻑ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ« ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺋﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ » :‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ‪6 «.‬‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻛﻮﺋﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 6‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ )ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1980‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪7 «...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ؛ ‪.1367/5/29‬‬ ‫‪The United nations iran – iraq military observer - 2‬‬ ‫‪.(group Unimag‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺛﻘﻔﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻯ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ؛ ﺹ ‪174‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ؛ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ؛ ﺹ ‪383‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ؛ ﺹ ‪.384‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ؛ ‪1367/4/18‬‬ ‫‪7‬ـ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ؛ ‪1373/4/28‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻛﺮﻯﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﺑﺮﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻒ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﭼــﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﭘﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻥ ﻏﺒﻄﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﻴﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ‪ 48‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪124‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺒﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻟﺞ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﮔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺷﺶ ﺗﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﻴﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ »ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 250‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥﻭﺍﺭﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ‪ 41‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؛ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﻱﺧﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨــﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺷﺶ ﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻼﻥ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻟﻘﻤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ »ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪125‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻫﻠﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ‪:‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻫﻠﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪126‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺷﺶ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺭﺛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻦﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻦﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻦﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻴﻦﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻦﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪127‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺁپ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ )ﻋﺮﺍﻕ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ »ﻓﺘﺢ ﺧﻮﻥ« ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« )ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﭼﻬﻞ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﺧﻲﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻼﻙ«‪» ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻲ« ﻭ »ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕــﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ )ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﻔﻲ )ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ( ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪128‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤــﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫)ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻋﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ )ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ )ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ )ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﺟﺎﻣﻲ( ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ )ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺯﻣﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ« ﻭ »ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ« ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ‬ ‫)ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖ )ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ(‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ )ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ( ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ )ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 70‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﺮﻭﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺶ ﻧﻔﺲﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺨﻜﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ »ﺑﺎﺷــﻮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﻮﻋﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ( ﻭ ﺍﻭﻳﻨﺎﺭ )ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺪﻱ( ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ »ﺍﺯﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺟﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻁ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ »ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻔﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ« ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ »ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺰﺍﺑﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫــﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱ – ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ« ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ« ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺮﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻢﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻢﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻼﻓﺶ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ »ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻭﺋﻞ«‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻭ »ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ« ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺋﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴــﻎ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ«‪» ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ« ﻭ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺷﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻗــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻮﻡ« ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ – ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒــﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺥﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﻤﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺍ ﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸـﺎ« ﻭ »ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ؟« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ »ﺻﺒﺢ« ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻩ »ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﻭﻛﻮﻫﻪ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ« ﻭ »ﺷﻠﻤﭽﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪130‬‬ ‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ« ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ« ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ »ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸـﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺴـﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 3‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 60-70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1/5‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﻜـﺮﺩ ﻃﻨﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ‪ 4-5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜـﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷﻨﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺯﺩﮔﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻔﺮﻋﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺮﻋﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﺒــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻟﺬﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺳﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻤﺲﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴــﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻋﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠـﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 1‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ CD‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1‬ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ‪ 10-20‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫــﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪» .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷــﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺁﻳﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻋﺪﻭﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﺎﺍﺳﺘﻄﻌﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﺮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺸـﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺞﺳﻠﻴﻘﮕﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪131‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺒﻌـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﭙﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺳﭙﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ 16‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 16‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 19‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺷـﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺸـﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪132‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺳــﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴـﻨﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﻌﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓــﻼﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 100‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ! ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ «2‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤـﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1‬ﺭﻳﺴـﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺫﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮﻧﺪ! ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﻫﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨـﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻧـﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 3‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺼــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺴــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳــﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘــﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻨﮕﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪133‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱﻛﻮﺥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﺎﻧﻮﻉﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡﻛﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺼﺮﻑﻣﺤﻮﺭﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻫﺎﺭﺍﺟﻤﻊﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯﺩﺭﻭﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﺷﻬﺮﺟﻤﻊﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺑﺎﻋﺚﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﮔﻢﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱﺑﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺣﺘﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﻘﺎﻱﻧﺎﻡﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥﭘﺮﭘﺮﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻢ ﺳـﻦ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻼﻫﻲ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻡﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺧــﻮﺍﺹ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪134‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻘﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻚﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻓﻴﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﻻﺋﻴــﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗـﻮﻱ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻠﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﭙﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻴﺰﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ‪ BBC‬ﻭ ‪MBC،‬‬ ‫‪ VOA‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﭘﻮﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﺪ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﻭﻫﻢﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﻢﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﻭﺳﻂﻗﻴﭽﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻫﺮﻃﺮﻑﭘﺮﻭﺑﺎﻝﻣﺎﺭﺍﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ BBC‬ﻭ‪ VOA،MBC‬ﻭﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤــﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪«.‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲﺑﻮﺩﻳﻚﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺿﻌﻴﻒﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻓﻴﻠﻢﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺧﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺭﺟﺒﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺒﻲﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻚﭘﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺒﻲﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺒﻲﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻛﻼﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﺸﻮﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪31‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸــﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﺍ ُﺣﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ«‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺪﻣـﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳــﺎﺕ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺼﻨﻴــﻒ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫»ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ« ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪135‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻚﭘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻓﺎﺳــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔــﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻔﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﻔﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻔﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻼﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻼﻙ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 59‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻏﻠﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ« ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺣﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﮔﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﺧــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪67‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥﻭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥﺍﺭﺗﺶﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯﺷﻬﺪﺍﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳـﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣـﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﻳﻚﺟـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯﺍﺯﻗﻀﻴﻪﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﺭﻓﺎﻩﺭﺍﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀـﺎﺩ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫـﺎﻯ ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﻣﻘـﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺪﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻬﻢﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﺯﻭﺩﻣﺎﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬ﺟﻨﮓﺭﺍﺑﻪﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺭﺍﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖﻭﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫‪136‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥﻭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺍﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘـﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩﺯﺩﮔﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻠﻴﭙﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﭘﻠﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺐ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 70‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻧﺠﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻨﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﻨﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 72‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻔﺎﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻔﺎﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩژﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 72‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﻫﻤﻴـﻦﻛﻠﻴﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛـﻪﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭﺷﺪﻩﻣﻴﺎﻥﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ‪،‬ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻰﭘﻮﺭﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻭﻗﺘﻰﻣﺜﻼﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢﺟﻨﮕﻰﻧﻤﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑﻳﻚﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﻭﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟـﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴـﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪137‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰﺍﺯﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻐﺾ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻧﻘﻄـﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﺩﻓﺘـﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱﻭﻛﻤﻲﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮﺍﺯﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻏﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻧـﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻭﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 76‬ﺻﺤﺒﺘــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗـﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗـﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺷﻴﺸـﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺳــﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫‪138‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻭﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﻃﺒﻖﺭﻭﺍﻝﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻱﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱﺭﺍﺩﺭﻋﺮﻭﺝﻓﻴﻠﻢﻛﻪﻣﻜﺎﻥﺧﻠﻮﺗﻲﺑﻮﺩﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﻭﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺯﺑﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﺨﺼﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺘـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺳـﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻐﺾ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨـﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫـﻢ ﻧﻴـﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻛﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸــﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﻜـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺷﻴﺸـﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻜــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ژ‪ 3‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ‪ 27‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻼﻝﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻼﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﻠﻮﻏﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 45‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﻢ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴـﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧـﺲ ﺷﻴﺸـﻪﺍﻱ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈـﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪139‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻛﺮﺧﻪﺗﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺩﻫﻜﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﺳﻴﻠﻲﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵﻋﻠﻲﺩﻫﻜﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧـﻮﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕـﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻣﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻜﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪18‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﮓﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ‪-‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫‪140‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺑـﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﺑﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 71‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧـﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻲﺷﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻗﻤﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺛـﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪141‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﺑﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﻭﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻞ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻛﺎﻣﻰ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻓﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ« ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪142‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﺳــﺶ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ -‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺣﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺗﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚﺻﺪﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻦ« ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺜﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﺎﺣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﭙﺮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 1984‬ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﺰﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ‪ 1984‬ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺜﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ »ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﺷــﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺿﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲﻫﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻰﺟﻮﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ -‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺍﻯ‪ -‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪143‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺭﺿﺎﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺣﺎﻝﻭﺭﻭﺯﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1339‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‪-‬ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﻡ ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻚ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭼ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ » .‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‪ « 57‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸـﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﭗ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻂﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬــﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﭽﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫‪144‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﭽﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺞﻓﻬﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻏﻢ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬‬‫ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬‬‫ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺏﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬‫ﻫﺎﺭﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺠﺴــﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻮﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻛــﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺳــﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷــﺎﻧﺘﺎژ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴـﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻼﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻠﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺭﺍﺍﺯﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯﻗﺒﻞﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻳﻌﻨﻲﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺑﻴﻦﻧﺴﻞﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝﺟﻨﮓﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢﻛﻪﭼﻪﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﻭﭼﻪﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻣﻼﻁ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻓﻌﻠﻲﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﻧﺸﺎﻥﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺩﻻﻳﻠﺶﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢﻭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﻢﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦﻧﺴﻞﺗﻤﺎﻡﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶﺭﺍﺯﻣﻴﻦﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﭘﺎﻱﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺎﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴــﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪145‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﺻﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼــﻪ ﻛ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺫﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻔﺖﻭﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ« ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ 26 ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻤــﻮﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺗﻠﺨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻳﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻮ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺠــﺮ ‪ 8‬ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻱ ‪ ،5‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 66‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪146‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ؛ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺫﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱﺟﻨﮓﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﻳﻦﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﺑﺎﺷﺐﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپﻭﺗﻔﻨﮓﺷﺮﻭﻉﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ»ﻧﻪﺁﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺧﺎﻛﻲ«ﺣﺎﻝﻭﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺫﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻧﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ« ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺟﺎﻟﺐﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺫﻧﻲﺳﻌﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ!« ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱﻛﻪﻳﻚﺟﻤﻠﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ؛ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺑﺎﺍﻳﻬﺎﻡﻭﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﻇﻬﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏﺷﺪﻳﺪﻣﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺸﻨﻪﺍﻡﻭﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲﻭﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻎ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫»ﻧﻪﺁﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺧﺎﻛﻲ«ﺍﺯﺯﺑﺎﻥﺩﺍﻧﺎﻱﻛﻞﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻧﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻱ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﻭﺍﺟﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻭﺟﻮﺭﻭﺍﺟﻮﺭﻳﻚﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲﻭﺩﻭﺭﻱﺍﺯﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﻱﺩﻳﻦﺑﻪﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻭﻱﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱﺳﺨﺖﻭﻧﺎﺏﺟﻨﮓﺷﺮﻳﻚﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻭﺭﺍﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻱﻛﻞﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﭘﺪﺭﻭﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱﭘﻴﺮﺑﺎﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻧﻤﺎﺯﺷﺐﻭﮔﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝﺧﻮﺩﺵﻫﻢﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲﺍﺯﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪﻭﻟﻲﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﻫﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺩﺭﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﻲﻛﺸﻢﻭﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻭﺡ‪» «.‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ« ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ« ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺫﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲﺍﻧﺪﻭﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺑﺎﻗﺼﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬