ماهنامه مثلث شماره 9

‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫ‬ ‫ﺰﻫ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫ‬ ‫ﭼﻴ‬ ‫ﺴﺮﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺮﺕﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥﻭﺝﻭﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ««‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ 12 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱﻭﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭىﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬ ‫دﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ دﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫§€‪|¿{Y{ Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪É|¿€» Z “€ Ì‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻰﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬ﯾﺰﺩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى وﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻪﻥى‬ ‫ﺍﺳ ﯿﻮو‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩىﻓﺪﻣﺭﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧوﺍﻗ ﻊﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﻤ ﺘﺮﯾﻦﺁﻥ ﻧﺎ ﮐﺎﻣﻰ ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙ ﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ ﺑ ﺎﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎى ﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﺭوﺑﻪﺭ و‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﺷﻰ‬ ‫وﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮﻥوى‬ ‫ﺎﺩى ﺍﺭﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎىﻓﺪ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى ﺯ ﯾ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﯾﻦ ﻥ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ ﺩ ﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙ ﯿﮏ ﺑﻮﺩﺩﮐﻪﺭﺍ ﻧﺘوﺍﻗﻊﭘﯿﺮ ﺭو‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ ﺭ و ﺷﺪﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﻤ ﺁ‬ ‫ﮐﺸ ﺘﻰﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟ ﺶ ﻫﺎى ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ ﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺵﻫﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﺭ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﺮﺍﻥﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﻫﺎﺪ ﺑ ﺗﻭ‬ 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‫‪Zm€e‬‬ ‫‪Y|ŒÅ‬‬ ‫‪à ZÀ‬‬ ‫]€¯‪Z f‬‬ ‫‪e‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d ·Á{ { Êf Ë €Ë|» |mË |Ĭ ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺗﻭﺤﻐﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻞﻫﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻﻌﻪﻔﺎﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﻱﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺸ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﺮﺍ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺗﻐ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫ ﺮﻞﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﻫﺸ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪﺟ ﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺩ ﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺩ ﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻦﻭﺤ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻐﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﻩﺪﺍﺭﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ ﻧ ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺮﺍ ﺭﻣ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﻭﺤ‬ ‫ﻐﻴ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍ ﻱ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻞﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣ ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺪﺍ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻛ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺸ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘ ﻲﺩ ﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩ ﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﺮﺍ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻭﺗﺤ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻣﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻌﻪﻔﺎﺭﻫ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻﺗ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﺪﺍﻱﺭﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻫﺸ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺩ ﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À ¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪Z]h¸j» Ä ËÁ ÉZųÁ d¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﻱﺍ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺣ ﺪ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑﻮﺍ ﻘﻟﺍ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺧ ﺭﻮ ﺷﻴ ﺪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻣ ﻬ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺨ ﺑﺎﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ ﺩﮔﺎ ﻣﻩ ﻬﺘ ﺎﻤ ﻥﭘ ﺲﺍﺯ ﻧﺍ ﺘ‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪Z] h¸j» ÄËÁÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘ ﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮ ﺭﺷ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯ‬ ‫ﺧ ﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺎ ﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲ ﺍ ﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍ ﻧﺍﺯ ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮ ﺭﺷ ﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳ ﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪É{Z]M ʸŸ Z]µZ‡ 4‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Z] h¸j» ÄËÁ ÉZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪©Zv‡YµM ÊÌvË  Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»LÔ‬‬ ‫{‪€³{Ó§ Z“|̼u ɀ^À« ‰ÂËY‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm …Z^Ÿ  ¹Ô¯Z^ˁ ©{Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Á»ɀ´ˆŸ ÊÀ̈u {Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫§€‪½ZˁÂeZ¯ Z“|̼u |¿ÂÀˆu ½Á|Ë‬‬ ‫‪©{Z É|Æ»  Ê¿Z¼u º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫»‪Âb‡Z^Ÿ ʸŸ  ɸÅ{ ¾Ìˆu Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪ɀ̐¿ ×Y| ‡  ʻԇY ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪ÊËY€Ì» Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ ×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë Z“ - Ê¿Z¼u Ê‬‬ ‫‪·|Ì ‡Ê¸Ÿ -Ã{YÊÌv˵Ôm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZˀƋ ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a Ä»Z¿ ®Ë-d»|y d·Á{ ZeZ¯ d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪½Z”» { Z¼Ì‡ - Z°Ë€»M Á ½Y€ËY Ę]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪‰Á |Ë|m †ÌW - ÄÀÌ]Z¯ { ½Z‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪Âa€Ì¿|¼v»- ¹|¬»Ê»Y€³ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¿€‪ÉZzf§YÄ·Ó - Ê]Y€e ×Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪¹ZÆ·Y¾Ìˆv»Ô£-[Ânv»Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr»Y{Z] ×Y|‡Y ,½ZˁÂeZ¯ |̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë |¼v» ,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ , ʨn¿ ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§ µ{Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ÊÀ»Â» {Z‹€§ -Ê·Y ʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y |̌¼m -‰Á€§ ½Z¼Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪{Y„¿€^¯Y°‹-ʋ»ZyʬÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫†‪:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺋﺎ‬ ‫ﻗ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫†‪ZW:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫†‪ZW:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪: h¸j» ÄËÁÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫{‪Å Å‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫{‪{ d·Á‬‬ ‫^‪d·Á { µZ‬‬ ‫{«« ^‪µZ‬‬ ‫´€‪ { ½ZËY ËY‬‬ ‫‪´€ ·Â·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪Y Á Ze ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY M‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻦﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻢﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﺍﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺘﺮﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺩﻛ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩ ﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺩﻛ‬ ‫·‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮدﺍد‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Z§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Z§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺑﺎﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺧﻪﻮﺏ‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐﺍﻧﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓﺭﺍﺋﻮﻓ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻲ ﻟﺍﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻳﺍﺑﻮﺍ ﻟﻘﺎﺍﺑﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻦد‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻪﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺑ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻱﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻼغ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫ ﺑﺍﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻞ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻱﻬ‬ ‫ﻱﺍزﻣد‬ ‫ﻴﺮ مﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﻞﻫﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲمﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍد‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍضﮋ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑ ‪:‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻲ‬ ‫اﯾﺖﺍﻋ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﯾﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺗﺮ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣ‬ ‫‡‪ÊÀ°‬‬ ‫‪cÂ‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫€‪Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫‡‪°‡ , §Y²‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫{§‪z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZZ€Å‬‬ ‫‡‬ ‫‪°ËeZX‬‬ ‫‪XeZ €»M‬‬ ‫€{‪e½Y‬‬ ‫]‪½ Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪€³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪³ Z¯v‬‬ ‫]‪¯Z‬‬ ‫‪Z ]³Á‬‬ ‫‪ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﺼ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﻱﭙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺭﺍﻗﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺭﺯﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺯﭘﺩﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺯﺍﭘﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺑﻴﺯﺍ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﻭﺩﻭﺭﺯﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺮﺍﺎﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﻗ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲﺮﺍﻱﺭﮔ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲﻩﻗﺍ‬ ‫ﺸ ﻭﻧﺖﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺑﺮﭘ‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻮﺏﺑﺎﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ ﺧ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﻣﺜ ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﺎﻣﻪ ﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺘﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﺏﺑ ﺑﺎﺎﻫﻔ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻪ ﻮﺏﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧ‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥﺩ ﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮ‬ ‫ﻂﻭ ﺍﻳﺯﻳ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﺎﻧﺘ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗﻮﺘ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺨ ﺍﺗﺎﺎﭘ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﻦ؛‬ ‫ﻴﻦ؛ﺍﻧﺘﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗ‬ ‫ﻲﻛﺎﭘ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻴﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻧﻪﺎﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﺼﺘﻣﭙﺮﻟﻮﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳ ﭙﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺎ‬ ‫ﻱﺭﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺯﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﺍﺩﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺨﻴ ﺍ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻑﻭﻬﺩﺍﺗ‬ ‫ﺷﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﺭ‬ ‫ﻒﺍ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺳﻳﻴﻭﺩﻩﻛﺮ ﺯﺍﺩﺯ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍ‪4‬ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺪﻳﺑﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺟﺩ‬ ‫ﺪﺩﻩﺍﻗﻜﺮﺟﮔﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻤﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﭘﺮﻧﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺖﺮﭘﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﭘﺑﺮﺮﺭﺭﺳ ﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪MOSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧ‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫Ÿ €‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä ÀÌ]q]Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫€‪±‬‬ ‫¿¼‪»Ê‬‬ ‫¸¼‪Z½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪eĬÌ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫{« ‪Y‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪ˆ»¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪µZ^-¥Â‬‬ ‫{‪«Ä‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫‪¯ÊËZm‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫]€‡‪·ÂaÂËYe ž“» Ê‬‬ ‫¿‪{€]e[Â^ v» ÊËY{ ºÌe: ¹ Z¿Â °‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j‬‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS .I R‬‬ ‫‪h¸j » Ä »Z¿f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Ä Z] [Ây Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖﮋﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﻋﻣﺩﻧ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻲﺳ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺑﺎﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻱﺍﻣﻨﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺯ‬ ‫ﻱﻟﺎﺍﻣﮔ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﺎﻟﻃﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺍﻃ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻱﻭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻱﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﭘﺮﺍﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﺭﺮ‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻈﺎﺭﭘ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺍ ﻧﻣﺘﺑﻞﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻲﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﻮ‬ ‫ﻌﻘﻲﻬ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﻲﻳ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔﻲﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔﻲﻋﻠﻓﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻣﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻣﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻭ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻻ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎ ﻛ‬ ‫ﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤ ﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺧﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻦﻤ‬ ‫ﺣﺰ‬ ‫ﻢﺍ ﺩﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰ‪،‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺤ ﻳ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﻜﺭﻟ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻟﺍﺿ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺪﺑ‬ ‫ﺴﻦﻤﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ ﻣﺮ ﺤ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﺘ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬ﻛﺭ ﻣﻧ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﺎﻴ ﺴ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻛﺘ ﺒ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻛﺩﺘﺮﺘﺮ ﻠﺩﻋ ﺩﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺿ‪:‬ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺝﺭ ‪Y‬ﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺍ‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬ﻭﺮﺘ‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺴﺣﮕﺎﺮ¿‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻝﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﻨ‬ ‫‪Ây‬‬ ‫ﷲﻴﺮﻮﻋ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪Å‬ﻣﺭﺍﷲﻕ‪،،‬ﺪﺍﻕ ‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﺍﺳﺤ‬ ‫‪Z‬ﺳﻴﻮﻓﺍ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢﺁﻝﺁﻝﻢ»‪f‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ ÃZ‬ﺍﺋﺭ‬ ‫‪ó‬‬ ‫ﻴﻲﺎﺳ¨‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Z]Z‬‬ ‫¼ﺍﺑﻮﺤﻟﻘﺍ‬ ‫‪ ‹ ¾ËY‬ﻳﺑﻮﺍ‬ ‫{ ‪¾Ë Y‬‬ ‫‪Z]³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊÀ°‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪fˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫‡‪Ë|·Y€ §Y,²‬‬ ‫{§‪z‬‬ 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d‬‬ ‫]‪W€ »MÁ{ÄÀÌ‬‬ ‫¯‪ÁZ Z‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫¯‪e Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪Y€ËY ½Z‬‬ ‫·‪Äd‬‬ ‫]˜{‪Á‬‬ ‫¿‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅ ÉZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ ¸‪ʋ » Zy¬ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿‪{ Y„ €Z‬‬ ‫Œ‪¿ ^|Ì‬‬ ‫‹‪Y¯Y °‬‬ ‫‪¼m ‰Á €§½Z¼ Ìa‬‬ ‫‪S.IR‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ ´f‹‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫{]‪Y{Z]® Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪® Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫]‪:: Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z] h¸j‬‬ ‫‪h¸j »Ã„ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪à „ËÁ ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ųÁ d‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫{‪º Å{d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫«^‪d·Á{µZ^« µZ‬‬ ‫·´€‪{½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYM ÁZ e ŠËY M‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫§‪ÊÀ Ë|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪c°‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫‡‪°‡‡ ,²‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‡{ ‪§Y‬‬ ‫§€‪€{ ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫€‪Ze °Ë‬‬ ‫‪eX ½Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z]»MY{½Y€v‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Â{€³‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫‪³€ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ ¯ZZ¯Z] ] ³Á‬‬ ‫‪³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫§ ‪É‬‬ ‫‪É|À‬‬ ‫‪tÌ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫§‬ ‫‡¼‪ ¶ÌŸZ‬‬ ‫{‪]À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‡¼ {Ÿ‪ËZ Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫‪YY {Â‬‬ ‫{‪{Z ]]³Á»³‬‬ ‫‪ Á{d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ÊÀ°‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪fˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫€‪Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫‪, §Y²‬‬ ‫§‪,z‬‬ ‫‪{‡²‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫€‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪€eZX‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë‬‬ ‫‪‡§€»M‬‬ ‫‪Ze]€eZ½Y‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Xe€v‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪Z]³Á ¯d¨³ Z] ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫^‪{€] [Â‬‬ ‫¿‪e v » ÊËY{ ºÌe: ¹Z¿Â °‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê ¿Y{‚Ë Z“  Ê ¿Z¼ u Ê‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‹‪ · ZË|Ì €Æ‬‬ ‫‪‡ Ê ¸ À̈u‬‬ ‫‪¸Ÿ Ã{Y Ê Ìv ËµÔ m‬‬ ‫‪Z^y‬‬ ‫€‪¹ÉÂa‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Z À»Â‬‬ ‫·‪Æ‬‬ ‫‪ZZÌÆ‬‬ ‫¿‪Ì‬‬ ‫¾‪ZY §Y‬‬ ‫‪{ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪zf‬‬ ‫“‬ ‫¼|‪»·Z‬‬ ‫|·‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪̈v»Ô£‬‬ ‫§€‹‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪¼Óv‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÊ‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫·‪Ê‬‬ ‫[‬ ‫“‪ËZ‬‬ ‫‪Y|¼f ‬‬ ‫|‪¹‬‬ ‫€‪Y€É‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫ׁ‪eYÂ‬‬ ‫»¬‬ ‫‹‪ʯZ‬‬ ‫»‪YÊ‬‬ ‫»‪nv‬‬ ‫‪€¸ ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‹€‪Ë‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‬ ‫€“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Y€³‬‬ ‫‪‡Z‬‬ ‫‪¿ ^fn‬‬ ‫‪|¼¶Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ì‬‬ ‫»‪Ÿv‬‬ ‫‪»Z ¼ ‡Y‬‬ ‫‪.{¿½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫ˆ‪d‬‬ ‫‪½Â˂Ë‬‬ ‫¿^‪{Â‬‬ ‫‡‪ˁ¹Â‬‬ ‫»‪–Ìv‬‬ ‫‪¸eÁ{Â]MOSALA‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ÂZfˆ]Ze‬‬ ‫‪eY½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪€ ¾aYÌe‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫€‪- ‡ÂaË‬‬ ‫‪ZµZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪€¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡¯‪Ê‬‬ ‫]€ ‡‬ ‫‪h¸j» ÄZ¿ »Ä f¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA R.SI‬‬ ‫‪h¸j‬‬ ‫¨‪» Ä »f‬‬ ‫‪Z ¿ ÄZ]Å [ Ây Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿ Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS.IR‬‬ ‫‪h ¸j» Ä »Z¿Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[ y Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫‪h ĸj»»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Z] [ y Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸ve Á~̨Àe Y | ]ºÅ{ÄÀ Ì]Z ¯ ½Â»Y€ ÌaÊ¿Ä¿Z ¼³‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺮدﺍد ‪100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩدﻭ م ‪ /‬ﻣ‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪: h¸j» ÄËÁ ÉZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭ ﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻳﺰﻦﺩ‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮ ﻟﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺭﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻢﺍﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻟﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻼﻧﺍﺭ‪،‬ﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛ‬ ‫ﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻛ ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻻﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻨﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲﺍﷲﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍ ﻳﺑﺎﺍﺑﻮ ﻟﺍﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻧﺪﻦﺍﺭ د‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪمﺬ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥﻭﻋﮔ‬ ‫ﺸﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻣﺑ ﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ 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‫‪½YËZm‬‬ ‫]€ ‡‪e €ËY ž“»Ê‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺱﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻗﺎ ﺎﺋ‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. 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‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ‪:‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﻜ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﺯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻩ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﻛ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺭ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩ ﺟ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪MO SALAS .ir‬‬ ‫{‪É Ì |À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪t‬‬ ‫‪tÌ‬‬ ‫‬ ‫Ÿ‪|§ §¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪]À ZË ŸZ{Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫¿‪¼¦n‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫‡‬ ‫‪Y {Â‬‬ ‫‪Z 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‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻲﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ{ ÄÀÌ]Z¯ ½Â»Y€Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍﻭ ﻝ‪18/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺤ ﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮد ﺍد‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔ‪/‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸¸ve‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‬‬ ‫‪ve Á ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫]‪| ] ºYÅ{| ‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ Ì]Z¯º½Â‬‬ ‫¿‪Å{»YÄÀ€ÌÌ]ZaÊ‬‬ ‫‪¯ Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y €Ìa‬‬ ‫‪É|À]ZË{ ¦n¿ Z] ³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫{ »‪t̐§ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y {Â‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫‪:Z]h¸j» ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺎﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﺳﻢﺿ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺣ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺴ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲﺣ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫دﻟﻴ ﺭﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ‪:‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬ‬ ‫ﺋﻴﺲﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﮑﻞ ﺷ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍدﺭ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍضﺗﺸﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺑﺍﻋاﯾﺖ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ{d·Á‬‬ ‫{«^‪d· Á{µZ‬‬ ‫‪µZ^«½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪{€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe ŠË YMÁZe‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭد‬ ‫دﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻴﺖم ﻧ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻗﻪﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑ ﺣ‬ ‫ﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﻱﺒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺼﺪﻱﻭ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺑ ﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ‪:‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﺍزﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﺸﮑﻞ ﺟ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍدﺷﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺍضﻣ ‪:‬ﮑ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫اﯾﺖ ‪:‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺑﺍﻋﺘﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫»€‪±‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪] Ze‬‬ ‫‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪,Ä‬‬ ‫‪{ 16‬‬ ‫¯‪ÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪µZ^-¥Â‬‬ ‫{‪«Ä‬‬ ‫‪š§Z‬‬ ‫‪¯ÊËZ‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪·ÂuY|y‬‬ ‫]€‡‪aÂËYme ž“ » Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪4Äv‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪100 /1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ÊÀË|·Y€z§ {Zŀ§ Z] ³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪c°‡ ,²‡ €eZXe ½Y{€³Z¯ Z] ³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫]‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y { Z°Ë€»M ½Y€v‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫{‪º Å { d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫«^‪d·Á { µZ‬‬ ‫{ «^ ‪Z‬‬ ‫‪µ‬‬ ‫‪ {½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪½ Z ËY€ ´ ·Â YÁZe‬‬ ‫‪à Z eŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪Š ËY M‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]Ó Ä] †¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫¨‪ Äv‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫ ‡‪É{Z]MʸŸ Z ] µZ‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪É{Z]M ʸŸZ] µZ‡ 4‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫‪Ê¿ Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸veÁ ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Á ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫{‪Y | ] ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Y | ‬‬ ‫{‪ÄÀÌ]Z¯ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪½Â» Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪µZ‡ ½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä·Z ‡4 µY|m‬‬ ‫¿„‪- {Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫»€‪€] ÉÁ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ :ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» €Ì̤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë €]Y€] { 1‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» ÊËZ¼À³‚] d·Á{ ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪ÉY€] Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫»‪:ʼ‹ZÅ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM €œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪17 À¼¿ ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪:É|¿ÂyM …Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â» Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪É{Z]MʸŸ Z]µZ‡ 4‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] h¸j» ÄËÁ ÉZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪1000‬‬ ‫‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗ‬ ‫‪18‬ﺮدﺍ د‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﻫ ﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫]‪ºmYZ‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm ½Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á YZ‬‬ ‫]‪Á YZ‬‬ ‫»‪] Ę]Y ½Â‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪Y€ÌaÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿ Á€a ÉY‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³ Äq Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Äq Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ]{À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫¿¼‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫‪{ Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫»‪½Â‬‬ ‫‪À›½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫»‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪ZÅ Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z] ɁZ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫‬‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ{ ÄÀÌ]Z¯ ½Â»Y€ÌaÊ¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d·Á{ µZ^« { ½ZËY€´·ÂY ÁZe ŠËYM‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ‪:‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﻜ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﻜ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫…«‪Z‬‬ ‫‪W‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪§/É‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮدﺍد‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫{‪¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ‬‬ ‫¯‪ºÅ{ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀÌ]Z¯½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍ ﺯ ﺍﻧﺘ ﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭیﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺱﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻗﺎ ﺎﺋ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍو ﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥﻣﻰ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ و‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺎىﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎىوﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪوﺳ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫وﺳﺎىو ﺍﻟ‪20‬‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦﺯ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻖ ‪.‬ﺍو‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻡ ﺩ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰﺗ ﺍﺯﻣ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝﺍﻧﻰو‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺰوﻣﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﺑﻪو ﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺰﺩﺩﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﯾ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ؛‪1 7‬‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﯾﺰﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮﻥوىﻫﺎى ‪.‬وﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻣﺘ ﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى ﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺩﺭوﺍ ﻗﻊﭘﯿﺮﺭو‬ ‫ﮐ ﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎى ﺯﯾﺎﺩىﺭوﺑﻪ ﺭو ﺷﺪﮐﻪ ﻣ ﻬﻤ ﺘ ﺮﯾﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎ ﮐﺎﻣﻰﺩﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ ﺑﻮﺩﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷ ﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺍو‬ ‫ﻤﺮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻫﯿﺩﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥ و ﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻰ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ ﺯﻓﺪ‬ ‫وﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺭوﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫‪2‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻝﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﺒﺎﯿﻮ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿ‪0‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎىوﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﻦﺭو‬ ‫وﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻰ‪.‬وﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺸﺘ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﻣ ﮐ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻪ ﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺖﮐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ و‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻰﻞ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻟ وﯿ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﻦﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿ ﯿ‬ ‫ﺰووﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬ﺟ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻰﻓﺪ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺍﻧﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ﺭ وﺯ ﻣ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰوﺭﺩﺍﺷ ﺩﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺼﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺗﻣﺴ‬ ‫ﯿﭽﮕﺎ ‪.‬ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻥﻫﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻥوﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫وﺭﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺷﺪﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺭو‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎى وﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺎﻧﯽو ﻓ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦﻣﺭو ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺩو‪.‬و ﺍﺭ ﻥﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ ﺍ ﺯﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻪو‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻧﻰو‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦﯾ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰووﺍﻟﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ﯿﻡﺩﻮ‪ ،‬ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮ‬ ‫ﻥﺪﺭﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺭﻓ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻝﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‪17‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭوﻣﺯى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰوﺩﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺮﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴ‬ ‫ﯿﭽﮕﺎ ‪.‬ﺭﻩ ﺍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻫﺩﺍﻧﺣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫وﺭ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻰﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦﺭﺯﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎىوﺳﺎﻓ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮ ﺭو‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎى وﺍﻟ‪20‬‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ ﺭو‬ ‫وﺭﺍ ﺍﻥو‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰﺍﺯ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻝﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻪوﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰو‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﻥوﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ و‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥﻓﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻥﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯى ﺪ‪17‬‬ ‫ﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺭوﺍﺳﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى ‪.‬وﺭﯾﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮ ﻥوى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍ ﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎى ﻣﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍ وﺍﻗ ﻊﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ ﻥ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰﺩ ﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙ ﯿﮏ ﺑﻮﺩﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁ‬ ‫ﮐﺸ ﺘﻰﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎىﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﺭ وﺑﻪﺭ و ﺷ ﺪﮐﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪tÌ‬‬ ‫§‬ ‫‪§À|À ¶Ì‬‬ ‫{‪Ë]Z]ZË Ÿ{Ì‬‬ ‫¶‬ ‫‡¼‪ŸZ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z¼¦n‬‬ ‫‪¦n‬‬ ‫»‪‡ Y{¿Y ÂZ]Â‬‬ ‫‪] »Â³Á‬‬ ‫{ ‪³‬‬ ‫‪{Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫{‪º Å{d·d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫^‪Á{µZ ^« µZ‬‬ ‫‪{½ZËY€´·Â‬‬ ‫‪« { ½Z‬‬ ‫€‪YËY‬‬ ‫‪ÁZ´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪eŠËYM ÁZ e ŠËY M‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫ﻦ ﺍﺭ د‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘ ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫دﻭمﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥﻭﻋ‬ ‫ﺸﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗ ﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻱﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغﻪﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻞﺗﺑ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢﺭ‬ ‫دﻟﻴﻬﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤ‪:‬ﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺍزﻣ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺍ مﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺰ‬ ‫ﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻫ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍض ﺑﮋﺍ ‪:‬ﻪدﺗ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧ‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺍﺍﻋﻮﺗﺮﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪Z]³Á d¨ ³‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊÀ Ë|·Y€,²‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫{§‪§Yz‬‬ ‫‡‪, Z€²‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫€‪°Ë‬‬ ‫‪eZX e»M‬‬ ‫‪€eZ‬‬ ‫€‪Z ]½Y‬‬ ‫€{‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪ÂXe³Á³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫{‪v]½Y‬‬ ‫‪¯Â³Á‬‬ ‫‪Z ] €³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫¯‬ ‫¯‪Ä ÀÌq]Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫€‪±‬‬ ‫‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪»Ê‬‬ ‫¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪] Ze‬‬ ‫‡‪¹ Ô‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸‬ ‫¯‪, ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫·‪µZ^- ¥Â‬‬ ‫¯‪«Ä‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫]€ ‡‪m ËY ž“»Ê‬‬ ‫‡‪ZÅÄ//ËZ‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z] ɁZ‬‬ ‫¿‪{ ] €e[Â^ v»ÊËY{ ºÌe: ¹ Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪É|À]Z‬‬ ‫‪É|À‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫{‪]ZË‬‬ ‫{‪Ë‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‡¼‪ŸZ‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫‡¼‪ŸZ‬‬ ‫»‪Y{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪Z]Y ¦n‬‬ ‫‪ ³Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z] ³Á{ d¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪Ê Z¿ nÀ ˆ§ Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪4µY|m‬‬ ‫¿„‪-{Y‬‬ ‫|‪€] É‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫‪¼uY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸veÁ ~̨ÀeY| ] ºÅ{ÄÀ Ì]Z ¯½Â »Y€Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‡€‪à {YÉ|u‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‪º ‡Z¬·Y Â]Y ,É|Ì ‹ Ây‬‬ ‫‪É|Æ» Á | ¼uY‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf Y¿ †a‬‬ ‫{‪ Y ½ Z¼Æf» à Z³{Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ{ ÄÀÌ]Z¯ ½Â»Y€Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ{ ÄÀÌ]Z¯ ½Â»Y€Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺎﻱﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗ ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ˆ‪Ä¿Zzf¥Â‬‬ ‫{Ÿ |‪·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¸Ì‬‬ ‫‪Âm{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ| ‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÊÉZ¸Ÿ «M‬‬ ‫§‪ºª‬‬ ‫‹|‪: Ë‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪Z¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫Ÿ ^‪]¾ËY…Z‬‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê ¸Ÿ«M‬‬ ‫ﺪﻱ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑ ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﺱ‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫§‪ª‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫‹|‪: Ë‬‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪¿ÂyZM¾ËY‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫Ÿ ^‪] Z‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€]¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪Ê ^mº¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪½Z‹ {Ây‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ n¼z¨ nj ¹ÿ±U xp¼¶A wn ½k{ kÃGDU ´TvÃw I¿¹U ½n»j ·IÄIQ nj nHj k¨ wn ¥nk¶ ¾GHnH IM 021-22904000(ôi 30) ,0912-1207566/0912-2118930:tIŒU 0:tIŒU ¸ÿ±U 021- 22901391/0935-2894060 n¼z¨ owHow oLT÷¶ ÁIÀI«{»oÎ pH x»oΠ¬k¹ÄIŒº xoÄmQ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻴﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ 300 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ 8 ..............................................‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ‪10 ............................‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪12 ..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪15 ...........‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪18 .........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪21 ...................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﺑﺰﺭگ ‪50 ..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ‪52 ...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ‪53 .....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺷــﺒﺎﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ‪65 ............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ‪66 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪68 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪70 ..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﻧﺪ ‪71 ...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ؟ ‪72 ......................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ‪54 ...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪ 56 ............................................................‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ‪57 ......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ‪58 .........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ‪74 .................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪76 .......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ‪77 .............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ‪78 ........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ‪36 ............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 3‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪38 ..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ‪40 .............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪42 .......................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ‪80 ....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪82 ........................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ 30 44 ..........................................................................‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ‪ 46 ..................................................................................‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪60 ......................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪ 47 ..............................................................‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ‪62 ....................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ‪ 48 ..................................‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪64 ....................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬،‫ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬،‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬:‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬،‫ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬:‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ :‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬- ‫ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬- ‫ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬- ‫ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ‬:‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬- ‫ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ‬- ‫ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬-‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬- ‫ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬- ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬-‫ ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬- ‫ ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬- ‫ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻱ‬-‫ ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬-‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬- ‫ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‬- ‫ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ‬-‫ ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬- ‫ ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬- ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ :‫ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬-‫ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬:‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬-‫ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬:‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬:‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬:‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬:‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬-‫ ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬: ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬:‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬- ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‬- ‫ ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ‬- ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬:‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺯﻋﻤ ﻱ ﺼ ﺤﺖﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺣ ﻮﻥﺳ ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺶ ﺯﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺶ ﺷ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻥ ﻡﺧﻤ ﻲ ﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻤﻌﻲﺩ ﮕﺮ ﺯﺭﻭﺣ ﻮﻥﻫﻮ ﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯ ﻢ ﻪ ﻬﺮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺪ ﻋ ﻱﺳ ﺳﺖ ﺮ ﻱﺩ ﺖ ﻭ ﺰ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬:‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬:‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻭﺭ ﺳﺖ ﺮ ﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺳﺖ ﺟ ﻥ ﺳﻲﺷ ﺪ ﻦﺷﻤ ﭼﭗ ﺳﺖ‬ 11 ‫ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬،121 ‫ ﭘﻼﻙ‬،‫ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‬،‫ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬،‫ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‬،‫ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬: ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ 88140565 :‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ :‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﯽ‬ ««‫ﺩوﻟﺖ »ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ وﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ و ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮐﻞ 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¹€y Z“|¼v » :Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z] ZÌ¿ \nfÀ» µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ µÂ‡, ×Y|½Z̧ÂW ×Y|‡Y ‡Y º‡Z¬·Y º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y Â]Y ÉYÃY ÊÀˆv» ÉZÀ¯€] ºÅ{ d·Á{ { ÊfˀË|» |Ë|m Ĭ¸u É|À]ZË{¦n¿ Z] ³Ád¨³ É|À]ZË{ t̐§ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y{» { h¸j» ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ \ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ´¿ 88Äv¨ 8 Äv¨ :Z] h¸j» ÄËÁ ÉZųÁ ÉZųÁd¨³ à {YÉ|u€‡ º‡Z¬· YÂ]Y ,É|̋ Ây É|Æ» |¼uY É{ÁÁY{ É{ÁÁY{ ¹€ ¹€y y |¼uY ¾ˆv·YÂ] ¾ˆv·YÂ]Y ,ºÌ°u ,ºÌ°uY¾ˆv» ,ɀf¿Ô¯ ,ɀf¿Ô¯ ¾ˆv» ,Âb‡Z^Ÿ ,Âb‡Z^ ʈ̟ ʈ̟Ÿ€f¯{ €f ʸŸ ʸŸ ¯{€f¯{ €f¯{ -Y ÊËZŒ» ½Y€v] Ê»Z£€“ {€°ËÁ €Ì̤e É|¿€ÅZ¨ÉZ¨ f‡Y {Y„¿É|¼uY Ä] ¾Ì‡|ÀÆ» ʻԇY Ä »Zm Y|ŒÅ ÊÀË|·Y€z§ {Zŀ§Z] ³Ád¨³ c°‡ ,²‡ €eZXe½Y{€³Z¯ Z] ³Ád¨³ ½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y {Z°Ë€»M ½Y€v] MOSALAS.IR :‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬1000 /‫ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬100 /1388‫ ﻣﺮداد‬18 / ‫ﺷﻤﺎره اول‬/ ‫ ﺳﺎل اول‬/‫ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯽ‬،‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮی‬ ¦Ì ¸ve ~̨Àe Y| ] ºÅ{ÄÀÌ]Z¯ ½Â»Y€ÌaÊ¿Ä¿Z¼³ 12 Ĭ¸u ºÅ{ d·Á{ µZ^«{ ½ZËY€´·ÂYÁZe ÁZeŠËYM |Ë|m€Ÿ dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j» ISSN: 2008-5281 MOSALAS.IR dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j» ISSN: 2008-5281 MOSALAS.IR ‫ﺟﺪ ﺪﻯ‬ «‫ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮو‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮرﺳﯽ روﻧﺪ رای اﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬ ‫در ﮔﻔﺖ و ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ دﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﯽ‬ ÉZÅÃ|ŸÁ |¿{Y{ Ã|À^ˀ§ :Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³ ɀ̴¿ZÆm ©Zv‡Y ¾Ì¼¿Ê¼Ì¸‡ …Z^Ÿ ɀi¯ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y - ɀf¿Ô¯ ʈ̟ ɁÁ€Æ] ºË€» - Ê«€e Z“|̼u ʼ̸‡ ¾Ìˆu - ÁZŒ¯ ¾¼Æ] É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ ×Y|‡Y Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»ÔŸ Ê¿Y{‚Ë Z“ - Ê¿Z¼u ʸŸ ·|Ì ‡ ʸŸ- Ã{YÊÌvË µÔm ÉZˀƋ ʸ À̈u :YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z] É|¿€»Z“€Ì¸Ÿ-ÉY|¼f Ë€‹ |¼v» Z^y Z“|¼v» - ɀ¯Z‹ Ê^fn» ½ZÌÆ·Y ÀŁ - ÊËZ“ Z“|¼v» Âa€Ì¿ |¼v» - ¹|¬»Ê»Y€³ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y ÉZzf§Y Ä·Ó - Ê]Y€e ×Y€¿ ¹ZÆ·Y¾Ìˆv»Ô£ -[Ânv»Z“€Ì¸Ÿ ÊÀ»Â» {Z‹€§ -Ê·Y ʸ ‡Z^Ÿ ÉZ¿Y |̌¼m -‰Á€§ ½Z¼Ìa ʋ»ZyʬÀ̸Ÿ {Y„¿€^¯Y°‹ -ʋ»Zy ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ :Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³ ¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ{ ÄÀÌ]Z¯ ½Â»Y€Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³ ‫ﻈﻢ ﻱ ﺸ ﻢﺷ‬ ‫ﺴﻲ ﻤ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻮ ﺖ ﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻘﻼﺏ ﺮﻫ ﮕﻲﻫﻢﻫﻤﻪﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺸﺮ ﺖ ﮕﻮﻱ ﻮ ﻲﻭ ﺳﻼ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺮ ﻱ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠ ﻪ ﻛ ﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜ ﺚ«ﺭ ﻪﺷﻤ ﺭﻩ‬ 30008312 ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬SMS ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻉﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛ ﻥﻣﺠ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺬﺷ ﺴ ﻱ ﺴ ﻻﻥ ﺵ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻱ ﺦ ﺪ ﺱ ﺻﺤ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑﺷﺪﻥ ﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻐ ﺮ ﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳ ﺯﻣ ﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ‬ 8 2 3 4 ‫ﺳ ﺪ ﺲﺟﺪ ﺪﺳ ﻥ ﺖ ﺪ ﻲ ﻝ ﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻢﺟﺪ ﺪﺳ ﺪ ﻮﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻤﻲﺩ ﻢﻋ ﻲ ﺩﻱﺩﺭﻛﻤ ﻪ ﻲ ﻤ ﻚ ﻲ ﺪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻫ ﮓ ﺳ ﻔ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺪ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫ ﺪ ﺮ ﺖﻛ ﺪ ﻬ ﺮ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺪ ﺭﺩ ﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ 12 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 17 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ /‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺒــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﻠﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛــﺮﺩ )‪ 1300‬ﺵ(‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1300‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 1301‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺷﻬﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺣﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ« ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻼء ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1305‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ )ﺱ( ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧــﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳــﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫)ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1306‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ(‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻳﻦﻓﻲﺍﻻﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺣﺞ ﺁﻗﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ )ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭﻗﺖ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ‪ 9‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈــﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬــﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1314‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﺵ )ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ( ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺣﺎﺝﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨــﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﺴــﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ -‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋــﺮﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺼﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﻤﻜﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻼ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺼﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺪﺍﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ‪ -‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1348‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻤــﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻏﺎﻟــﺐ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ‪ 16‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪1367‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺪﺍﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻳﻚﺭﺑــﻊ ﻗــﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ »ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1323‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ«‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗــﻊ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ )‪ 1329‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ*‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ‪ -‬ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ -‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕــﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ‪ -‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ( ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )‪ 1327‬ﻕ( ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ )‪ 1329‬ﻕ( ﻭ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ )‪ 1333‬ﻕ‪ 1914 /‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ )ﻋﺮﺍﻕ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫)‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ( ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1299‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫)ﺭﺿﺎ( ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﮕﺎﺩ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ‪ -‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜــﺮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ )‪ 1299-1304‬ﺵ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ )‪1320‬ﺵ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1306‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻰﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1306‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 90‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ -1:‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ؛‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ؛ ‪ -3‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻋﻴﻪ؛ ‪ -4‬ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺮﻉ؛ ‪ -5‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ؛ ‪ -6‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﻀﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ]ﻣﻜــﻰ ‪ 1374‬ﺝ ‪ .[434:4‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻗﻢ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖﻛﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 26‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ(‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1314‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 17 .‬ﺩﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1314‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺟﺸﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1314‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊﺫﺍﻟﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻼﺗﻰ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ]ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶ ‪ . [1378 :502‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻔﻆ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ) ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ (1316‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )‪1280‬ﺵ( ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ )‪ 1320‬ﺵ(‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠــﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻔﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺟــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﻤﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ )ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ )ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ( ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺛﻘﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳــﺶ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴــﺘﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫» ﺍﻥﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻃﻴﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ‪15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻧــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫*ﻣﺪﻳـﺮ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳـﺦ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﻮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻـﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺳـﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪،1357‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗـﻊ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟـﻲ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫــﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‪« .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 18 ،17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻮﺱ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻮﺱ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺏ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴـﻢ ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﻮﺳـﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳـﺎﻡ ﻛﺠـﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺼــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ« ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳــﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﺑﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻗﻲ )ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻴﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟـﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺧﺺ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺻﻼ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﻞ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺨﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗــﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ )ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻼﺗﻰ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ )ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺿﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺿﺮﻳﺢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫــﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺿﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋــﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﺎ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻗﺪﺵ ﺧﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻳﺎﺑﻦ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝﺍﷲ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻳﺎﺑﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ« ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻐﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻫﺐ« »ﺗﻮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ«‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ »ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ«‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗــﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺮﻱ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧــﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﻨﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻗﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪64/10/24‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻴـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳـﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1312‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 33‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑــﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 22 - 23‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪﻛﻪﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪﻭﺧﺪﻣﺖﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 48‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺦﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺴــﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺷــﺪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻳﻚﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺸﺎﻥ«‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻴــﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﺒــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 49‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻌﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻔﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺭﻣﻚ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1949‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﭼــﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻠﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻣــﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻦ ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﺟﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺣــﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺱ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﭘﭽﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍ! ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1348‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻋــﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ 800‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗــﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ )ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(( ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗــﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳــﻪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻀﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳــﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸـﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒــﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺎﻃــﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ« ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻣﻬﻨـﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﻨــﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1345‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔــﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸــﻬﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻚﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑـﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ( ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﭘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻘﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ«‬ ‫)ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪.99‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻧﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ‪ 99‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺣﺠﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺤــﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻟــﺬﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳـﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﻳـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘــﻲ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃــﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 99‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ‪ 99‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ‪ 99‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺸـﺮ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺗــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸــﻌﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤــﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨــﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻨــﻰ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻤﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳـﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋــﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻣﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤـﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﺎﻗـﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺷـﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﻮﺍﻋـﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺷــﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪-‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻲﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻣﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺣﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤــﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟـﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷـﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜــﻲ‪،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ‪،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻨــﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳــﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ! ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄـﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻋـﻰ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺷﻂﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1975‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺳــﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒـﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺍ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1975‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ‪.‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺳــﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ‪ 1813‬ﻭ ‪ 1828‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،76‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪/‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧــﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 76‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻋــﺰﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺰﺍﺟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ژﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ »ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ« ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﭼﭗﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﭗﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻲ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،76‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﭼﭗ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻮﻱﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 1378‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻣﺰﺍﺟﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 76‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 80‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴــﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﭗﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﺸﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ؛ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻮﻕ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒــﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪90‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ ،84‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺩﮔــﺮ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ /‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﭼــﻢ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗــﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻳــﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﺼــﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺬﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﺷــﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺻﺮﻑﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 27 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺑﺮﺩ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ‪ «110‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻲ‪.‬ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﺗﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻓــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛»ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ)‪ (4‬ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 29 ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 31 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 42‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍ ﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 9‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ‪ 8‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ؛ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺍﻳﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰﺗﺴ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ »:‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺑﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ‪ 31‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1977‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴــﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺟﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻳﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴــﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴــﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ـﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺴﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻛﻼﺭﺍﻣﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﺱ ﻟﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺭﻓﺮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺨﻮﻮ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻳﻨﻜ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﻌ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺍﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺩ ﺟ‬ ‫ـﻮﺩﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑـﺑــﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴ‬ ‫ﻳﻴ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍ ﺯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــ‬ ‫ﺷـ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺑﺑﺎﺯﺯﺩ ﺷ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺎﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺮﻣﺎﺎﻧﺪﺪﻫﻫﺎﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﻳﻜﻜـ ﻰ‬ ‫ـﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﺘﻤﻤـــﺎ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﻜﺮﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﮔﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠــﻪ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠــــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺪﺍﺍ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺧﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻣﻨﻴﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺧﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺩﺑﻴﺑﻴﺑﻴﺮﺧ‬ ‫ﻴﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺮﺮﺩﺩﻳﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻜ‬ ‫ﻧﻜ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـــﻰ‬ ‫ﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷـ‬ ‫ﺗﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻴـــﭻ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻮﻮﺩﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﻧﻴ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﻧﺒﺒﻧﺒﺎﻳﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻨ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﻮﺩ «‬ ‫‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻴﺪﮔﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ ﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺗﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻭﺯﺯﻳ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﺘﻴ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺨ‬ ‫ﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻣﺮﺗﺗﻀ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺍﻋــــ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺘ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻫﻫﻴ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺁﻧﻜ‬ ‫ﻧﻜ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻧﺞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﻻﺗﻜﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴــﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓـﺮ ﺍ ﻛﺴــﻴﻮ ﻥ ﺧــﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــــﻂ ﺍﻣـــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﺳﺎﻳﺖﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴــﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺐﻭﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡﺭﺍﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺁﻥﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻥﻛﻰﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺣﻖﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤــﻖ ﺩﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺮﻣﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳــﺰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒــﺮﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿــﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﺮﻭﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺐ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺁﺭ« ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﻟﺮﻯﻛﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ . «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 3‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤـﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻧﻔﺮﺭﺍﺩﻳﺪﻩﻛﻪﺍﺯﺳﺎﻟﻦﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺰﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰﭘﻮﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺳـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺎﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ‪ 80‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 5-6 .‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 10-12‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ‪ 80‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﻗـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻄﻨــﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑــﺮﺩﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 180‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳـﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺑﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘــﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻼﻓﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﺨﻠــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻓﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳـﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺿﻠﻌﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳـﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺒﺰﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 300‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺳﺒﺰﭘﻮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺰﭘﻮﺷـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﺒﺰﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺒﺰﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻏــﺰﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﻓــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻒ ﻛﻠﻤﺐ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺐ ﻃﻼ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1849‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﻼ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1898‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻻﺳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﻰ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺐ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺴﺮﻛﻰ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﮔﻮﭼــﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻯ ﮔﻞ ﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺶ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻼﻧﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﮓ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻰ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺍﺱ ﻭ ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﻮﻟﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻮﺷــﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ )ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺸﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳــﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﺐ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﻲ ﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﺗﺼﺮﻳــﺢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺮﻱﻛﻴﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻲ ‪ CNN‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ؛‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﻮﻟﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋــﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﺷﺪﻩﺩﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﻏﺮﺑﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺑﺎﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‪ 30‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﻧﻔﺴـﮕﻴﺮ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺧﺸـﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺎﺳـﻒ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺳـﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﺷﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸـﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻜﺘــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧــﺪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷـﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳـﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻫﺘــﻞ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﺦ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺭﻛﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴــﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻳﺴــﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﭻ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒـﻪ ﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻫـﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺸـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻰ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻜــﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺤــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺟﻠــﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻟﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﻦﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﺧﺎﻟﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﺩﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﺷﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴــﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻛﭙﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ«؛ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﺥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻼﻩﮔﺸﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻯﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳــﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﭙﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻳﭙﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﭙﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪25 .‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻒ ﻛﻼﺭﻣﻮﻧﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺟﺮﻯ ﻓﻮﺭﺑﺰ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2002‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2004‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﭗﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﭗﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﭗ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻳﭗ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﭼﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻣﺪﺭﻙﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﻨﺪ )ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ ﺑﻰﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺭﻣﻮﻧﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺟﺮﻯ ﻓﻮﺭﺑﺰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘـﻪﻛﻪﺑﺮﺧﻰﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﺑـﺎﺁﻥﺭﺍﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺤﺚﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺁﻥﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﺮﺍﻯﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﺗﺎﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﺪﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺍﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻭﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺩﺍﺭﺩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻫﺮﻧﺤﻮﺍﺯﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚﺩﺭﺫﻳﻞﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻓﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺨﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻰﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ )ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ( ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 64‬ﻭ ‪ 65‬ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳــﻨﺨﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯﻗﺒﻞﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﺑﻪﭼﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺑﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢﻣﻠﻰﻭﻣﻠﺖﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﻣﻬﻢﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒﻛﻴﺴﺖﻭﺍﺯﭼﻪﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒﺍﺯﻫﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪،‬ﭼﻪﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥﻭﭼﻪﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﺭﺍﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻪﻫﺪﻓﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺯﺻﺪﺭﺗﺎﺫﻳﻞﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﮔﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺴﻢ« ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳـﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﻫﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻇﻬـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣـﺪﺭﻙ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺟـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑــﻂ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻــﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺯﺑﺤﺚﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮءﻇﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪﻭﻛﭙﻰﺷﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﭙﻰﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖﺁﻣﻴــﺰﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺫﻭﻕﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻯﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﺮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟــﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟــﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ »ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﮕﻼ ﻣــﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ »ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ )‪ (GDP‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﺪﻭ ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺳــﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ‪ 47‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1969‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1998‬ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺗﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳــﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‪-‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 33/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 14/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 11/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﮔﻦ ﺩﻳﺘﺒﺮﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺴﺖﺩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2/11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤــﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺒﻮﺭگ‪-‬ﺍﺳــﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ -‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻠﻤﻮﺕ ﻛﻬﻞ‪،‬‬‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻬﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣــﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰﻫﺎ ‪-‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺍﺭﻳﺎ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ‪1/4‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ‪ 4/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺸﺎﻳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻭﺍﺭﺩﻭﻓﺴــﻜﻰ‪ 31 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴـﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲﻛﻪﺳﻌﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪2005‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺳـﻴﺎ ﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭗ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 11/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪3/2‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪ 10/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 2/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻮﻭﻥ ﮔﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 52‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈــﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ؛ ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ؛ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻮﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻮﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻤﻰ ﻣــﺮﻛﻞ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 4500‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 99‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪33/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ )ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ( ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 14/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻬﻤﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ‪23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﭼﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪11/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳــﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 9/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻤﻮﺕ ﻛﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺪﻭ ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺳــﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺣــﻮﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺳــﺘﺮﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻫﺎﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺿﺪﻳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ )ﻣــﺮﻛﻞ( ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫)ﺍﺷﺘﺎﻳﻦﻣﺎﻳﺮ(ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﻢﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰﻛﻪﺑﻪﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﺪﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﺬﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻚﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳــﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭗ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻧﺪﺳــﺘﺎگ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻼﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ‪ 33/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫‪ 14/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﺟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ )ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ( ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2021‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ‪ 180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴــﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻱ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻘﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺮﻯﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳــﻰﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ )ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ(‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 86‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ 36 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ 55 ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ‪ 23‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 84‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺘــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﺤــﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ]ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ[ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪) «.‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،1381،‬ﺹ ‪ (5‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1995‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺩﺭ ‪1‬ـ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪2،‬ـ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ‪3،‬ـ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‪4‬ـ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﮕﻠــﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺍﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﮕﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪(1991:120,Kegley-123) .‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ«ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪(3 .p,1968,Delaney).‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪» ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺼــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪»:‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ‪72‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭼــﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ )ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ( ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ؟« ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ(‪ ،‬ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻌﻀــﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﺍﻱ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓـﻲ ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﺍﻱ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ‪،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻭﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺯﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺩﺭﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﺶ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ‪ 5+1‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴـﻦﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧــﻪ ‪ BBC‬ﻳﺎ ‪ CNN‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ CNN‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ G20‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺑﻮﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺑﻮﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ ،NPT 3/1‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪180‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳــﺶ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻋﻈﻢ ‪ 4‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺟﻮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺍﺯﻣﻮﺿﻊﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻛﻪﮔﻮﺵﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪﻭﺍﺯﺟﻠﺴﻪﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻠﻲﺗــﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺟﻮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪6‬ﺑﻨﺪﺍﻋﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ‪ Critical theory‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺗﺤﻘﻖﺁﻥﺑﺎﻧﻘﺎﻁﺿﻌﻔﻰﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞﻧﻜﺎﺕﭼﻨﺪﻯﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴﺖﺍﺯ‪:‬ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﺯﻫﻮﻳﺖﺟﻤﻌﻰﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺑﻪﻫﻮﻳﺖﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺧﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻣﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ«‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪) .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ »ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ )ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1-4‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺭﺍﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻭﻣﺮﺟﻊﻛﻠﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺧﻼﺻﻪﻛﺮﺩ‪-1:‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻭﺿﻊﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻭ‪-2‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻭﺿﻊﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ(ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﺍﺳﺖﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻭﺿﻊﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪـ ﻭﺳﺘﻔﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐ‪ Nation-state‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻟﺤﺎﻅﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺩﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﭘﺲﺍﺯﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺩﻭﻟﺖـﻣﻠﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﻳﺎﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﻮﻳﺖﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩﻭﮔﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪﺑﻴﺴﻤﺎﺭﻙﺩﺭ‪ 1971‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺩﻭﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺑﺎﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﺭﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺭﺥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊﺁﻥﻧﻈﻢﻫﺎﻯﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﺁﻥﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ـ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺗﺤﻘﻖﻋﻴﻨﻰﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺳﻤﻰﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗﺤﻘﻖﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰﭼﻮﻥ»ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ« )ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ(ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ )ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ(‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ـ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗــﻮﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯﺣﻖﻫﻤﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺑﺎﺷﺪﺿﺎﻣﻦﺁﻥﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺩﻭﻣﻰﻛﻪﮔﺎﻫﻰﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰﺑﻪﺁﻥﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ»ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﻭﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ«)ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻭﻝﻣﺘﻦﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻭﻋﺼﺮﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﺑﻪﺳﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ«)ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﻣﺘﻦﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ(ﻭﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ»ﻳﻚﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻣﺤﺾﺑﺎﻳﻚﺷﺒﻜﻪﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﻤﻰﺍﺯﺟﻬﺎﻥﺣﺎﻛﻢﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺑــﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰﺭﺍﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻛﻨﺪﻭﺗﻤﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻭﺣﺘﻰﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺭﺍﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺧﻮﺩﻛﻨﺪ«‪).‬ﻣﺘﻦﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ(ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺿﺎﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰﻭﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﭼﺎﺭﻧﻘﺪﻯﺟﺪﻯﺍﺳــﺖﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺯﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰﻧﻴﺰﺭﻩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺱﻭﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﻥﻭﻥﺍ ِﻭﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪﺍﻯﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ»ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺟﻨﮓﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ«ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪ»ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ»ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﻣﺮﺩﻡ«)‪ (Governmenttopeople‬ﻭ»ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺎﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫)‪ (People to People‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪NGO‬ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻭﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻣﺜﻞﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ )ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺩﺭﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﺮﻡﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻭﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺣﻔﻆﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻟﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﺮﻡﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﺗﺎﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺭﺍﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻄﺮﺡﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﻨﻈﺮﺩﺭﭼﻪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﺍﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﺻﻠﻰﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ»ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ«)ﻣﺘﻦﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ(ﻭﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻻﺯﻡﺍﺳﺖﺍﻭﻻﺍﺯﻟﺤﺎﻅﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻞﺟﺬﺍﺏ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻭﻣﺸﺨﺺﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺻﻼﺡﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ )ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ( ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻣﺪﻝﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﻭﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵﻧﻘﺶ‪NGO‬ﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺑﻪﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﻟﻰﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺗﺤﻘﻖﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕﻭﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻌﺮﺽﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺣﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥﻧﻈﻢﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮگ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺼﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﺴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ »ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ« ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻬﺮ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ )ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 340‬ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪9‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 22‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪936‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 727‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 827‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 77‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪985‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 7/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧــﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩﺭﺍﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ؟«ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯﺑﺎﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺎﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻋﺪﻡﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺸﺖﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ‪ 25‬ﺭﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺟﻬﺖﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺳﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﻛﺖﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﻭﻛﺴﺐﺳﻪﻋﻀﻮﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﺁﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻋﺮﺿﻪﭘﻨﺞﺩﺭﺻﺪﺳﻬﺎﻡﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣــﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩﻳﻚﺳﻬﻢﺭﺍﻋﺮﺿﻪﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻲﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥﺗﻮﺳﻂﺍﻳﻦﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯﻧﻴﺰﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰﺑﻪﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﻧﻴﺰﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺑﺎﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖﺑﻪﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺳﻲﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬـﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻧـﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳـﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑـﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳـﻴﻮﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻀـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱﻋﻠﺖﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﺭﺍﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺧﻮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﻔـﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳـﻬﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ GPRS‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺐﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑـﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣـﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑـﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨــﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭژﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ‪SMS‬‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭﻣﺸﻜﻞﺷﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻳﻚﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﭘﺲﺍﺯﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺳﻬﺎﻡﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻣﺎﻣﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻥﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕﺷﻜﻠﻲﺩﺭﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲﺷﺮﻛﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﻱﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﻔــﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻠــﻮﻙ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺶ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 5 0‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1385‬ﻭ ‪ 1386‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪11/15‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ‪ 340‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 341‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 22‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 936‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 727‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 827‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 77‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 985‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 7/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 340‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪9‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ )ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺬﻑﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ )ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،44‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳــﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫‪ 1560‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 560‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧــﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﻗﺴــﻂ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺍﻣﺮﻳﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻛﻪﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺍﻣﺮﺍﺯﺁﻥﻳﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲﻛﻪﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺩﺭﺷﺒﻜﻪﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺷﺒﻜﻪﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻃﻲ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺴـﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕﺭﺍﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷـﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳـﻴﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺣﺬﻑﺷـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳـﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ SLA‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺑــﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 300‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ‪ 14‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻠﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺋﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﻠﻄﺶ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺷــﺮﻓﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮگ ﺳﺒﺰ ﭼﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻟﻲﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﻤﻴﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪600‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪600‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 300‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ FAO‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2007‬ﻭ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 625‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻱ ‪ 524‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 27‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﻟﻰﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﻟﺐ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴــﺰﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧــﺞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺟﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺷــﭙﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻟﻰﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻗــﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻥﺳــﻮﺗﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ‪ 150‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗــﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨــﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨــﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺯﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻼﻑ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻗﺼﺪﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪﺭﻭﻧﺪﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲﺭﺍﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺑﺮﻧﺞﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲﺳﻄﺢﻛﺸﺖ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﻫﻨﺪﻱﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺑﻬــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻢ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﻴﻚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 13‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻢ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﻴﻚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺑﺎﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖﺑﺮﻃﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺍﻳﻦﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺑﺮﻧﺞﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻠﺘﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ 350‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳــﻢ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺷﺎﻟﻴﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﻐﺬﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻠﺘﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟــﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺎﻻﺑﺮگ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻏﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧــﺞ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 25 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﻧﮕـﺮﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺑﺮﻧﺞﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴـﺎﺱ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧـﺮﺥ ﺧﺮﻳـﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻪﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁژﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ 13‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲﻛﻪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱﺭﺍﻛﻠﻴﺪﺯﺩﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﺮﻳﺪﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 800‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 700‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ 700‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 100‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺻﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 200‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻗﻠﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 400‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺑﻪﻛﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ‪ 700‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻛﺎﻫﺶﻳﺎﻓﺖﺗﺎﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥﺩﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﻗﻴﻤﺖﺑﺮﻧﺞﻣﻮﺝﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﻟﺐ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭ«ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﺮﺩﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺑﺮﻧﺞﺷﺎﻟﻰﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻟﻴﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﻪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎﺳــﻤﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎﺳﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﻮﺳﺎ ‪ 1121‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎﺳﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ‪ 1500‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻡﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻡﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﻮﺳــﺎ ‪ 1121‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 11‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺭﻛﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧــﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺟﺐﺷﺪﻩﺗﺎﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﺷﻮﺩﻭﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺳﺨﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰﭘﺨﺶﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻰﺣﺘﻰﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺁﮔﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰﺭﺍﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺗﺎﺭﻭﻧﺪﭘﺨﺶﺁﮔﻬﻰﻫﺎﻯﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﺷﻮﺩﻭﻟﻰﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱﺩﺭﭘﻨﺞﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ 654‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻦﺑﺮﻧﺞﺑﻪﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ 542‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺪﻩﻛﻪ‪ 2/74‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺯﺍﺭﺯﺵﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺭﺍﺷﺎﻣﻞﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 434‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 174‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‪ 0/73‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺯﺍﺭﺯﺵﻛﻞﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺭﺍﺷﺎﻣﻞﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 54/26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪311/31‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 531‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 200‬ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 442‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 67/1 ،87‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ‪ 259‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗــﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ 45 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 534‬ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ 259‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 711‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 950‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻣﻮﺍﺩﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰﺍﺯﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﻨﺪﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ‪ (ppb) 200‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ‪ (ppb) 100‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 27/64‬ﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪ 18/76‬ﺳﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ 37/81‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪ 17/67‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ‪ (ppb) 200‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ‪ (ppb) 100‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 27/64‬ﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪ 18/76‬ﺳﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ 37/81‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪ 17/67‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺳﻨﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨــﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯﺑﻪﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺑﺪﻝﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻭﺩﺭﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕﺗﺎﺯﻩﺭﺍﻭﺍﺭﺩﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﻫﻨﺪﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﭘﻴﺸﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺭﺍﺑﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻋﺮﺿﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻛﻪﺁﻣﺎﺭﺁﻥﻫﻢﺧﻴﻠﻲﺩﻗﻴﻖﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻭﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰﻫﺎﺩﺭﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺭﺍﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻫﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﭼﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﻟﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺮﻧﺞﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻛﻢﺷﺪﻥﺣﺠﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺑﺮﻧﺞﺭﺍﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﻫﻨﺪﻱ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﻴﺰﺁﺳﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻭﺩﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥﺧﺎﺭﺝﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻟﻲﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺨﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﭼﻴــﺰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﺑﺮﻧﺞﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏﻫﻨﺪﻱﺍﺯﻛﺠﺎﺁﻏﺎﺯﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﻫﻨــﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺻﺒﺮﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻛﻨﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﺎﻧﻴﺰﺍﻃﻼﻉﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏﻫﻨﺪﻱﺍﺯﭼﻪﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧـﻲ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻟﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﻢﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ‪4‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﻮﺍﺱ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻫﺮﭼﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺣﺎﻻﺟﻮﺍﺩﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻣﺪﻳﺮﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺷــﺎﻧﺲﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴــﻖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺵ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ 1338‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫)‪ ،(1361‬ﻧﺨﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺥ )‪ (1365‬ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻯ ‪ .(1366) 5‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1371‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ«‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷــﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣــﺎ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧــﺪﻯ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ«ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﺘﺶ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒــﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻩﺑﻴﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ‪4‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪24‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳــﻬﻞﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻴــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟــﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕــﺮﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ )ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻛﺮﻳﻢ( ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﺳــﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﺩﺭﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲﻭﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥﺻﺪﺍﻱﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺩﺭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺻﺤﺘﺶﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻋﻤﻞﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻭﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻛﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥﺣﺠﻢﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ‪ 20‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻓﺎﺧﺮﻛﻪﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺷﺪﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ‪4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺟﻮﺍﺩﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱﺍﺯﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﻴﺎﺕﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻨﺨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ 50 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ 150 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻻﻳــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 450‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ« ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺭﻳﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪81‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺴـﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ« )‪(1360‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﺭﺙ«)‪ » ،(1362‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻳــﺎ«)‪» ،(1364‬ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨــﺞ«‪» ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ« )‪(1366‬؛‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺻــﺎﺩ« )‪ (1367‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻧﺴﻼﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃــﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 598‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ »ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻤﺒﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻱ ‪110‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ »ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ«‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ« )‪ (1372‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﺷــﻦ«)‪ ،(1376‬ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ« ﻭ »ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ 80‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﭙﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﻼﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‪» ....‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ« ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺎﺍﷲ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻠﻮ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﺭﺍﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺵ‬ ‫)ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﭼﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ »ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﭘﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻡﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻞﺩﺭﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻣﻘﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﻮﭘﺎژ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﮔــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ »ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻦ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻦ« ﺑﺎﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺟﻠــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻦ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ« ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺵ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻦ« ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷــﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯﺑﺮﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕﻭﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺟﻮﺍﺩﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯﺩﺭ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷـﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ ،1379‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺗﻦﺍﺯﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‪،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﻌﻀﻞﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭﺑﻴﻦﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺟﺪﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴــﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﺳــﻮﺯﻱ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﺭﺍﻛﻪﻗﺒﻼﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺯﺑﻴﻦﺑﺮﺩﻥﺁﻓﺖﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ ،1379‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭘــﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ،1380‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺩﻫﻪ‪ 80‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﺑﻪﻓﻀﺎﻱﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺑﺎﻳﺪﺧﻮﺩﺵﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺷﻮﺩﻭﺑﺪﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻭﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻭﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻗﻄﻌﺎﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻻﻥﺑﺨﺶﺻﺎﻟﺢﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ،1380‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1380‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻗﺎﻱﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺍﷲﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﭼﻪﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺁﻗﺎﻱﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪، 1380‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺠــﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺿﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺁﺛﺎﺭﺳﻮﺋﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺎﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺸﺌﻪﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱﻛﻼﻥﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺟﻴﺐﺑﺮﺧﻲﻓﺮﻭﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺑﻪﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1380‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ،81‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ،83‬ﻧﻘﺪ»ﻣﺎﺭﻣﻮﻟﻚ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﻮﺳﻂﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲﻭﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﺑﺎﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺩﺭﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﻢﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﮔﺮﺁﻗﺎﻱﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺭﻣﻮﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﺷﻮﺩﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻲﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،84‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 59‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 64‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺍﺯﺍﻭﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺍﻭﺭﺍﻳﻚﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻭﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎﺍﺯﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻨﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢ ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢﻛﻪﻛﻬﻨﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻛﻔﺶ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻔﺸﺘﺎﻥﺭﺍﻋﻮﺽﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰﭘﻴﺶﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰﺍﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮﺭﺍﺩﺍﺩﻭﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺣﺎﻻﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯﺩﻛﺘﺮﻛﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻋﻤﻞﺑﺮﺍﻯﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻋﻮﺽﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﺎﻫﻴﭻﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﻯﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎﺑﻌﻀﻰﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐﻗﻄﻌﺎﻫﻤﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﻢﻣﺜﻞﻣﻦﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩﻫﻤﻪﻣﺜﻞﻣﻦﻓﻜﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻪﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺷﺪﻧﻰﻭﻧﻪﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩﺑﺨﻮﺭ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻦﺣﻖﺩﺍﺭﻡﺭﻭﻳﻪﺧﻮﺩﻡﺭﺍﺩﺭﺳﺖﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡﺑﻪﺳﺮﻛﺴﻰﻫﻢﻣﻨﺖﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡﻭﺍﺯﻛﺴﻰﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺍﺯﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﻫﺮﻟﺤﻈﻪﺭﻧﮓﻋﻮﺽﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﭘﺎﻯﺁﻥﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻼﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﻧﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻧﺮﺥﺭﻭﺯﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛﺴﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕﺩﺍﺭﺩﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬ﺣﺘﻰﺍﮔﺮﻣﺎﺑﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻭﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﻢﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻣﻦﻃﺮﺣﻢﺭﺍﺑﺮﺩﻡﭘﻴﺶﺍﻭﻭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢﻭﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻫﻢ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖﭘﺎﻯﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮﺩﺭﺳﺘﺎﺩﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﻢﻓﻌﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،84‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻮﻭ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻍ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ‪ 5‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻓﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ،85‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺧﻨﺜﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ )ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻐﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‪50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺴــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﺎ ‪ 50‬ﻧﻔﺮ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻁ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ ،85‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ ،85‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺍﺻﻼﺭﺥﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰﻭﺧﻴﻠﻰﺑﺎﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺎﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺏﻭﺑﺎﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯﻣﻠﻰﻭﺭﻧﮓﻭﺑﻮﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻫﻢﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ،85‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖﻭﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﻴﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ« ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﺏﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﺫﺑــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺗﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻢﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،86‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،87‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ ،87‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷﺎﻥ ‪» -‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚﻫﺎ«‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴــﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌــﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،87‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞﻋﺪﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻟﻲ«ﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ( ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻭﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺣﻀﻮﺭﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻱﺑﺎﺯﻱﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺁﺛﺎﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﺗﻼﺵﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﺍﺯﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵﺩﺭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻓﺮﺵﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﻮﺩﻭﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺧﻄﺎﻱﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،87‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪،87‬ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻟﻴــﻮﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ،88‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭘﻲﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺁﻗﺎﻱﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻭﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻃﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،88‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﺪﻑﺣﺬﻑﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﺍﺯﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲﺭﺍﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﻭﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺩﻭﺋﻞﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻛﻪﺟﺰﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺟﻨﮓﺑﻮﺩﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺳﻄﺤﻲﻭﺳﻴﺎﻩﺑﻪﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭﺑﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱﺿﺮﺑﻪﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺸﺎﻥﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺍﺛﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ »ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ‪ /‬ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻰ‪ /‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲﻓﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪» .‬ﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲﻓﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ )ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 12‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ »ﺗﻚ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺭﺍﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲﻓــﺮ »ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲﻓﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ‪ /‬ﻋﻠﻰ ژﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ژﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ »ﻣﺎﺩﻳــﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ژﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ژﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ«‪» ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ« ﻭ »ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ »ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ژﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻭ »ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ« ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻛﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ »ﺟﻴﻢ« ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﻃﻠﺴﻢ« ‪ 9‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ)ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻭ »ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﻃﻠﺴــﻢ« ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ(‪» .‬ﻃﻠﺴﻢ« ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﻃﻠﺴﻢ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺳﺎﻗﻰ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ »ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪62‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍﻣﺎﻛﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ« ﺳﺎﺭﺍﻣﺎﻛﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺗﺮﻧﺞ« ﻳﺎ »ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ »ﺍﻓﻌﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻜﺎ ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫»ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻜﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻗﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻯ »‪ «1936‬ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻜﺎ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻔﺘﻜﺶﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪» .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻔﺘﻜﺶﻫﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺵﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ »ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻜﺎ« ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﭙــﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻭ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ« ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠــﻰ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 16‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤــﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺗﺮﺩﺳــﺖ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻪ ﭘﻠﻨــﮓ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻬﺮﻩ«‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻮﻓﺴــﻜﻰ )ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ«‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯﻳﻌﻨﻰ»ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 62‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻯ »ﺟﺎﺩﻩ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ »ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻔﻪﻫﺎ ‪ /‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ »ﺗﺤﻔﻪﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 66‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺤﻔﻪﻫﺎ« ﭘﻨﺞﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻰ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻰ« ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖﻗﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺒﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺗﺤﻔﻪﻫﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(«‪» ،‬ﮔﺮگﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﻭ »ﺭﻋﻨﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ« ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪» .‬ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻓﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍچ ﺍﺱ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪» ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻴﻘﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ »ﺳــﺎﺣﺮﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻯ« ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺯﻫﺮ ‪ /‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬــﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪» .‬ﭘﺎﺩ ﺯﻫﺮ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺼﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺯﻫﺮ« ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 72‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻫﺪﻑ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﺷــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ ‪ /‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺎﻥ »ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻲ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﻫﺮ ﻗﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ »ﺳﻔﺮ« ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ »ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻧﺎ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪» .‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻦ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ »ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ« ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺘــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگ ‪ /‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴــﺪ ﻗــﺎﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺖﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﭘﺪﺭﺑــﺰﺭگ« ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻗــﺎﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگ«ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲﻭﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻳﻚﭘﺴﺮﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩ‪».‬ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگ«ﻳﻚﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻰﺳﺮﺣﺎﻝﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺣﻤﻴﺪﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺣﻤﻴﺪﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳـﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴـﺖ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺣﻤﻴـﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘـﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘـﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺩﻭﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﻭﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﻥﺍﺯﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ(ﻭﭼﻪﺑﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ«)ﻛﻪﻛﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﻭﺣﺘﻲﺗﻠﺨﻲﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪﻫﺠﻮﻡﺳﺨﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎ( ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﻭﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﺑﺮﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ«ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺸـﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺳـﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﻢﺭﺑﻂﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« )ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣـﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒـﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺗﺎﻥ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻲﮔﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺳـﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺶ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦﻣﻬﻴﺎﻧﺒﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱﺩﺧﻴﻞﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺁﻥﺷﻜﻞﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻧﺒﻮﺩﻭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱﻳﺎﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﺩﻭﺭﻱﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺯﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻛﻪﭘﺲﺍﺯﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻳﻚﻛﺎﺭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻧﮕﺎﻩﺷﻮﺩﻭﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﺭﺍﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﭘﺲﺍﺯ»ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ«ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻛﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞﺑﺤﺚ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻑﺣﻀﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﻭﻟﺘﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯﺣﻀﻮﺭ»ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ«ﻭ»ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﻥﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺁﺩﻡﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡﻭﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺑﻮﺩﻡﺗﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﻛﻪﻫﻢﺩﺭﻳﻚﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩﻭﻫﻢﺍﺯﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺷــﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﻭ ﭼﻪ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴـﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺗﺎﻥ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻧﻜﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰﻋﻨﺼﺮﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﭼﻴﺰﻱﻛﻪﺍﻻﻥﻫﻢﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷـﺪﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺸـﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤـﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﻃﻨـﺰ ﻭ ﻛﻤـﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺪﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗـﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺒـﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤـﻲ ﻣﺜـﻞ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴـﻚ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺻـﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔـﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣـﻼ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻟﺤﻈـﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣـﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻌﻲﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻧـﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑـﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ »ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ -‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﮔﻔﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺑﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻓﻘﻴﺮﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﺭﻱﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻧﻮﻉﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺳﻮءﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻲﺣﺎﻟﻨﺪﻭ‪...‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻫﺮﺩﻭﺩﺭﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻫﻢﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟!‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﻱﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻳﻚﻧﻮﻉﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺩﺭﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﻇﺎﻫﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻭﺳﺮﻭﻭﺿﻊﺷﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩﺗﻤﺎﻡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﻛﺎﺭﺷﺪﻩﻭﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺜﻼ‪ -‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ‬‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻲﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩﺑﻪﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺛﺎﺙ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣﺎﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘــﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺽ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴـﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﻌﻔـﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺼـﻮﻝ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴـﺰﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤـﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴـﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺳـﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗـﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋـﺎﻡ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻂﻛﺸــﻲ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺹﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺑﺎﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﻲﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻗﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳــﻠﻴﻘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﺎﻙﺁﺷﻨﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ« ﺳـﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﻧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺻﺪﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺣﺲﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺷﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻟﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻫﻨﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﻳﻜﺴﺮﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵﻭﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔـﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤـﻲ ﻣﺜـﻞ »ﺑﻮﺗﻴـﻚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻳـﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌـﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻱ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻳﺠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴـﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻃﻨﺰﺭﺍﻫﻢﺗﻤﺎﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺑﻮﺗﻴﻚﻓﻜﺮﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﺳـﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﻛﻨﻴﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﻳﻚﻧﻮﻉﻓﻴﻠﻢﻳﺎژﺍﻧﺮﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ( ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ )ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ( ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟـﻲ« ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺷـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻟﻄﻤـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺗــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺒﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻃﻴﻒﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲﺍﺯﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻧﻴﺰﻟﻄﻤﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺼﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱﻛﻪﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺧﺎﻙﺁﺷﻨﺎ«ﺭﺍﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴــﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩ‪،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺍﺯﺩﻳﺪﻥﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ«ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣــﺪﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺻﺪﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺣﺲﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺷﺪﮔﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺭﺭﻓﺘﻦﻭﻗﺖﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﺭﻳﺸﻪﭼﭗﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺭﺍﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖﺩﺭﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺳﻮﻡﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﻩﺷﺪﻥﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1360‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،1360‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖﻭﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ‪ 1370‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﻗﺎﻣﺖﻳﻚﺟﻨﺎﺡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﺸﺨﺺﻭﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰﺍﺯﺟﻨﺎﺡﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 60‬ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،60‬ﻏﺮﺏﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺟﻨﮓﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﺩﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺑﻴﺎﻥﺩﻳﮕﺮﺁﻥﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻫﻪ‪ 60‬ﭼﭗﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﺑــﺎﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺍﻳﻦﺟﻨﺎﺡﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺗﻮﺭﻡﻭﺻﻌﻮﺩﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚﻧﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﭼــﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1340‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦﺭﻳﺸﻪﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲﺟﻨﺎﺡﭼﭗ‪،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﺩﭼﺎﺭﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺷﺪﻭﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﺍﺯﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪1360‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1370‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1367‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸــﻌﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺠــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫــﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ )ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺷـﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺟﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻏـﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴـﺎﻣﺤﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭼـﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘـﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﻠﻚﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺼﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭽﺴــﺒﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴــﺰﻡ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮓﺯﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﻳﺎﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﭘﺬﻳﺮ؟ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻭﺻﻒ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦﻧﻔﻲﺍﻳﻦﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﻨﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ‪ -‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺖ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺒﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻤﺎﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ! ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺭﺳﺖ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺫﺍﺕﺑﺎﺭﻱﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ«‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺴﺘﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺟـﻮﻩ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴـﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻘﺎﺏﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺜــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺜــﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻘﺎﺏﺩﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴـﺪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻻﺟـﺮﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄــﻊ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻏﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻔﺼـﻞ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺳــﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺐ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ! ﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬ﺣﺰﺏﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭﺣﺰﺏﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﻢ )ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣـﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺚ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 21‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ؟!‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻻﻃﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷـﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻠـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪) .‬ﺧﻨﺪﻩ( ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺧـﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﭼـﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﻢﺗـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴـﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨـﺪ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﭘﺨﺘﻪ«‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑـﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ؟ ﺁﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺩﻫﻪ‪ 60‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻧﺸــﻌﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻻﻃﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ »ﭘﺨﺘﻪ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ! )ﺧﻨﺪﻩ( ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻗﻤــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻂ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻗﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗﻨﻬﺎﻧﻘﺶﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﻫـﻪ ‪ ،60‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺎﺑﻂ ﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴـﺨﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﭗ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻓﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴـﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼـﭗ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﻌﺘﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻋﻠﻢ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺍﺻﻠـﻲ ﻣـﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻣﻦﻫﻢﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎﻇﻬﻮﺭﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢﻭﺭﺥﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷـﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﻴـﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘـﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺿﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 88‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﭼﭗﻫﺎﺳﺎﺯﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﺳﺎﺯﭼﭗ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ؛ »ﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺗــﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪﺁﻧﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖﺧﻮﺍﺹ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺷﺪﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﺵ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﭘﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﺒﻪﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎء ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺁﺧـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓـﺮﻭﻍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪-‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡﻧﻘﺶﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻢﻛﻪﺣﻘﻮﻕﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬ﭼﭗﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻀﺞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ -‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻭ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳــﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﺟــﻮﻩ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﻴــﻚ ﻣﺘﻠﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ »ﭼﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﻀـﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ »ﭼﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1360‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﺴــﺎﻣﺢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﻭﻡﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰﻭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺮﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ »ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 57‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰﻭﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ 61‬ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻮپ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻖ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﺳــﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺹ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻣﺤﺴﻦﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﺑﺤﺚﻭﻓﺤﺺﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺩﺍﺭﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻱﻭﻫﻮﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶﺑﻪﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﻃﻨﻲﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫؛ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﺍﺯﺣﺐﻭﺑﻐﺾﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ »ﭼﭗ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴـﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺒـﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴـﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤـﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻏﻠﺘﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧـﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤـﺎﻥ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺪﻋـﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﺴﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻛﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻼﻑﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳـﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪﻳﻚﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻬــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘـﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﻮﺷـﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴـﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳــﻨﺠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻗــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺳـﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺋـﻞ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ« ﻳـﺎ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤـﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺄﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺭﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺟــﺢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ« ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﺪ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﺪ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﻗﻢﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺩﻛﺘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗــﻢ ‪ -2‬ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ‪ -3‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨـﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰﻛﻪﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﺯﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ -1:‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗــﻢ‪ -2،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ -3،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻭ ‪ -4‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯﻛﻪﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﺭﺍﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻓﻜﺮﻱ–ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺑﺎﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﺭﺍﺩﺭﭼﻪﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺕﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻮﺹﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻛﺮﺩﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎﺑﺮﺧﻰﺍﺯﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻨﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ! ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ؛‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺏ( ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﻪﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ -1 :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ‪ -2‬ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﻗﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﺶ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -3 .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(؛ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴــﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ -4 .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖﺑﺎﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺯﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﻢﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﻴﺎﺱﺑﺎﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚﺍﺯﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﻛﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻥﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻧﻜﺘﻪﻛﻠﻲﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﺑﺎﺷﺪﺗﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐﺑﺎﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻭﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤــﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺻﺪﻭﺭﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡﻭﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﺐﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺍﺻﻮﻝﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰﻭﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﺭﻓﻊﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻧﻴﺰﻋﺒﻮﺭﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻋﺎﻣﻞﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﻮﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺑﺎﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺁﺷﻨﺎﺑﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻭﻧﻔﻊﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «...‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 67‬ـ‪.(62‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﻭﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ـ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰﺣﺎﻛﻢﺍﺳﺖ؛ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰﻛﻪﻫﺮﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺧﻮﺩﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ـ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﻊﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﭼﭙﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺧﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻂ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺛﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻣﺎﻳــﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳــﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃــﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺭﻭﺵﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﻚﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﻓﺰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻢﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭼﭗﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻭﻏﺎﻳﺘﻲﺟﺰ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﺻﺮﻑﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺎﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﺍﺯﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳــﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚﺍﺯﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﭼﭗﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﺭﺍـﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪﺍﺯﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪-‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﺒﻮﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪـﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10-12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟــﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ‪ -‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ»ﺟﻤﻌﻲﺍﺯﺧﺪﻣﺖﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ«ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ)ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻣﺠﻠﺲﭘﻨﺠﻢ(ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱﺟﺪﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ »ﻫﻢﺳﻮ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗــﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫــﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺑﺎﻧﺎﻡ»ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪.‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،80‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪» :‬ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﺣﺰﺑﻲﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻭﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻥﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﺼﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺧﺎﺻﻲﺑﻪﺁﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢﺗﺮﻱﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ)ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱﻭﻣﺎﺩﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ )ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱﺩﻳﻨﻲﻭﺣﺘﻲﻋﺮﻓﻲ(ﻳﺎﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﻩ»ﺯﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ )ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺩﺭﮔﺎﻡﻧﺨﺴﺖﺑﺎﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﺘﺼﻒﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﮔﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺴــﺎﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﮔــﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺠــﻮﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﮔــﺮﺩ ﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﭼﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺝ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﺑﺴــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪/‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺸــﺨﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﮔــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺰﻉ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺘــﺰﻉ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞﻭﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻊﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱﻣﺪﺍﻡﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﻭﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻳﺎ ‪ ،88‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺗﻲﺍﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ‪ 16‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1358‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻼﺡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ )ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫)ﻓﻼﺡ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ )ﺻﻒ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪﻩ )ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ )ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺾﺍﷲ ﻋﺮﺏﺳــﺮﺧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯﻭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺭﺗﺶﺩﺭﻏﺮﺏﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺻﻴﺎﺩﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ]ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ[ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻻ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﺮگ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫــﻪ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﭼــﭗ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣــﻪ »ﻋﺼﺮﻣــﺎ« ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ،78‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺥﺩﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﺭﻳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻴﺸﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪/‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺼﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 68‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂﻛﺸــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫»ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ‪-‬ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪70‬ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭﻯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ )ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﻴﺦﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1342‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ )ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﻮﻻﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻓﻞ ﻟﻮﺷــﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰﺑﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥﺻﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ )ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺎﺝ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻻﺟــﻮﺭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﻚﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒــﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰﺑﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺷﻤﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﻝﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴــﻒ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺑﻴــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺧــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻱﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ژﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﺱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻜﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﺳــﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮگ ﺯﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ( ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺷــﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺒﻊﻳﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ » ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‪...‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺩﺯﻓﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ – ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ –ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﻭﻣﺪﻭﻥﺻﺤﺒﺖﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﻭﻫﻴﭻﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰﺍﺯﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺩﺭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺑﺎﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﮔﺮﻭﻩﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺪﺍﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳـﻂ ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨـﺪ ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋـﺚ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴـﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻪﻭﻧﻴﻢﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳـﺞ ﺷـﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧـﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴـﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷـﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ؛ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻍﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻲﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻣﺪﺕﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺿﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯﺩﺭﺳﺖﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﭼﺎﺭﻣﺸﻜﻞﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷــﻌﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻄﺮﻱﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕﻻﺯﻡﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﻛﺮﺩﺗﺎﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﻱﻛﻪﺩﺭﻭﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻩﺩﺭﺳﺖﺭﺍﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺺ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖﻛﻪﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﺯﻧﻔﺨﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﺑﻪﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺳﻮﻕﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟـﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺳـﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳـﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫـﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺿــﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗــﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔــﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻓﺮﺩﺍ«‬ ‫ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺮﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ؟« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﻱﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣــﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ »ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ« ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬‫ﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ؟ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ‪ -‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻟﺴﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﭙﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ؛ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻟﺴﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴﭙﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﻔﻴﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﺯﻋﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺷــﻮﺧﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﺎﻳﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﭘﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻃﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ« ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ‪ 180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺘــﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰﺫﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻏﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻤﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺫﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻚﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺫﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻻﻛﻮﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫــﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪1400‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺰء ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﺎﻥﻓﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﻴﻦ ﻓﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪H1N1‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ‪ H1N1‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣــﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰﺍﻻﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ )ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ( ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻒ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﻭﺷــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ »ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻣﺰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺍﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧــﻮﻉ ‪) A‬ﺧﻮﻛﻰ( ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘــﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ )ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﻄﺢ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﮋﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ‪ 3‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ؛ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﻙ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ؛ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ« ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺗﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﺩﻋﻮﺕﺍﺯﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﭘﺴﺖﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﻭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻭﺳﺮﻋﺖﻫﺮﭼﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪،‬ﺟﻬﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳــﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺶ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪64‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻟﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻢﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺗﻴﻢﺑﺎﺷﺪﻗﻮﺕﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺣﻤﻴﺪﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻢﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪-‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎ ‪ 45‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺳــﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﺩﺭﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺳﺖﻭﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﺭﺍﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﺩﺑﻴﺮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﻴﺰﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴــﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣــﻼﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖﻫﻤﺎﻥﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱﺧﻮﺑﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲﺍﺟﺮﺍﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﻭﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻧﻘﺺﻫﺎﻱﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﺭﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﻭﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺩﺭﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊﻋﻀﻮﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﻭﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﻣﺠﻤﻊﺭﺍﺩﻋﻮﺕﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺭﺍﻱﻓﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪109‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱﻭﻓﺎﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱﻭﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱﻭﻓﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱﻭﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳـﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﮔﻼﺩﻳﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳـﺘﻲ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﻟﺤـﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻮﭘﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﻀــﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳــﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﮋﻳﻮﻧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻃﻼﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻃﻼﻳﻲﻫﺎ؛ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ‪ 500‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫــﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺴــﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺯﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗـﻲ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨـﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒـﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺗـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺫﻭﻕﺯﺩﮔــﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫـﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧـﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﺍﺯﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻲﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ‪ -‬ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﺍﺵ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺴـﺶ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴـﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼـﺎﺏ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺳـﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷـﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳــﺪﻡ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧــﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻢ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻤﻲﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﺩﺭﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ 10 ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬